Chapter LXIII

Letter to General Lovejoy.--Call for men and ammunition.--Yankama
chief.--His speech.--Small supply of ammunition.--Letter of Joseph
Cadwallader.--Claim and a girl.--Combined Indian tribes.--Ladies of
Oregon.--Public meeting.--A noble address.--Vote of
thanks.--Address of the young ladies.--Death of Colonel
Gilliam.--His campaign.--Colonel Waters' letter.--Doubtful position
of Indians.--Number at Fort Wallawalla.--Results of the
war.--Jesuit letters.--Fathers Hoikin and De Smet.--The
Choctaws.--Indian confederacy.--Last hope of the Indian.--Jesuit
policy.--The Irish in the war of the Rebellion.--Father
Hecker.--Boasts of the Jesuits.--Letter of Lieutenant
Rogers.--Priests supply the Indians with arms and
ammunition.--Ammunition seized.--Oregon _Argus_.--Discovery of
gold.--No help for the Indian.--Withdrawal of the Hudson's Bay
Company to Vancouver.--The smooth-tongued Jesuits yet remain.

Let us now turn our attention from scenes of baseness and treachery to such as can not fail to draw forth the more noble sentiments of the heart. We find in the _Old Spectator_, April 20, 1843:--

"_General A. L. Lovejoy:_

"SIR,--The following was written for the _Express_, but in the
hurry and bustle of business, was omitted to be forwarded: To call
the men (158) who fought on the Tukanon and Tuchet rivers brave
were but common praise,--officers and privates fought with
unequaled bravery and skill. Captains Hall, Owens, and Thompson
behaved with all that deliberate judgment and determined bravery
that was requisite to so hard-fought and long-continued a battle.

"The incomparable services of Sergeant-Major Birch, Quartermaster
Goodhue, Judge-Advocate Rinearson, Sergeant Cook, Paymaster Magone,
can not be passed unnoticed, and deserve their country's praises.
Captains English and McKay were not in the engagement--the latter
being sick, the former returning from the Tuchet with the wagons
and the stock.

"H. J. G. MAXON,
"Commanding at Fort Wascopum."

"FORT WASCOPUM, April 7, 1848.

"_General A. L. Lovejoy:_

"SIR,--We received your letter of instructions, by express, on the
3d instant, and I assure you it gave me great satisfaction to make
them known to the troops under my command. Since the promotion of
Major Lee to the command, the boys have taken fresh courage; though
some of them can hardly hide their nakedness, they are willing
under your promises to stick it out like men.

"Give us five hundred men, and plenty of ammunition, with Colonel
Lee at our head, and I think we will soon bring the war to an
honorable close.

"_The Yankama chiefs_ came over to see us a few days ago, and
stated that they had written to the white chief but had received no
answer. [Who was the writer for the Indians? No American dare
remain in the country beyond the protection of the army.] Therefore
they had come over to see him. They spoke to us as follows:--

"'We do not want to fight the Americans, nor the French; neither do
the Spokans, a neighboring tribe to us. Last fall the Cayuses told
us that they were about _to kill the whites at Dr. Whitman's_. We
told them that was wrong, which made them mad at us; and when they
killed them, they came and wished us to fight the whites, which we
refused. We loved the whites; but they said, if you do not help us
to fight the whites, when we have killed them we will come and kill
you. This made us cry; but we told them we would not fight, but if
they desired to kill us they might. We should feel happy to know
that we die innocently.'

"I answered them as follows: 'We are glad you have come, because we
like to see our friends, and do not like to make war on innocent
people. The Great Spirit we love has taught us that it is wrong to
shed innocent blood; therefore we wish everybody to be our friends.
Our peace men long ago sent you word, that we did not come to make
war on any but those murderers who shed the blood of our
countrymen, and insulted our women. When we get those wicked men we
will go home, but those we will have; if not now, we will fight
until we do get them. We do not want to kill any but the murderers;
but all who fight with them, we consider as bad as they are. All
tribes which receive them we must make war upon, because their
hearts are bad, and we know that the Great Spirit is angry with
them. We hope your nation will not receive them. We hope that you
will not let your young men join them, because we do not wish to
kill innocent people. We hope, that if the murderers come among
you, you will bring them to us; then the Great Spirit will not be
angry with you. We that fight do not care how many bad people we
have to fight. _The Americans and Hudson's Bay Company people are
the same as one_, and you will get no more ammunition until the war
is at a close.'

"I gave them a plow as a national gift, and told them that I gave
that kind of a present because we thought tilling the ground would
make them happy. They remained with us a day and night, and then
left for their country with an assurance of friendship.

"The ammunition boats arrived here this evening, and I shall start
to-morrow for Wailatpu with nine provision wagons and baggage
wagons besides, and about one hundred men to guard them, leaving
McKay's company to guard this place until Colonel Lee's arrival
here.

"The _scanty supply of ammunition_ sent us is almost disheartening.
If the rumor that the Indians brought us this evening be true, I
fear that we will have to shoot the most of it at the Indians
before we can reach the boys. The Indians reported here this
evening that the horse-guard at Wailatpu was killed by the Indians,
and all the horses run off. I shall lose no time, I assure you, but
will relieve them with all possible speed.

"Your obedient servant,

"H. J. G. MAXON, S. C. C. O. D."

We will not stop to comment on the facts and points stated in this letter relative to the Yankama Indians and Captain Maxon's remarks to them, but continue our narrative from a letter of Jesse Cadwallader from Fort Waters, April 4, 1848. At the time of writing, he did not know of Colonel Gilliam's death. He says:--

"At present we are not in a very pleasant fix for fighting, as we
are but 150 in number, and nearly out of ammunition. Colonel
Gilliam, with the rest of the men, left here on the 20th ult. for
the Dalles for supplies. We look for them in a few days, and hope to
see more men with them. We look for the Indians to come upon us
every day. They say they will give us one more fight, and drive us
from the country. We expect they will number 1,200. The Cayuses, Nez
Perces, Wallawallas, Spokans, and Paluces will all join and fight
us, and you may expect a call for more men in a short time; we are
preparing for an attack. We are killing beef and drying it to-day. I
think we can defend this post; we shall do so or die in the
attempt.----

"We can not complain of our living, so far; we have a plenty of beef
and bread, nearly all the time. We have found several _caches_ of
wheat, peas, and potatoes. We have about thirty bushels of wheat on
hand, and the mill fitted up for grinding.

"I wish you would see to my claim on Clear Creek, for I expect to
return when this war is over, and occupy it, with some man's girl as
a companion."

The following proceedings of the ladies of Oregon City and vicinity, which was responded to all over the country, showing how the ladies of Oregon and this Pacific coast can respond to the call of their country, found a welcome place in the columns of the _Spectator_. We understand that considerable clothing has been contributed by the ladies for the volunteers in the field. Such acts by ladies are highly commendable to them, and can not fail to have a favorable influence in the army:--

"At a meeting convened at the Methodist church, according to
previous notice, on the 12th instant, to consult upon the best
means to aid in relieving the necessities of the soldiers, the
meeting was called to order by Mrs. Hood, when Mrs. Thornton was
called to the chair, and Mrs. Thurston (the wife of our first
delegate to Congress), was appointed secretary. Mrs. Thornton
(whose husband was then in Washington, doing all he could for the
country as a volunteer representative of its interests, while his
noble wife was teaching school and ready to aid in sustaining our
almost naked army) briefly stated the object of the meeting, when,
on motion, it was resolved to form a society, the object of which
should be to aid and assist in supporting the war (Sanitary
Society). On motion, the meeting proceeded to choose officers;
which resulted in the election of Mrs. Thornton, President; Mrs.
Robb, Vice-President; Mrs. Leslie (second wife of Rev. D. Leslie),
Treasurer; and Mrs. Thurston, Secretary.

"On motion, it was voted to appoint a committee of three, whose
duty it should be to assist the society in raising funds, etc. The
president appointed Mrs. Hood (an active, energetic old lady), Mrs.
Crawford (the wife of our first internal revenue collector), and
Mrs. Herford, said committee.

"Mrs. Robb then introduced the following address as expressive of
the sense of the meeting, to be forwarded to the army with the
clothing raised by the ladies, which, on being read, was
unanimously adopted:--

"'OREGON CITY, April 12, 1848.

"'The volunteers of the first regiment of Oregon riflemen will
please accept from the ladies of Oregon City and vicinity the
articles herewith forwarded to them. The intelligence which
convinces us of your many hardships, excessive fatigues, and your
chivalrous bearing also satisfies us of your urgent wants.

"'These articles are not tendered for acceptance as a compensation
for your services rendered; we know that a soldier's heart would
spurn with contempt any boon tendered by us with such an object;
accept them as a brother does, and may, accept a sister's tribute
of remembrance--as a token, an evidence, that our best wishes have
gone to, and I remain with you in your privations, your marches,
your battles, and your victories.

"'Your fathers and ours, as soldiers, have endured privations and
sufferings, and poured out their blood as water, to establish
undisturbed freedom east of the Rocky Mountains; your and our
mothers evinced the purity of their love of country, upon those
occasions, by efforts to mitigate the horrors of war, in making and
providing clothing for the soldiers. Accept this trifling present
as an indorsement of an approval of the justice of the cause in
which you have volunteered, and of your bearing in the service of
our common country as manly, brave, and patriotic.

"'The war which you have generously volunteered to wage was
challenged by acts the most ungrateful, bloody, barbarous, and
brutal.

"'Perhaps the kindness which the natives have received at the hands
of American citizens on their way hither, has, to some extent,
induced a belief on the part of the natives, that all the Americans
are "women" and dare not resent an outrage, however shameful,
bloody, or wicked. Your unflinching bravery has struck this foolish
error from the mind of your enemies, and impressed them with
terror, and it is for you and a brotherhood who will join you, to
follow up the victories so gloriously commenced, until a succession
of victories shall compel an honorable peace, and insure respect
for the American arms and name.

"'We have not forgotten that the soul-sickening massacre and
enormities at Wailatpu were committed in part upon our sex. We know
that your hardships and privations are great; but may we not hope,
that through you these wrongs shall not only be amply avenged, but
also that you inscribe, upon the heart of our savage enemies, a
conviction never to be erased, that the virtue and lives of
American women will be protected, defended, and avenged by American
men.

"'The cause which you have espoused is a holy cause. We believe
that the God of battle will so direct the destinies of this infant
settlement, that she will come out of this contest clothed in
honor, and her brave volunteers covered with glory.

"'The widows and orphans, made so by the massacre which called you
to the field, unite with us in the bestowment of praise for the
valuable service already rendered by you; and he who has already
proclaimed himself the widow's God, Judge, and Husband, and a
Father to the fatherless, will smile upon and aid your exertions.
Fight on, then!--Fight as you have fought, and a glorious victory
awaits you.'

* * * * *

"On motion, a vote of thanks was tendered to Mrs. Hood for her
unwearied exertions in behalf of the suffering soldiers.

"Mrs. Robb moved, That when this society adjourn, it do so to meet
at this place again on the 26th instant.

"On motion, it was then voted that the proceedings of this meeting,
with the address adopted, be published in the Oregon _Spectator_.

"On motion, the meeting then adjourned.

"Mrs. N. M. THORNTON, President.

"Mrs. E. F. THURSTON, Secretary."

The thought and sentiment manifested in the above proceedings and address allow the reader to look right at the heart and soul of our people. No one who reads our history will have occasion to blush or be ashamed to know that his father or mother crossed the vast mountains and plains of North America, found a home in Oregon, and fought back the savages, and their more savage foreign leaders. _Oregonians_, the fact that your father or mother was a pioneer on this coast will redound to your honor,--as a reference to the deeds of our fathers and mothers, on the eastern part of our continent, strengthened and nerved our hearts, when the whole host of savage instruments of cruelty and barbarism were let loose upon us, and many of our dearest friends fell by their ruthless hordes! We know not who the author of that address is, but the sentiment--the soul--belongs alone to Oregon.

In the same paper we find the sentiment still further illustrated in a declaration of a number of young ladies. We only regret that we have not their names; the sentiment is too good to be lost, as it shows the finer and nobler sentiments of virtue and religion among the mothers and daughters of Oregon, in those trying times. The communication is as follows:--

"WALLAMET VALLEY, OREGON.

"Response by young ladies to the call of Captain Maxon for young
men in the army.

"We have read with much interest the late report from the army, and
feel ourselves under obligations to reply to the appeal made to us
in that report. We are asked to evince our influence for our
country's good, by withholding our hand from any young man who
refuses to turn out in defense of our honor and our country's
right.

"In reply, we hereby, one and all, of our own free good will,
solemnly pledge ourselves to comply with that request, and to
evince, on all suitable occasions, our detestation and contempt for
any and all young men, who _can_, but _will not_, take up arms and
march at once to the seat of war, to punish the Indians, who have
not only murdered our friends, but have grossly insulted our sex.
We never can, and never will, bestow our confidence upon a man who
has neither patriotism nor courage enough to defend his country and
the girls;--such a one would never have sufficient sense of
obligations to defend and protect a _wife_.

"Do not be uneasy about your claims and your rights in the valley;
while you are defending the rights of your country, she is watching
yours. You must not be discouraged. Fight on, be brave, obey your
officers, and never quit your posts till the enemy is conquered;
and when you return in triumph to the valley, you shall find us as
ready to rejoice with you as we now are to sympathize with you in
your sufferings and dangers."

(Signed by fifteen young ladies).

Soon after the peace arrangements, as related in the previous chapter, the colonel and major left for the lower country. They arrived at the Dalles, where the colonel was accidentally shot by attempting to remove a rifle from the hind end of one of his wagons; the cap was burst, and he received the contents of the gun, which proved fatal in a few hours. In his death the country lost a valuable citizen, the army a good soldier, and his family a kind husband and affectionate father. As a commander of the provisional troops, he succeeded probably as well as any man could under the circumstances.

_The deep schemes_ of the British fur monopoly, the baser schemes of the Jesuits, both working together, and in connection with the Indians and all the American dupes that they with their influence and capital could command, it is not surprising that, as a military man, he should fail to bring to justice the immediate or remote perpetrators of the crime he was expected to punish. In fact, but few at the present day are able to comprehend the extent and power of opposing influences. One of the commissioners informed us that from the time the colonel opened a correspondence with the priests, he appeared to lose his influence and power and control of the troops. He lacked an essential quality as a commander--promptness in action and decision to strike at the proper time, as was manifest in his whole campaign. Yet, for this he is to a certain extent excusable, as he had with his army the Indian peace commissioners, and was acting under the orders of a governor who was greatly deceived as to the prime movers in the war.

One of the commissioners was notoriously the dupe and tool of the foreign monopoly in our midst, as his own history before and since has proved. He claimed to know exactly how to deal with the difficulty. This influence was felt by the troops, and generally acknowledged, and, as we know from the best of authority, was the cause of the colonel's being ordered to report at head-quarters.

After lying at Fort Waters for a considerable time, his men becoming dissatisfied (as intimated in letters), he mounted his horse, and most of his men volunteered to follow him for a fight. He pursued what he supposed to be the correct trail of the murderers to a point on the Tukanon, and there fought a small party, and learned that the murderers were at the crossing of Snake River, some thirty miles distant. He continued his march all night. The next morning, the murderers having learned of his expedition in another direction, he came upon them and surprised their whole camp. An old man came out of the lodge and made signs of submission and pretended that the murderers were not in his camp, but that their cattle were upon the hills. This induced the colonel to order his men to gather the cattle and return to Fort Waters (while Tilokaikt was then crossing the river), instead of attacking them, as he should have done. The Indians soon gathered their best horses, which were kept separate from the common band, and commenced an attack upon his cumbered, retreating column, till they came near the ford on the Tuchet, when a running fight was kept up, and an effort made to get possession of the ford by the Indians, which it required all the colonel's force to defeat; and like the crow and the fox in the fable, while the colonel was giving the Indians a specimen of American fighting, he neglected his cattle, and the Indians drove them off. But few were wounded on either side, though, in the struggle to gain the ford and bushes contiguous, there was swift running and close shooting, which continued till dark. The Indians retired with their cattle, and next day the colonel and his party, with the wounded, reached Fort Waters, and thence he obeyed the summons of the governor to return and report at head-quarters. While Major Lee is on his way with the body of Colonel Gilliam to the Wallamet, and to obtain recruits and supplies of arms and ammunition, we will see what Colonel Waters is about at Wailatpu, April 4, 1848.

In his letter of the above date, he says:--

"Since Colonel Gilliam's departure from this place, our relations
with the _supposed friendly_ Indians have undergone a material
change; not seeing any, either friendly or hostile, for several
days, I concluded to send an express to Fort Wallawalla, and if
possible to gain some information concerning their movements, as I
had reason to believe from their long silence that there was
something wrong; I accordingly addressed a short note to Mr. McBean
on the evening of the 1st of April, and dispatched two of my men
with the same, charging them strictly to remain there during the
day, and return, as they went, in the night. They returned
yesterday in safety, and their narrative, together with Mr.
McBean's written statements, fully confirms me in my previous
views.

"The Wallawalla chief, notwithstanding his professions of
friendship to Colonel Gilliam and the Bostons, now looks upon us as
enemies. The law prohibiting the sale of ammunition appears to be
his principal hobby. By refusing it to him and his people he says
we place them on an equal footing with the guilty, and if this law
is not abrogated, they will become murderers. This sentiment he
expressed in the presence of our express bearers. [The sentiment of
Sir James Douglas, as expressed in his letter to Governor
Abernethy.]

"There were then at the fort some sixty lodges, and between two and
three hundred warriors. Mr. McBean gave what purported to be
information where the murderers had gone, stating that Ellis and
sixty of his men had died in the mountains with the measles, and
this had produced its effect upon our superstitious friends.

"The Cayuses and Nez Perces have had a big feast, which to my mind
speaks in language not to be misunderstood. Mr. McBean further
states, that the Paluce Indians, Cayuses, and part of the Nez
Perces, are awaiting the American forces, to fight them on the Nez
Perces, or Snake River; but the signs of the times justify the
conclusion that we will be attacked nearer home, and much to our
disadvantage, unless soon supplied with ammunition. They know our
circumstances about as well as we do ourselves, both as regards
ammunition and provisions, and it need not be thought strange if
they act accordingly.

"Welaptulekt (an Indian chief) is at the fort, and has brought
quite an amount of immigrant property with him, which he delivered
to Mr. McBean; says he was afraid Colonel Gilliam would kill him,
which was the reason of his not meeting him. This is the report of
the men; Mr. McBean did not mention his name. My opinion is that we
have nothing to hope from his friendship.

"I see by General Palmer's letter to Colonel Gilliam, that he
(McBean) _refused to accept the American flag_, which was presented
by his own Indians; he, of course, had nothing to fear from them.

"I have now given you the outlines of our unpleasant situation, and
doubt not that you will make every exertion to forward us
ammunition, and _men too of the right stripe_. I have exaggerated
nothing, nor has any active cautiousness prompted me to address you
upon this subject. If they do come upon us, be their numbers what
they may, rest assured, while there is one bullet left, they will
be taught to believe that the Bostons are not all _clochemen_
(women).

"I have succeeded in getting the mill to work, and we are grinding
up the little grain we found. Mr. Taylor died on the 24th of March.
The wounded are doing well. I regret to say our surgeon talks
strongly of leaving us the first opportunity. My impression is that
a more suitable person could not be obtained in that capacity. His
commission has not been sent on, which no doubt has its weight with
him.

"I have the honor to remain,

"Your obedient servant,

"JAMES WATERS, Lieutenant-Colonel."

As to the propriety of Governor Abernethy's publishing this entire letter, there was at the time a question. With the facts since developed, it is plain that it should not have been given to the public; but, as we have before stated, the governor was one of those easy, confiding, unsuspecting men, that gave a wily and unprincipled enemy all the advantage he could ask. It was only the determined energy and courage of the settlers that enabled them to overcome their secret and open foes.

The evidence is conclusive, that Colonel Gilliam, through the influence and duplicity of Newell, McBean, and the Jesuits, was induced to withhold his men from punishing the Indians, and received and treated with bands as guilty as the murderers themselves, thus giving an impression to the Indians of weakness and cowardice on the part of the troops, as well as a want of the requisite qualities for a successful commander.

Major Lee returned to the settlement, obtained more troops and ammunition, and was appointed colonel of the regiment in place of Colonel Gilliam, deceased. This place he was justly entitled to fill by seniority in the service. He then returned to Fort Waters, and, finding the troops in the field satisfied with Colonel Waters, resigned at once, and filled a subordinate place in the army. The troops were soon put in motion. Captain McKay and his company of _British subjects_ were disbanded, after being stationed a short time at Wascopum.

The troops soon drove the murderers off _to buffalo_, "_with the propriety, decorum, and energy which the case required_," as per "Veritas." They gathered up such of the murderers' cattle and horses as were not claimed by professed friendly Indians, and retired to the Wallamet, leaving a small garrison at Fort Waters and at Wascopum.

The war, though attended with little or no loss of life to the settlement or the Indians, was of incalculable value to the American cause. It taught the Indians, the British monopoly, and their allies, the Jesuits, that, not withstanding they could drive from the upper country, or middle Oregon, the missionaries of the American Board, they could not conquer and drive the settlements from the country.

While the main effort of the Hudson's Bay Company was to rid the country of American settlements, the Jesuits were working against American Protestantism, and endeavoring to secure the whole country, middle Oregon in particular, for their exclusive Indian mission. One of them, A. Hoikin, S. J., in a letter to the editor of the _Precis Historiques_, Brussels, dated "Mission of Flatheads, April 15, 1857" (this mission was established by Father De Smet as early as 1841 in opposition to that of the American Board at Spokan), says:--

"If the less well-intentioned Indians from the lower lands would
keep within their own territory, and if the whites, the number of
whom is daily augmenting in St. Mary's Valley, could act with
moderation and conduct themselves prudently, I am convinced that
soon the whole country would be at peace, and that not a single
Indian would henceforward imbrue his hands in the blood of a white
stranger.

"Were I authorized to suggest a plan, I would have all the upper
lands _evacuated by the whites and form of it a territory
exclusively of Indians_; afterward, I would lead there all the
Indians of the inferior portion, such as the Nez Perces, the
Cayuses, the Yankamas, the Coeur d'Alenes, and the Spokans.
Well-known facts lead me to believe that this plan, with such
superior advantages, might be effected by means of a mission in the
space of two or three years.

"For the love of God and of souls, I conjure you, reverend fathers,
not to defer any longer. All the good that _Father De Smet and
others have produced by their labors and visits will be lost_ and
forgotten if these Indians are disappointed in their expectation.
They weigh men's characters in the balance of honesty; in their
eyes, whosoever does not fulfill his promises is culpable; they do
not regard or consider whether it be done for good reason, or that
there is an impossibility in the execution.

"Some of them have sent their children to _Protestant schools_, and
they will continue to do so as long as we form no establishments
among them. From all this you may easily conclude that there is
_apostasy and all its attendant evils_."

In connection with the above, Father De Smet says:--

"These four letters of Rev. Father Hoikin show sufficiently, my
dear and reverend father, the spiritual wants of these nations and
their desire of being assisted. _Apostasy_ is more frequent than is
generally believed in Europe. Oh, if the zealous priests of the
continent _know what we know_,--had they seen what we have
witnessed, their generous hearts would transport them beyond the
seas, and they would hasten to consecrate their lives to a ministry
fruitful in salutary results.

"Time passes; already the _sectaries_ of various shades are
preparing to penetrate more deeply into the desert, and will wrest
from those degraded and unhappy tribes their last hope,--that of
knowing and practising the _sole_ and _true faith_. Shall they, in
fine, obtain the _black-gowns_, whom they have expected and called
for during so many years.

"Accept, reverend father, the assurance of my sincere friendship.

"P. J. DE SMET."

Would men entertaining the sentiments above expressed--sent among our American Indians, carried about, supplied and fed, by a fur monopoly, who were seeking in every way possible, to hold the country themselves--be likely to teach the Indians to respect American institutions, American missionaries, or American citizens?

Let us look at another sentiment of this Father Hoikin; he says: "When, oh, when! shall the oppressed Indian find a poor corner of the earth on which he may lead a peaceful life, serving and loving his God in tranquillity, and preserving the ashes of his ancestors, without fear of beholding them profaned and trampled beneath the feet of an _unjust usurper_." We can not discover in this sentiment any respect or love for the American people, or for their government, which is looked upon by this reverend priest, as an "_unjust usurper_" of Indian privileges;--something their own church and people have done the world over; but being done by a free American people, it becomes "_unjust_," profane, and horrible. We will make a few other quotations, which we find in the very extensive correspondence of these Jesuitical fathers, with their society in Brussels. The writer, Father P. J. De Smet, after enumerating the usual complaints against our government and its agents, makes his Indian complainingly to say, "The very contact of the whites has poisoned us." He then puts into the mouth of a Choctaw chief, a proposition from a Senator Johnson to establish three Indian territorial governments, "with the provision of being admitted later as distinct members of the _Confederate United States_."

"On the 25th of last November, 1862," he says, "Harkins, chief among the Choctaws, addressed a speech on this subject to his nation assembled in council. Among other things he said: 'I appeal to you, what will become us, if we reject the proposition of Senator Johnson? Can we hope to remain a people, always separate and distinct? This is not possible. The time must come; yes the time is approaching in which we shall be swallowed up; and that, notwithstanding our just claims! I speak boldly. It is a fact; our days of peace and happiness are gone, and forever.----If we will preserve among us the rights of a people, one sole measure remains to us; it is to _instruct_ and _civilize_ the youth _promptly and efficiently_. The day of fraternity has arrived. We must act together, and, by common consent, let us attentively consider our critical situation, and the course now left us. One false step may prove fatal to our existence as a nation. I therefore propose that the council take this subject into consideration, and that a committee be named by it, to discuss and deliberate on the advantages and disadvantages of the proposition made to the Choctaws. Is it just and sage for the Choctaws to refuse a liberal and favorable offer, and expose themselves to the destiny of the Indians of Nebraska?'

"According to news received recently, through a journal published in the Indian country, the speech of the chief has produced a profound impression, and was loudly applauded by all the counselors. All the intelligent Choctaws approve the measure.

"_The Protestant missionaries oppose the bill, and employ all their artifices and influence to prevent its success. Harkins proposes their expulsion._ 'It is our money,' said he, 'that these missionaries come here to get. Surely, our money can get us better teachers. Let us therefore try to procure good missionaries, with whom we can live in harmony and good understanding; who will give us the assurance that their doctrine is based on that of the apostles and of Jesus Christ.'

"The Chickasaws are represented as opposed to Senator Johnson's measure. We trust, however, that the vote of the majority will prove favorably and that the three territorial States will be established.

"It is, in my opinion, a last attempt, and a last chance of existence for the sad remnants of the poor Indians of America. It is, I will say, if I may here repeat what I wrote in my second letter in 1853, their only remaining source of happiness; _humanity and justice_ seem to demand it. If they are again repulsed, and driven inland, they will infallibly perish. Such as refuse to submit, and accept the definite arrangement,--the only favorable one left,--must resume the nomad life of the prairies, and close their career with the vanishing buffaloes and other animals."

We have known this Father De Smet for many years, and have known of his connection as chaplain in the United States army, and of his extensive travels among the various Indian tribes of our country. We were well aware of his zeal and bigotry as a Jesuit; but we did not suppose he would take the first opportunity to combine all his associates, and the Indians under his influence, against the government that had favored him and his Indian missionary operations so readily. Yet perhaps we ought not to be surprised at this even, as the Roman hierarchy expressed more open sympathy and favor to the Southern rebellion than any other European power, by acknowledging the Southern Confederacy, and furnishing a man to assassinate President Lincoln.

We have introduced these quotations in our sketches of early history, in order to show to the reader the far-reaching policy, as also the determination of foreign powers, through the Jesuit missionaries, to accomplish the overthrow of our American institutions, and prevent the spread of them upon this coast. The following is copied from the _Christian Intelligencer_:--

"_Rome in the Field._

"There are those who believe that Rome has an evil eye on this
country, and that our next great battle will be with her hosts,
rapidly mustering on these shores. We would not be alarmists, but
we would not have our countrymen ignorant of matters which most
nearly and vitally concern our country's welfare. If the policy of
Rome is to rule or ruin, let us know it. If it be first to ruin,
and then to rule, let us know that.

"We purpose to go no further back than the beginning of the war,
and to let the facts which we shall name speak for themselves. If
they have no other lesson, they will, at least, show that Rome,
during our terrible struggle for national existence, was true to
her ancient history and traditions, as the enemy of civil liberty
and the friend of the oppressor the world over.

"It will not be forgotten how generally and enthusiastically our
adopted citizens, the Irish, enlisted in the army when the call
first came for men to put down rebellion. In the early part of the
war, there were Irish battalions, and regiments, and brigades, but
there were few, if any, at its close. The truth is, after the
second year of the war, the Irish changed front, and suddenly
became sympathizers with treason and rebellion. It was noticed that
the girls in the kitchen began to roll their fierce gutturals
against Mr. Lincoln; their brothers in the army began to curse the
cause for which they fought; desertions were frequent; enlistments
stopped; and the attitude of the Irish mind before Mr. Lincoln's
second election was one of disloyalty and hostility to the
government of the United States.

"And these facts can not be changed by the habit which these people
have of boasting about fighting our battles, and saving our
country. By actual examination of our muster-rolls, the simple
truth appears to be, that only eight per cent. of our grand army
were of foreign birth; the balance--ninety-two per cent.--were
native Americans, who returned at length, worn and battle-scarred,
to find their places on the farms, in the factories, and
elsewhere, filled by Irish who had sought safety and profit at
home, while our boys were courting danger and death in battle.

"It may be interesting to know when this change came over the Irish
mind. What dampened their ardor, what quenched the glow of their
patriotic impulse? The coincidence is so complete, that the cause
is doubtless the same.

"It will be remembered that Bishop Hughes went abroad during the
second year of the war, as was supposed, by authority of our
government to interest the Catholic sovereigns of Europe in our
favor. Instead of this, however, the archbishop went direct to
Rome, and straightway the pope acknowledged the independence of the
Confederate States. His insignificance gave him impunity, and
purchased our silence. But the act had its influence; Biddy in the
kitchen, Mike in the army, Patrick on the farm, and Mac in the
factory, fell to cursing Mr. Lincoln as a tyrant and butcher.
Enlistments among the Irish stopped from that time, unless it was
bounty-jumpers and deserters. They banded together to resist the
draft, as in New York, where they rioted in blood for three long
days, and only yielded to the overwhelming power of United States
troops. The spirit that actuated these human fiends came from Rome,
and to Rome must be awarded the sole honor of welcoming to the
family of nations a Confederacy whose first act was treason, and
whose last was assassination. Indeed, it was Rome that furnished
the assassin and his conspirators against the greatest life of
modern times. And that assassin struck not against the life of a
man, but against the life of the Republic; and if guilt lies in the
intent, then is Rome guilty of the nation's life.

"With such a record, Rome vainly puts herself among the friends of
our free institutions. She misjudged, we think, but she no doubt
thought the time had arrived to destroy what had come of
Puritanism. And for this, she was willing to be the ally of a
government whose corner-stone was negro slavery. Are we still
dreaming that Rome is changed, or that she has surrendered the hope
of supplanting Protestant freedom on these shores? Would not every
Fenian lodge in the country rally to the help of the South, if
there was a chance to restore the old negro-hating oligarchy to
power.

"It can hardly have escaped every observing man that the Irish mind
is expectant and exultant in regard to this country. They do not
conceal their belief that the Catholic Church is to rise to the
ascendant here, and that Protestantism is to do it reverence.

"But a few weeks since, Father Hecker, one of the lights of the
Catholic Church in this country, said in a public lecture, in New
York, that his church had numbered eleven millions of our people,
or one-third of our population; and that if the members of his
church increased for the next thirty years as it had for the thirty
years past, in 1900 Rome would have the majority, and would be
bound to take the country and rule it in the interest of the
church. 'And,' continued the reverend father, 'I consider it my
highest mission to educate our people up to this idea, that America
is ours, and belongs to the church.'

"It is all of a pattern. Rome during the war sought to ruin us in
order to rule us. She failed in the first, but is no less
tenaciously striving to accomplish the last. In a future number we
will hope to show how she means to do this through the freedmen."

It appears that, when our government became apprised of the value of Oregon as a part of its domain, and was informed officially by the provisional government of the situation of affairs generally at the time of the Whitman massacre, at the same time the information was so arranged, and the circumstances so stated, that the government and people were generally deceived as to the cause and ultimate object of that transaction. It is clear that the Hudson's Bay Company designed to hold the country. It is also evident that the British government expected that the arrangements of the company were such that their title to the Oregon Territory was secured beyond a question.

The far-seeing shrewdness of P. J. De Smet, S. J., in relation to his efforts and church influence, was in a measure superior to both; for he made use of both to secure his object and add to the numerical strength of his church, and by that means gain political consideration in the United States and in other countries. For instance, all the Indian children and adults they have ever baptized (as may be seen by their letters to their society in Brussels) are counted, numbering two hundred and ninety-four thousand,--nearly one-half of their American converts. This, with all their foreign population, as claimed by them, and improperly allowed in the United States census, gives to that sect a political influence they are not entitled to; and were the question agitated openly, as it was undertaken once secretly, the result would show their weakness. While that church professes the open Catholic faith, it still holds to its secret Society of Jesus, and through it has carried its missions and influence into every department of our American government, more especially into that of the Indians. General Grant seems to understand our Indian relations, and has advised the best plan for disposing of the Indian question, _i.e._, place it under the exclusive control of the military department; and if an Indian becomes a settler, let him be protected as such.

After the greater portion of our provisional troops had been disbanded, Revs. Eells and Walker and their families were ordered out of the upper country, it not being deemed safe for them to remain, on account of hostile Indians who were notoriously friendly with every one claiming to belong to the Hudson's Bay Company or to the priests' party; as asserted by Father Hoikin, who says: "_The country is as safe for us as ever_; we can go freely wherever we desire. No one is ignorant that the black-gowns are not enemies; those at least who are among the Indians."

Notwithstanding the order had been given, by Indian Agent Major Lee, that all the missionaries among those Indians should leave the country till troops could be stationed to protect all alike, still not one of the Jesuit missionaries obeyed it. On the 21st of August, Lieutenant A. T. Rogers writes to Governor Abernethy, as follows:--

"FORT LEE, WASCOPUM, Aug. 21, 1848.

"Believing it to be my duty to let you know any thing of moment
that transpires at this station, for this purpose I now address
you.

"At about 2 o'clock, P.M., at this place, a boat arrived,
consigned to the French priests who have taken up their residence
here, loaded with eight casks of powder; six of them 150 pounds
each, and two of them 90 pounds each, making 1,080 pounds. I also
took fifteen sacks of balls, 100 pounds in each cask; three sacks
of buck or goose shot, 100 pounds each, making 1,800 pounds of ball
and buck-shot; counted one sack of the balls and found about 3,000
balls. I also took three boxes of guns; opened one box, and found
twelve guns.

"The general conviction at the fort was, that not more than 500
pounds of powder in all had been forwarded for the army by the
government, probably not even that amount. I was told by the priest
from an interior station, as also by one at the Dalles, that the
powder was for four stations, viz.: Coeur d'Alenes, Flatheads,
Ponderays, and Okanagons; and this had been purchased at Vancouver
the year before. I judged that at least one-third of their outfit
was ammunition.

"Three days previous to the arrival of the ammunition, four
Indians, embracing their chief from the Waiama village, near the
mouth of Des Chutes, came into the fort, much alarmed, saying there
had been Cayuses to them, declaring that the priests were going to
furnish them plenty of ammunition, and that they were going to kill
off all the Americans and all the Indians about that place, and the
Cayuses wanted them to join them; said also that out of fear of the
Cayuses they had sent away all their women and children. We had the
best of evidence that they were frightened. Out of some four or
five hundred souls along the river, between the fort and the
Chutes of the Columbia, not a soul was to be seen on either
side,--all, they said, were hid in the mountains. It was some ten
days before the Indians came from their hiding-places.

"When the munitions came, Quartermaster Johnson swore he believed
the priests designed them for the Cayuses; said also, a man in this
country did not know when he was in a tight place.

"I must say I also believed it.

"A. T. ROGERS, Lieutenant Commanding Post."[20]

[Footnote 20] From original letter.

The following editorial notice of the above letter is copied from the Oregon _Spectator_ of September 7, 1848:--

"By reference to the above letter by Lieutenant Rogers to Governor
Abernethy, it will be seen that the arms and ammunition attempted
to be taken into the upper Indian country by Catholic priests, have
been seized by Lieutenant Rogers, and deposited in Fort Lee. Orders
had been dispatched to Lieutenant Rogers to seize and detain those
munitions. [A mistake of the editor. Lieutenant Rogers seized the
ammunition, and wrote for orders.] Much credit is due to Lieutenant
Rogers and the little garrison at Fort Lee for the promptness and
efficiency with which they acted in the matter.

"We understand that there was no disposition on the part of the
officers of the government to destroy or confiscate those
munitions, but that they were detained to prevent their
transportation into the Indian country under the present juncture
of affairs.

"We had intended to have spoken upon the attempt by Catholic
priests to transport such a quantity of arms and ammunition into
the Indian country at this time, but as those munitions have been
seized and are now safe, we abstain from present comment upon the
transaction!"

The above notice of the transaction, as given by Lieutenant Rogers, is a fair specimen of the man who occupied the place of an editor at the time this infamous course was being carried on in Oregon by the two parties engaged in supplying the Indians with war materials. No one will suppose for a moment that these priests ever bought or owned the powder and arms; their own private supplies may have been in the cargo, but the ammunition and arms were on the way into the Indian country, under their priestly protection, for the benefit of their masters, the Hudson's Bay Company, who, as we have repeatedly proved, were acting in concert upon the prejudices and superstitions of the Indians.

Was it a great undertaking for that company to drive a thousand or twelve hundred American settlers from Oregon at that time?

Robert Newell, already known to our readers, says, in speaking of missionaries and settlers, "They could not have remained in the country a week without the consent and aid of that company, nor could the settlers have remained as they did up to 1848." We are willing to admit Mr. Newell's position only in part. We know that company's power and influence in Washington and London; we also know fully what they attempted to do from 1812 to 1821, and only succeeded by a compromise with their opponent. We also know all about their operations and influences in Oregon, and are ready to admit that they had the disposition to destroy the American settlements. We also know the extent of the effort made to establish a claim to the Oregon country by means of their French and Hudson's Bay half-breeds, and we are fully aware of their effort to procure witnesses to substantiate their monstrous claims for old rotten forts and imaginary improvements. Knowing all this, we deny that that company had the courage, or would have dared to molest a single American citizen or missionary, only as they could influence the Indians by just such means as they used to destroy _Smith's party on the Umpqua_, drive Captain Wyeth and the American Fur Company from the country, and destroy Dr. Whitman's settlement. Any other course would have involved the two countries in a war, and led to an investigation of their proceedings and of their charter.

"That company," says Mr. Fitzgerald, "have submitted to all manner of insult and indignity, and committed all manner of crime, and they dare not go before any competent tribunal for the redress of any real or supposed injury, or right they claim."

This brings us to the reason that Mr. Douglas gave in answer to Mr. Ogden, in the presence of Mr. Hinman, "_There might be other than sectarian causes_" _for the Whitman massacre_, and here we have the united effort of priests and Hudson's Bay Company to attribute the massacre to _measles_ and _superstition_, while we have the positive testimony of Mr. Kimzey and others to show that the whole was determined upon before any sickness was among the Indians. From the testimony of General Palmer, the Donner party, Mr. Hines, and Mr. Ogden, we find but the one effort; which was, to prevent, or diminish as much as was possible, the settlement of the country. And why? To answer this question clearly, we have traced the early history of that _monster monopoly_ in previous chapters, and given their proceedings in countries under their exclusive control. To illustrate more clearly the subject of the previous and present chapters, we will give an article we find in the Oregon _Argus_ of February 9, 1856, eight years after the war. The article is headed:--

"_The Catholic Priests and the War--'A Catholic Citizen' attended to._

"_To the Editor of the Oregon Argus:_

"SIR,--For the past month I have noticed several virulent articles
in each issue of your paper, all tending to impress upon the minds
of your readers the idea that the Catholic priests were the head
and front of the present Indian difficulties; and being fearful
that your constant harping upon that one subject might render you a
monomaniac, I am induced to submit to your _Argus_ eyes a few facts
in relation to the conduct of the Catholic priests prior to and
during the present war. In your issue of the 8th inst., I find an
article based upon the following extract from the official report
of Colonel Nesmith:--

"'With sundry papers discovered in the mission building, was a
letter written by the priest, Pandozy, for Kamaiyahkan, head chief
of the Yankama tribe, addressed to the officer in command of the
troops, a copy of which is communicated with this report. There was
also found an account-book kept by this priest Pandozy, which is
now in the custody of Major Raines. This book contains daily
entries of Pandozy's transactions with the Indians, and clearly
demonstrates the indisputable fact that he has furnished the
Indians with large quantities of ammunition, and leaving it a
matter of doubt whether _gospel_ or _gunpowder_ was his principal
stock in trade. The priest had abandoned the mission, but it gave
unmistakable evidence of being cared for, and attended to, during
his absence, by some Yankama Indian parishioners.'

"You then proceed with great _sang froid_ to pride yourself upon
the correct 'position' which you took about a month previous,
relative to the above subject, and presuming upon the safe
'position' which you thus assumed, you say the priests have in a
measure prompted the Indians to the late outbreak! A bold
presumption, truly, when we find the puny evidence which you have
to back your 'position.' You further assert as a fact, 'that in
this, as in the Cayuse war, these priests have been detected in the
very act of conveying large quantities of powder in the direction
of the camp of the enemy.' This, sir, is a _fact_ which emanated
from your own disordered imagination, as during the Cayuse war no
priest was ever detected in any such a position, and you _know_ it;
but then, it must be recollected that a little buncombe capital
does not come amiss at this time, and if you can make it off of a
poor priest by publishing a tissue of groundless falsehoods against
him, why even that is 'grist to your mill.'"

"The foregoing is a portion of a communication which appeared in
the _Standard_ of December 13, over the signature of 'A Catholic
Citizen.' The writer of that article, in endeavoring to blind the
eyes of his readers, and his pretending to correct us in reference
to certain statements we had made concerning a few things connected
with the present Indian war, as also the Cayuse war of 1848, in
which the Catholic priests had by their intercourse with the
savages created more than a suspicion in the minds of the community
that they were culpably implicated in the crimson character of
these tragedies, wisely intrenched himself behind a fictitious
signature. He has thereby thrown the responsibility of some three
columns of pointless verbiage, flimsy sophistry, and Jesuitical
falsehoods, upon the shoulders of an irresponsible, intangible,
ghostly apparition, probably very recently dismissed from some
sepulcher at Rome, or from the carcass of an Irishman just swamped
in the bogs of Ireland.

"Seven or eight weeks have now elapsed since we called upon this
Roman Catholic citizen to emerge from his hiding-place among the
tombstones, and if he was really incarnate, with a body of flesh
and bones, such as the rest of us have, to throw off the mask, and
not only give us a full view of his corporeal developments, but
also to send us a copy of the book by which he cleared Pandozy, and
justified himself in issuing, from his sweat-house Vatican, his
bull of excommunication against us.

"We have thus far 'harked' in vain for a sound 'from the tombs.'
Like a true Jesuit, that loves darkness rather than light, he not
only still persists in keeping his name in the dark, and keeping
the 'book' we rightfully called for in the dark, but attempts to
enshroud the whole subject in total darkness, by making up his own
case from such parts of Pandozy's book as he chooses to have
exposed, and then thrusting the whole manuscript into a dark corner
of his dark-colored coat, and in order to darken what light we had
already shed in upon the dark nest of Jesuits, among the
dark-skinned and dark-hearted savages, he most solemnly denies as
false the most important of the dark charges we made against them,
and then, after 'darkening counsel' by a whole column of 'words
without knowledge,' by which, like the cuttle-fish, he darkens the
waters to elude the hand of his pursuer, and then, under cover of
all this darkness, he dodges into his dark little sweat-house, and
issues his terrible bull consigning us to a _very_ dark place,
where the multitudes of dark Jesuits that have gone before us have
doubtless made it 'as dark as a stack of black cats.' But what
makes the case still darker is, that while 'Catholic Citizen'
refuses to expose his personal outlines to our 'Argus eyes,' but
intimates that as he is a member of the Catholic Church, and of
the Democratic party, if we let off a broadside upon either of
these societies, and wound either of their carcasses, the one
bloated on the blood of saints, and the other on the juice of corn,
we shall of course inflict a material injury upon him, upon the
principle that 'when one of the members suffers, all the members
suffer with it;' we say, that in view of the fact that after
'Catholic Citizen' has claimed to be a member of both these
organizations, the Corvallis organ of the Sag Nichts and Jesuits
has whet the razor of authority, and lopped him off, as a heterodox
member, and consigned him to the fires of damnation, because
'Catholic Citizen' has intimated that the two bodies were not
identical, thus wisely enveloping him in a dark cloud, and
translating him far beyond the reach of our guns, makes the case
terribly dark indeed.

"'He (Catholic Citizen) displays the cloven foot of either direct
opposition to the Democratic organization, or sore-head-ism and
disaffection with that organization.----We can hardly conceive that
the author of that communication is a Catholic, or a friend of the
Catholic Church.'--_Statesman_ of Dec. 25.

"Thus it will be seen that the editor of the 'organ' takes him by
the top tuft, and applies the 'rapin hook' to his neck as a
heretic, and not a genuine Catholic, because of his 'sore-head-ism
and disaffection with the Democratic organization,' thus
unequivocally asserting that the church and the clique are
identical, or so closely identified that in placing himself in
opposition to the one, he proves that he is not a friend of the
other. Now whether the action of the organ has been from a
malicious desire to 'bury him out of our sight' as an 'unfruitful
branch' of the Catholic and Democratic trunk, or whether he
intended in _mercy_ to wrap him up in his Nessean shirt, and hide
him from our view by denying to him the only earthly position he
assumed, it matters not particularly to us. We shall probably teach
him, or his ghost, in due time, a lesson which we long since
whipped into the tough and slimy hide of the biped who controls the
_Statesman_, and which he and his ilk would do well to read in the
welts that checker his back, before they make their onslaughts upon
us, viz., whenever we state a thing to be true, you may rest
assured that it _is_ so, and by calling it in question, you may be
sure you will provoke the _proof_. We are not of that class of
lying editors who make false charges which they are not able to
sustain, and we have never yet vouched for the truth of a
statement, and been afterward compelled to back out of it. Whenever
we make a mistake, on account of bad information, we are sure to
make the correction as soon as we are apprised of it, whether the
statement affects the character or interest of friend or foe, or
neither.

"Your vile innuendo, that we wished to make a little buncombe
capital off a poor sniveling priest, is readily excused, knowing as
we do your impressions from associating with political comrades who
neither yield to nor expect justice or decency from their political
opponents; and presuming also that the moment you stepped your foot
upon American soil, with your little budget of Irish rags, some
demagogue put a loco-foco hook into your nose, and led you off to
the political pound to learn your catechism, so fast that the
remaining half of the nether extremity of your old swallow-fork
made a right angle with your stalwart frame. We know very well what
sort of lessons you have learned out of that catechism; how you
have been duped to believe that the principles of Jefferson and
other old sainted Democrats were still cherished by the designing
demagogues who have taken you in tow; how we who oppose this
office-hunting party are 'down upon Catholics and foreigners'
simply because they are such; and how you had only to put in the
'clane dimocratthic ticket' to insure yourself great and glorious
privileges. Under this sort of training, it is not surprising to us
that you not only expect us to persecute you to the full extent
that a priest is sworn to 'persecute' heretics, but that you are
constantly in fear that the '_Noo Nothins_' will soon be ladling
soup from a huge kettle that contains your quarters boiled up with
Irish potatoes.

"We were not led to make the remarks we did in reference to the
priests because they were _Papists_, but because we had reason to
believe they were traitors to our government, and were identified
with the savages in the present war. If Methodist, Presbyterian, or
_any other Protestant clergymen_ had rendered themselves equally
obnoxious, we should probably have given our opinion at the time,
that they deserved to be brought out of the Indian country, with
all their 'traps,' to undergo a trial before a jury for their
lives.

"But, sir, to one of your falsehoods:--

"'You further assert as a fact, "that in this, as in the Cayuse
war, these priests have been detected in the very act of conveying
large quantities of powder in the direction of the camp of the
enemy." This, sir, is a _fact_ which emanated from your own
distorted imagination, as during the Cayuse war no priest was ever
detected in any such a position, and you _know_ it.'

"Now, sir, we did not suppose that there was a man green enough in
all Oregon (excepting, perhaps, the _Statesman_) to call our
statement in question. We happen to be an old Oregonian ourself,
and profess to be pretty well posted in reference to many
occurrences which will make up the future history of this lovely
yet blood-stained land. The proof of our assertion we _supposed_
could be come at by our file of the _Spectator_. The fact was
still vivid in our memory. At the date of this transaction (August
21, 1848), there were three papers printed in the Territory: The
_Free Press_, an 8 by 12 sheet, edited by G. L. Curry, present
governor of Oregon, and the Oregon _Spectator_, a 22 by 32 sheet,
edited by A. E. Wait, Esq., both published at Oregon City; besides
a semi-monthly pamphlet, printed in the Tualatin Plains, and edited
by Rev. J. S. Griffin. Although all of these papers at the time
spoke of the transaction referred to, we believe none of them,
excepting the _Spectator_, contained the official correspondence
necessary to make out our case. We supposed, and so did many
others, that all the old files of the _Spectator_ were long since
destroyed, excepting the imperfect one in our office. When 'A
Catholic Citizen' called our statement in question, we, of course,
referred to our 'file' for proof, but to our astonishment this
particular paper was missing, although the immediate preceding and
succeeding numbers were all there, embracing the whole summer of
1848. The missing number was _accidentally_ (?) misplaced, of
course, and the _proof_ of that transaction supposed to be beyond
our reach. By the kindness of a gentleman we have been furnished
with the desired copy from his own file." (See official note and
letter as previously quoted.)

"Now, will 'A Catholic Citizen' contend that our statement, in
reference to the 'large quantities of powder,' is not fully covered
by '_seven or eight hundred pounds of powder, fifteen hundred
pounds of lead, and three boxes of guns_.'

"A man who can unblushingly utter such a falsehood as he has been
guilty of, to create a public sentiment in favor of these priests,
is below contempt, and we feel our task of exposing him to be truly
humiliating. We have branded this goat with an L----, which will
stick to his hide as long as Cain carried _his_ mark; and we now
turn him out to browse for a while with B., who wears about a dozen
of the same brands, under the pain of which we have sent him off
howling. 'A Catholic Citizen' may feed on '_ferrin_' till we get
time to clap the same brand to him again, when we shall tie him up
to the post and again scorch his wool."

In reference to the article, as quoted from the Oregon _Argus_, it is not certainly known who "Catholic Citizen" is, but the impression is that the production is from the pen of Hon. P. H. Burnett or Sir James Douglas, and not impossible from Robert Newell, with such assistance as he could obtain.

If from either of those gentlemen, he may have been correctly informed as to the real owners of the munitions, but we can hardly believe Mr. Douglas or Newell would lay themselves liable to the falsehood charged upon them, as they were in the country, and must have known of the facts in the case. Mr. Burnett was in California, and may have been misled by his informant. Be that as it may, the munitions were found on their way into the Indian country in charge of the priests, and the remarks of the editor of the _Argus_, W. L. Adams, Esq., shows the true history of the times, and the continued effort of the Jesuits and their neophytes to continue the Indian wars, to prevent the Protestant missionary stations from being reoccupied and the settlement of the country by the Americans, as intimated by Father Hoikin, in his letter to his society in Brussels.

Our provisional army did not capture a single murderer or prominent Indian engaged in the massacre, though many of them were known to have been frequently with the priests and at Fort Wallawalla. Neither the priests, McBean, nor the indescribably sympathizing Sir James Douglas made the least effort to bring the murderers to justice. A part of them were given up by the tribe,--tried and hung at Oregon City under the Territorial government of the United states, Judge Pratt presiding. In the trial, the same influence was used to get the murderers acquitted that had instigated and protected them in the commission of the crime.

The discovery of gold in California took place before our troops had all returned; the universal excitement in relation to it caused the desertion of a large portion of the Hudson's Bay Company's men, and almost an abandonment of the fur trade in the country for the time. They, however, still kept up the semblance of fur trade; and, at the expiration of their parliamentary license in 1858, withdrew to British Columbia and Vancouver Island to repeat upon their own people what they have practiced so successfully and so long upon the Americans.

There is, connected with this foreign company, a sort of Jesuitical suavity of manner and boasting propensity that naturally deceives all who come within its influence.

All its titles and little performances of charity are sounded forth with imperial pomposity. The man that does not acknowledge his obligations to it for being permitted to remain in the country previous to the expiration of its parliamentary license, is considered ungrateful by it, and by such as are blind to its infamous practices.