Chapter XXVI: Appendix: D (1)

A PRIVATEER OF 1592

The two prizes taken by the _Amity_ were the _St Francisco_ of 130, and the _St Peter_ of 150 tons, laden with 112 tons of quicksilver, and 28 tons of Bulls, 1,458,000 in number, for ‘lyvinge bodyes’ and ‘dead bodyes,’ which were to be sold in New Spain at two reals apiece. The ships also carried some wine, and the freightage paid to the owners was 40 ducats a ton. The armament of the _St Peter_ is not given, but was probably little more than that of the _St Francisco_ which carried[1565] three iron guns, two copper pieces of 20 quintals[1566] each, and one of 14 quintals. There were 90 round, and 40 chain shot for these guns with nine quintals of powder. Twenty muskets, and other arms of offence and defence, were also carried. Her crew numbered 28 men and two boys and she was licensed to take twenty passengers; if therefore 126 living persons were found in the two ships after the action, the _St Peter_ must have furnished a much larger proportion or there must have been, as was common enough, a number of unlicensed passengers.[1567] If a loss of two killed and three wounded, in an action lasting five hours and with two antagonists, was an ordinary one, fighting at sea cannot be considered, in view of the normal mortality from disease on shore in the sixteenth century, to have added materially to the risks of life.

According to Malyne[1568] these Bulls were laded by Sixtus V. When they came to England Dr Lopez, the Queen’s physician, who was afterwards executed on a charge of being concerned in a plot to murder her, obtained them by purchase or as a gift. He and a partner started them again for the West Indies but the Pope’s agent stopped their sale, alleging that they had lost their virtue by having been in heretic possession. The factor representing Lopez, not to be outdone, said that they had been miraculously saved, but the speculation was a failure.

LANSDOWNE MSS., 70-23

The ordre and mannour of the takinge of the twoo Shippes laden
with Quicksilver and the Pope’s bulles bound for the West Indas
by the _Amitie_ of London, Master, Thomas Whytte.

The 26th of July 1592 beinge in 36 degrees[1569] or
thereaboutes, about 4 of the clocke in the morninge, wee had
sight of the said Shippes beinge distaunte ffrom us about 3
or 4 leagues; by 7 of the cloke we ffeatched them up and were
within goonn shotte whose boldnes (havinge the kinges armes
dysplaide) did make us conceave them rather to be ships of
warr then laden with merchandize. And as yt dothe appeare by
some of theire owne Speeches they made full accompte to have
taken us, and was Question amongst them whyther they should
carrye us to St Lucar or Lishebonn. Wee wayfed eche other
amaine,[1570] they havinge placed themselves in warlyke ordre,
thone a cabolles lenght before thoother, we begonne the fight
in the which we continued so faste as we were able to chardge
and dyschardge the space of fyve houres, being never a cabells
lenght dystaunte eyther of us the one from the other, in which
tyme wee receaved divers shottes both in the hull of our ship,
mastes and sayles, to the number of xxxii greate shotte which
we told after the ffighte, besydes fyve hundreed muskett
shotte and harquebuye acroke[1571] at the least. And for that
wee perceaved they were stoute, we thought good to boorde
the byskaine[1572] which was a heade the other, where lyinge
aboord aboute an houre plyinge our ordenaunce and small shotte
with the which we stowed[1573] all his men; now they in the
flybotte makinge accompte that wee had entreed our menn, bare
Roome[1574] with us, meaninge to have laide us aboorde, and so
to have entrapped us betwene them both, which we perceavinge,
made redy ordenaunce and fytted us, so as wee quitted ourselves
of him, and he boorded his ffelowe, by which meanes they
both fell from us. Then presently we kepte our looffe,[1575]
hoysed our topsayles, and weathered them, and came hard aboord
the flibotte with our ordenaunce prepared, and gave her our
whole broadeside with the which wee slewe divers of theire
menn, so as wee might perceave the bloud to Runne out at the
Scoopers; after that wee caste aboute, and new chardged all our
ordenaunce and came upon them againe and wylled them Amaine,
or else wee would synke them, whereupon the one would have
yelded which was shotte betweene wind and watter, but the other
called him traytour; unto whom we mad answere that if he wold
not yeld presently also we would synke him first. And thereupon
he undrestaundinge our determinacon, presently put out a whyt
fflagg and yelded, howbeyt they refused to stryke theire owne
Sayles, for that they were sworne never to stryke to any
Englishmann. Wee then commaunded the captaines and masters to
come aboorde of us which they dyd and after examinacon and
stowinge them, wee sent aboord them, strooke theire sayles and
manned theire shipps, findinge in them bothe one hundreed and
twenty and six soules lyvinge, and eight deade, besides those
which they themselves had caste overboorde, so yt pleased God
to geve us the victorye, being but 42 menn and a boye, of the
which ther were two killed and three wounded, ffor which good
succeasse wee geve the onely prayse to Allmightye God.

FOOTNOTES

[1] _United Service Magazine_, October 1880.

[2] But that the public have yet much to learn was shown by the ignorant complacency, ludicrous if it were not so dangerous, with which the mobilisation of six ships and six destroyers was received in January, after twelve days of official and some weeks of unofficial preparation.

[3] The history of the early navy till 1423, will be found treated minutely by Sir N. H. Nicolas in the _History of the Royal Navy_, Lond. 1847, a work of great research. Here, down to that date, points left somewhat obscure by Nicolas, or upon which more than one view is possible, are shortly touched upon.

[4] According to some writers, the organisation of the Cinque Ports dates from before the Conquest; it was not, however, until after that event that their services became of national importance.

[5] R. G. Marsden, _Select pleas of the Court of Admiralty_, Selden Soc. 1894.

[6] The mention of the word galley in the records is, taken by itself, often misleading. Frequently it meant a small, but fully rigged, sailing vessel, supplied with sweeps for occasional use. Sometimes it appears to have been applied to a sailing ship of particular build, and on one occasion the _Mary Rose_, a ‘capital ship’ of Henry VIII, is called ‘the great galley,’ showing how loosely the word was used.

[7]

‘For foure things our Noble sheweth to me
King, Ship, and Swerd, and power of the See.’

_Libel of English Policie_, supposed to be by De Moleyns, Bishop of Chichester, and written in 1436 or 1437.

[8] That his subjects at one time called him the ‘King of the Sea,’ shows how the fact of his having been the first English king to command a naval battle impressed popular imagination; towards the end of the reign the phrase must have sounded bitter in the ears of the inhabitants of the coast towns.

[9] King and sword were not new on coins, and the ship was usual enough on the seals of the port towns; in them, as doubtless in the noble, it referred to mercantile traffic.

[10] ‘The shifty, untrustworthy statecraft of an unprincipled, light-hearted king, living for his own ends, and recking not of what came after him.’ (Stubbs, _Const. Hist._ ii, 510).

[11] _Rot. Parl._ ii, 311, 319.

[12] The expression ‘ton-tight’ is somewhat obscure, but probably meant complete or measured tons. (Cf. Holloway, _Dict. of Provincialisms_, s.v. _tight_, and Halliwell’s _Dictionary_ s.v. _thite_.) In Latin papers it is rendered by such a form as ships ‘ponderis 80 doliorum;’ in 1430 it is described as ‘le tonage autrement appelle tounetight,’ (_Exchequer Warrants for Issues_, 9 Feb). It was not necessarily restricted to ship measurement since, in 1496, stone and gravel for dock building were being purchased by the ton-tight. It is therefore possible that it referred to weight as distinguished from the cubic space occupied by a tun of wine, the original standard of tonnage capacity.

[13] At various times, from the thirteenth to the first quarter of the sixteenth century, the phrases, ‘of Westminster,’ ‘of the Tower,’ and ‘of Greenwich,’ were successively equivalent to the later ‘H.M.S.’ The meaning, here, is that there were 150 vessels fit for use as men-of-war.

[14] _Ancient Petitions_, 5477 (R.O.) ‘A tsnobles et tssages seigneurs diceste present parlement supplient tres humblement toutz les possessoures des niefs dedens ceste roialme q come en le temps du noble Roi Edward et ces predecessours q a chescun fois qaunt ascun nief furent ordeigne de faire ascun viage q le possessour de tiel nief prendrent del ton-tight 40d en le quart par regard damender la nief a lappaill dicell et la quart part del prise par eux fait sur la mer par quelle regard la naveie diceste roialme alors fust bien mayntene et governe si q a icelle temps furent tondez prestz dens la roialme 150 niefs del Toure et puis la deces du noble roi Edward en le temps de Richard nadgaiez roi Dengleterre le dit regard eston demenise jesqs 11s le ton-tight et cci estee tsmalement paie si q les possessours des tielx niefs mount ils null volunte de sustener et mayntener lour niefs mais ils onct lesses giser desolat pur quel cause la navie diceste roialme est ency dimennise et empeire q ne soienct en tout la roialme outre 25 niefs del Tour.’

[15] _Le Compte du Clos des Galées_, 1382-4. Soc. de l’histoire de Normandie, Mèlanges, Ser. II, Rouen 1893.

[16] 5 Rich. II, c. 3.

[17] In view of the difficulty owners of impressed ships experienced in obtaining payment it may be suggested that it was possibly due to the influence of that class that it was bestowed for a specifically named purpose; if so, the hope of obtaining prompter settlement was not realised.

[18] For proofs that notwithstanding wars, taxation, feudal rights, and every other drawback, the towns, as a whole, were steadily growing in wealth, see Mrs J. R. Green’s, _Town Life in the Fifteenth Century_.

[19] There was a contemptuous Continental saying, ‘We buy the foxskins from the English for a groat, and resell them the foxes’ tails for a guilder,’ which is expressive enough.

[20] _Exch. Accts._ (Q.R.), Bdle. 49, No. 29, and _Roll of Foreign Accounts_, No. 8. The tonnage of the _Grace Dieu_ is only mentioned twice, and, in one of those two mentions, is given as 1400. This must be a mistake on the part of the Treasury clerk. The 1000 tons of the _Jesus of the Tower_ seems very suspicious, but as in nearly every instance, the tonnage is only once given there is no opportunity for collation.

[21] Rebuilt.

[22] With the exception of the _Agase_ taken in Southampton water; a French fleet having visited the English coast in May, before the Duke was ready for sea.

[23] Spanish, _ballenere_, long low vessels for oars and sails introduced in the fourteenth century by the Biscayan builders (Fernandez Duro, _La Marina de Castilla_ p. 158.)

[24] _Rot. Pat._

[25] _Roll of Foreign Accounts_, No. 8.

[26] Foremast. French, _mât de misaine_.

[27] _Exch. Accts._ (Q.R.), Bdle. 49, No. 29. ‘Turris ligni vocat Bulwerk ... super introitu portus de Hamell per salva custodia naves.’

[28] ‘Unius fabrice.’

[29] Binnacle.

[30] _Somerhuche_ is derived from old English _Somer_, a bedstead, and old French _huche_; it was originally, therefore, a sleeping place.

[31] _Acts of the Privy Council_, 3rd Mar. 1423. Nicolas says (Introduction, vol. v, cxxxvi), that the whole of the navy was ordered to be sold, but the wording of the entry does not support this authoritative statement. The later records prove clearly that they were not all sold; but whether because no such wholesale clearance had been intended, or from want of purchasers, there is no conclusive evidence to show.

[32]

Where bene our shippes?
Where bene our swerdes become?
Our enemies bid for the shippe sette a shepe,
Allas oure reule halteth, hit is benome;
Who dare wel say that lordeshippe should take kepe?
I will asaye thoughe mine herte ginne to wepe,
To doe thys werke yf wee wole ever the (thrive)
For very shame to kepe aboute the see.’

If Adam de Moleyns was the author his death by violence at the hands of seamen, in 1450, had an especially tragic unfitness.

[33] ‘Per contrarotulacionem.’

[34] _Exch. War. for Issues_, 26th Jan. 1430.

[35] _Rot. Parl._ iv, 402.

[36] _Ibid._ iv, 489.

[37] _Debate of Heralds_, p. 49 Lond, 1870.

[38] 2 Henry V, c. 6.

[39] _Rot. Franc._ sub annos.

[40] _Fœdera_ xi, 77.

[41] _Fœdera_ xi, 258.

[42] _Rot. Franc._ 12 Mar. 1444-5.

[43] _Rot. Parl._ v, 59.

[44] _Exch. Accts._ (Q.R.), Bdle. 53, No. 23.

[45] ‘Tenggemouth.’

[46] Port of origin not given.

[47] _Exch. Accts._ (Q.R.), Bdle. 54, No. 14.

[48] The large ship is the _Trinity_; there was a _Christopher_ of Dartmouth in 1440 also of 400 tons.

[49] Considering that the lists of Elizabeth’s reign are much more nearly complete.

[50] _The Debate between the Heralds of France and England._ Lond. 1870. Assigned to 1458-61, and supposed to have been written by Charles, Duke of Orléans, for twenty-five years a prisoner here and therefore qualified by opportunity to form an opinion.

[51] Bishop Stubbs (_Const. Hist._ iii, 268) says ‘The French administration of the Duke of Bedford was maintained in great measure by taxing the French, rather than by raising supplies from England.’ This may be true of the civil administration but there are innumerable warrants for the whole reign directed to the English Exchequer for the Payment of English and French captains who undertook to provide bands of men-at-arms or archers.

[52] _Roll of Foreign Accounts_, No. xiv.

[53] _Roll of Foreign Accounts_, No. x.

[54] _Ibid._

[55] _Ibid._ No. x.

[56] _Roll of Foreign Accounts_, No. x.

[57] _Ibid._ No. xi.

[58] ‘Cabanes,’ deck structures.

[59] _Roll of Foreign Accounts_, No. xi.

[60] ‘Valecto de corone.’ In 1455 there were twenty-three attached to the household. The title implied the premiership of that class of society.

[61] _Roll of Foreign Accounts_, No. xii.

[62] _Ibid._ No. xiii.

[63] _Rot. Parl._ iv, 439.

[64] _Roll of Foreign Accounts_, No. xi.

[65] _Rot. Parl._ v, 59.

[66] _Exch. War. for Issues_, 27th June, 1442.

[67] _Roll of Foreign Accounts_, No. xiii.

[68] _Ibid._

[69] _Exch. War. for Issues_, 28th May 1454. The Rolls of Parliament only name the first four Earls and Lord Stourton.

[70] _Rot. Parl._ v, 244.

[71] ‘And as men sayne ther was not so gret a batayle upon the sea this xl wyntyr.’ (_Paston Letters_, i, 429, Ed. Gairdner.)

[72] Genoa.

[73] _Exch. Accts._ (Q.R.), Bdle. 53, No. 5.

[74] ‘De novo.’

[75] ‘Sepis vocatæ hegge.’

[76] Mud.

[77] ‘Sede.’

[78] Blank in MS.

[79] _Sic._

[80] _Infra_, p. 39.

[81] Or 270 tons burden, and 276 ton and tonnage, that is 207 tons in cask, or 276 tons of dead weight cargo.

[82] _Exch. War. for Issues._

[83] _Ibid._, 4th Aug. 1463.

[84] _Ibid._, 7th Feb. 1467.

[85] _Ibid._, 6th Apr. 1465.

[86] But the Duke of Burgundy had prepared a fleet to intercept Warwick; at the critical moment it was dispersed by a storm. (_Grafton’s Chronicle_, p. 686.)

[87] Thomas Nevill, illegitimate son of Lord Fauconberg.

[88] Iron or stone shot.

[89] _Exch. War. for Issues_, 20th July 1461.

[90] _Ibid._, 5th July 1463.

[91] _Ibid._, 14th Dec.

[92] _Ibid._, 18th July.

[93] _Ibid._, 27th Ap. 1473.

[94] Elsewhere she is called a King’s ship, _Fœdera_, xx, 139.

[95] _Exch. War. for Issues_, 16th Aug. 1480. The then largest ship of the French navy, burnt by accident at Havre 6th July 1545, was called the _Carraquon_.

[96] _Exch. War. for Issues_, 8th June 1468.

[97] _Ibid._, 17th July 1480, and Devon, _Issues of Exchequer_, p. 500.

[98] _Ibid._, 31st January.

[99] _Chapter House Books_, vol. 7.

[100] _Aug. Office Bk._, No. 316.

[101] _Aug. Office Bk._, No. 316, f. 147.

[102] Eu, on the Norman coast.

[103] _Exch. War. for Issues_, 2nd Dec. 1493.

[104] Smalhithe, the town for Reding creek, was then tidal and had long been a shipbuilding port. Men-of-war were built there as late as 1545.

[105] Sir Rich. Guldeford.

[106] _Chapt. House Books_, vol. vii, f. 35.

[107] 60,000 marvedis = 160 ducats of account, that is ducats of 375 maravedis each. The coined ducat was of 365 marvedis or ten reals twenty-five maravedis, estimated as equivalent to forty-five reals and forty-eight maravedis now (Shaw, _Hist. of Currency_). The real of 1492 contained 51.23 grains of silver (Del Mar, _Money and Civilisation_, p. 93). A century later the Spanish or Portuguese ducat passed for 5s 6d English (Arber, _An English Garner_, iii, 184).

[108] Fernandez Duro, _Viajes Regios por Mar_, pp. 36, 63. It is doubtful however whether any of these ships belonged to the crown or, in fact, whether there was any Spanish Royal Navy, exclusive of the galley service, before the commencement of the seventeenth century.

[109] _Exch. War. for Issues_, 29th Nov.

[110] _Exch. War. for Issues._

[111] _Ibid._, 19th Jan. 1496.

[112] _Ibid._, 7th Apr.

[113] _Exch. War. for Issues_, 7th Mar.

[114] _Aug. Office Bk._, No. 316, ff. 49-64.

[115] Appendix A.

[116] Cf. Jal, _Glossaire Nautique_, s.v. _Sabord_ and _Porte_.

[117] _Aug. Office Bk._, No. 317, f. 15.

[118] Blue and green.

[119] Ashen colour.

[120] _Aug. Office Bk._, No. 317, f. 24.

[121] A woollen cloth.

[122] _Tellers’ Rolls_, No. 63.

[123] _Aug. Office Bk._, No. 316, f. 72.

[124] _Ibid._, f. 70.

[125] 4 Hen. VII, cap. 10.

[126] H. Harrisse, _John Cabot, the Discoverer of North America, and Sebastian his Son_. Lond. 1896, p. 138.

[127] Herbert, _Life of Henry VIII_, p. 125, ed. 1870.

[128] When Charles V sailed from Flushing to Spain in 1517 we read that the operation of lowering a boat took two hours, (Fernandez Duro, _Viajes Regios por Mar_, p. 94). The fleet was made up of 52 vessels drawn from Holland, Zealand and Spain, but this can scarcely refer to the Dutch vessels.

[129] _Royal MSS._ 13, B ii, 56.

[130] Brewer, _Reign of Henry VIII_, i, 21.

[131] _State Papers Ven._, Oct. 1515, and _Letters and Papers of the reign of Henry VIII_, 6th Nov. 1515. Among his jewels was ‘a chayne of golde of threefolde with a whistell and a pece of a unycornes home at it inclosed in gold,’ (_Cott. MSS. App._ xxviii, f. 29). The whistle was the badge of the sea officer.

[132] _Exch. War. for Issues_, 29th Jan. 1510 and _Letters and Papers_, i, 3422, viii.

[133] _Ibid._ The pomegranate was a part of the arms of the city of Granada. The capture of Granada and the destruction of the Moorish kingdom had resounded through Christendom, and after Katherine of Aragon’s arrival in England the pomegranate was frequently used as a badge.

[134] _Ibid._ The name referred to Mary Tudor, sister of Henry VIII.

[135] _Roy. MSS._ 14, B xxii A. Doubtless the ‘carrack of Jene called the _Mary Loret_,’ of _Stowe MSS._ 146, f. 29, and the ‘_Gabriel Royal_ or Carrack of Genoa,’ of _Letters and Papers_, 15th Dec. 1512. In the absence of other evidence the authoritative dates given in the _Royal MS._ must be accepted, but there is no trace in other papers of the existence between 1509-12, of some of the vessels assigned by it to 1509, and some of the dates can be shown to be wrong.

[136] _Roy. MSS._ 14 B xxii A. Perhaps the _James_ of Hull, for which £260 was paid in July 1512 (_Kings Book of Payments_). Rebuilt about 1524, (_Chapter House Book_, vol. vi).

[137] _Roy. MSS._ 14, B xxii A. In March 1512 Sir Ed. Howard was paid £666, 13s 4d for the _Mary Howard_, bought of him (_King’s Book of Payments_), and probably the same vessel.

[138] Captured from Barton, the Scotch privateer.

[139] _Ibid._

[140] _Roy. MSS._ 14, B xxii A. The _John Hopton_, or ‘John Hopton’s Ship’ of 1512. In Jan. 1513 he received £1000 ‘for his great ship bought by the king’ (_King’s Book of Payments_).

[141] Bought from Wm. Gonson and others, (_Letters and Papers_, 24th Apr., 1513).

[142] Certainly a king’s ship, but whether bought or built only probable by collation.

[143] _Ibid._

[144] _Ibid._ First called the _Christ_ of Lynn.

[145] First mention of _Lizard_ and _Swallow_, _Letters and Papers_, 15th Dec. 1512. Described as new ships, 22nd Mar. 1513 (_Cott. MSS. Calig._ D. vi, 101).

[146] _Letters and Papers_, 15th Dec. 1512. A Genoese carrack.

[147] First mentioned _Letters and Papers_, 15th Dec. 1512.

[148] _Ibid._

[149] _Ibid._

[150] _Ibid._

[151] _Ibid._ The _Kateryn_, _Rose_, and _Henry_ are described as new in _Letters and Papers_, 27th March 1513.

[152] _Letters and Papers_, 15th Dec., 1512, and July 1513, and _Fœdera_ xiii, 326.

[153] ‘The _Great Barbara_, before called the _Mawdelyn_.’ First mentioned July, 1513.

[154] Elsewhere ‘the _Marc Fflorentyne_, otherwise called the _Black Bark Christopher_.’

[155] Probably ‘the carrack of Hampton’ bought in March 1513 for 6000 ducats from Fernando de la Sala (_King’s Book of Payments_).

[156] The _Salvator_ of Lubeck, bought for £2333, 6s 8d, _Letters and Papers_, 8th Aug. and 25th Oct. 1514; _Exch. Var._ 244/6.

[157] Commenced 4th Dec. 1512; ‘hallowed’ at Erith 13th June 1514 (_King’s Book of Payments_).

[158] Probably the ‘new galley’ of _Letters and Papers_, 6th Nov. 1515, and replaced or rebuilt, _Roy. MSS._ 14, B xxii A.

[159] Bought of John Hopton for £500 (_King’s Book of Payments_).

[160] _Chapter House Book_, vol. xi, f. 72.

[161] _Roy. MSS._ 14, B xxii A.

[162] ‘The _Great Mary and John_, the Spaniard Ship,’ (Q.R. _Anc. Misc. Navy_ 616c, 6), or ‘the great Spaniard that the emperor gave the king’ (_Letters and Papers_, iii, 3214). The earlier _Mary and John_ had disappeared by this time.

[163] _Roy. MSS._ 14, B xxii A.

[164] _Ibid._ Zabra was used both in Italian and Spanish for pinnace.

[165] _Ibid._

[166] _Ibid._

[167] _Ibid._

[168] First mentioned _Letters and Papers_ July 1524, also _Aug. Office Book_, No. 317, but probably the _Mary_ of Homflete, a prize, and taken into the service.

[169] According to _Roy. MSS._ 14, B xxii A, dating from 1511, but the name does not occur in the State Papers before 1522.

[170] _Roy. MSS._ 14, B xxii A.

[171] _Cott. MSS. Vesp._ C. ii, and _Letters and Papers_, 12 Apr. 1523. Rebuilt as a 300 ton ship about 1536 (_Letters and Papers_, x, 1231).

[172] _Letters and Papers_, 3rd June 1523 and _Q.R. Misc. Navy_ 867/5, 2nd Feb. 1524.

[173] _Ibid._

[174] Occurs in several men-of-war lists from 1523; assigned by _Roy. MSS._ 14, B xxii A to 1513, in all probability an error.

[175] _Roy. MSS._ 14, B xxii A. Doubtless named in compliment to the Guildford or Guldeford family, persons of importance during the first two Tudor reigns. Both the first and second wives of Sir Henry Guldeford, Comptroller of the Household to Henry VIII, were named Mary.

[176] First mentioned _Letters and Papers_, x, 1231.

[177] This vessel occurs in a list calendared under 1522 (_Letters and Papers_, iii, 2014), but the date assigned is wrong by at least twenty-five years. She was built in or before 1536, captured by the Scotch, and described as English in a Scotch fleet, (_Ibid._ xi, 631); recaptured by Lord Clynton in Sept. 1547, and resumed her place in the English navy (Holinshed, p. 989).

[178] First mentioned _Letters and Papers_, 31st Dec. 1539.

[179] Or _Mathew Gonson_; first mentioned 10th June 1539.

[180] First mentioned 10th June 1539; an entirely different vessel from the preceding of the same name.

[181] Or _Less Bark_ and _Great Bark_. They were Hamburg ships (_Letters and Papers_, 15th Nov. 1544), and are first mentioned 10th June 1539.

[182] The _Salamander_ and _Unicorn_ were captured at Leith in May 1544, (Holinshed, p. 962). The _Salamander_ (a Salamander was the badge of Francis I) had been presented to James V of Scotland by the French king when the former married Madeline of France.

[183] Or _Pansy_. First mentioned _Letters and Papers_, 18th Apr. 1544.

[184] First mentioned _Letters and Papers_, 15th Nov. 1544. A Hamburg ship.

[185] _Ibid._

[186] _Ibid._ Of Dantzic.

[187] _Ibid._, or _L’Artigo_. Qy. from the French _artichaut_, in military terminology, a spiked fence.

[188] First mentioned _Letters and Papers_, 18th Apr. 1544.

[189] _Ibid._

[190] First mentioned _Letters and Papers_, 15th Nov. 1544.

[191] Probably the true year as there is a payment (_Pipe Office Declared Accounts_, 2193), to five Venetians for fitting her, as being more experienced in galley work. According to _Add. MSS._ 22047, she was of 200 tons.

[192] Or _Merlion_; a prize of 1544 or 1545 (_Letters and Papers_, 19th Apr. 1545).

[193] _Ibid._

[194] _Ibid._

[195] _Ibid._

[196] First mentioned _Letters and Papers_, 3rd Aug. 1545. Probably the ‘great shallop’ in building (_Letters and Papers_) 19th Apr. that year.

[197] _Ibid._ Probably the ‘great galleon’ building at Smalhithe on 19th April. There was a _Grand Mistress_ in the French navy at this time.

[198] _Ibid._ Probably the ‘second galleon’ building at Smalhithe on 19th April.

[199] _Ibid._ Probably the ‘new gallyot’ building at Deptford 19th April.

[200] _Ibid._ Probably the ‘middle shallop’ building at Deptford 19th April. Saker was the name of a piece of ordnance or of the peregrine hawk.

[201] _Ibid._ Probably the ‘small shallop’ building at Dover on 19th April.

[202] _Ibid._ Probably the ‘less Spanish pinnace’ of 19th April.

[203] _Ibid._

[204] _Ibid._ Captured by the French 2nd Sept. 1547 (Stow p. 594).

[205] _Ibid._ Of Dantzic.

[206] Captured from the French 18th May (Stow).

[207] First mentioned _Letters and Papers_, Mar. 1546. Of Bremen.

[208] The _Phœnix_ and the _George_ are first mentioned as royal ships in Anthony’s list of 1546; probably merchantmen of those names in the list of 10th Aug. 1545, and bought into the service.

[209] The _Antelope_, _Tiger_, _Bull_ and _Hart_ first occur in Anthony’s list of the navy in 1546; in that year (_Letters and Papers_, Mar. 1546, uncalendared) there were ‘the four new ships a making at Deptford 1000 tons,’ with which tonnage these correspond.

[210] Twenty tons each.

[211] As in the case of the _Mary Rose_, (_King’s Book of Payments_).

[212] _State Papers, Spain_, ii, 144.

[213] Fernandez Duro, _Disquisiciones Nauticas_, Lib. V, 11, 354. The Spanish ship ton, or ‘tonelada de arqueo,’ was rather smaller than the English; ‘esta tonelada de arqueo es un espacio de 8 codos cúbicos cada codo tiene 33 dedos ó pulgadas de 48 que tiene la vara de Castilla,’ (_Ibid._ p. 161, quoting Veitia). This works out at 53.44 cubic feet against the 60 cubic feet allowed in the fifteenth and sixteenth century English ships. The measurement by tonelada was Sevillean, or South Spanish; the Biscayan builders calculated by the tonel, ten of which equalled twelve toneladas (Fernandez de Navarrete, _Coleccion de Viages_ II, 86).

[214] Lodge, _Illustrations of British History_, i, 14.

[215] See Appendix A.

[216] _State Papers_, (1830), 6th Aug. 1545.

[217] _Chapter House Bks._ vol. vi.

[218] _Ibid._ vol. xiii. It should be stated that these figures are from an inventory of stores and fittings remaining on board the ships in 1515, and do not necessarily represent the full equipment. They may, however, be taken to indicate its distribution.

[219] It has been mentioned that the weight of the serpentine was about 250 lbs.; double serpentines were presumably heavier. Serpentines and other small pieces were fitted with one or two removable chambers for loading.

[220] All that is known of slings is that they were ‘bigge peces of ship ordenance,’ (_Letters and Papers_, uncalendared, 1542). ‘Bigge’ must be understood relatively as they were fired with chambers.

[221] The French _Pierrier_, used for stone shot.

[222] Murderers, half a century later, were small swivel guns, but at this date perhaps larger. These two are described as ‘two grete murderers of brasse.’

[223] According to another paper (_Letters and Papers_, i, 5721) the upper forecastle deck carried eight serpentines and eight smaller guns.

[224] She also had six serpentines and a stone gun in the main and mizen tops. In the fifteenth century darts were flung from the tops; now most large vessels carried guns in them.

[225] _Letters and Papers_, i, 5721.

[226] _Ibid._ and _Chapt. House Bks._, vol. xiii. Eighty-four guns according to the latter.

[227] Low Latin _petra_, stone shot; the name subsequently defined a particular weight or shape, and remained in use although iron shot were fired from what was still called a stone cannon.

[228] _Add. MSS._ 22047, and _State Papers of Henry VIII_, (ed. 1830), xvii, 736, (old numbering).

[229] _Letters and Papers_ i, 4379. The soldiers, sailors, and gunners are from _Letters and Papers_ i, 3977, of April 1513. The soldiers were obtained and forwarded by various persons responsible, _e.g._, the 350 of the _Gabriel Royal_ were made up of 100, being the retinue or immediate followers of Sir Thomas Courtenay and Sir William Cornwall, her captains, 100 from the Bishop of Exeter, 100 from Lord Arundel, and 50 from Lord Stourton.

[230] To defend archers in the field. This is the only instance, so far as is yet known, in which ships carried them as part of their equipment, and here probably it was only in connection with the invasion of France.

[231] Armour.

[232] It should be noticed that when these schedules were drawn up, the _Henry_ was not yet launched, the figures therefore were purely conjectural and not requisites shown by experience to be necessary.

[233] _Letters and Papers_, i, 5276; the _Peter Pomegranate_. Quarrels or quarreaux were used with crossbows.

[234] Stone shot.

[235] _Letters and Papers_, i, 5721. The _Sovereign_, _Great Nicholas_ and _Kateryn Fortileza_.

[236] _Chapter House Bks._, vol. ii, f. 102.

[237] _Ibid._, f. 72.

[238] _Ibid._, ff. 80, 88.

[239] _Archæologia_, vi, 218.

[240] _Chapter House Bks._, vol. xiii.

[241] _Letters and Papers_, i, 4376, f. 213.

[242] _Chapter House Bks._, vol. xii, f. 510.

[243] _Ibid._, f. 306.

[244] Quoted by Derrick, _Memoirs of the Royal Navy_, p. 303.

[245] _Add MSS._ 22047. The other vessels drawn he calls galleasses.

[246] _Letters and Papers_, 17th April 1523.

[247] _State Papers, Spain_, 16th July.

[248] _State Papers, Venetian, Report of England._ Also Soranzo’s _Report_ of 1554, ‘They do not use galleys.’

[249] _Add. MSS._ 22047.

[250] Bed and table covers.

[251] _Cott. MSS._, Calig. D. vi, f. 107.

[252] _Ibid._ 101.

[253] _Cott. MSS._ Otho, E. ix. f. 64.

[254] _Letters and Papers_, 4th June.

[255] Heraldically in gold and silver.

[256] _Letters and Papers_, 28th July 1514. Banners were square or nearly square, somewhat resembling the Royal Standard of to-day. Standards were long, narrow, and split at the end. Streamers were still longer and narrower, now represented by pennants, (N. H. Nicolas, _Excerpta Historica_, p. 50).

[257] _Letters and Papers_, 10th April 1514.

[258] _Ibid._ i, 5721; _Chapter House Bks._, vol. xiii; and _Stowe. MSS._ 146, f. 114.

[259] _Letters and Papers_, ii, 3549.

[260] _Harl. MSS._ 309, f. 10.

[261] _Coleccion de Viages_, i, 412.

[262] Fernandez Duro, _Viajes Regios por Mar_, p. 128.

[263] _Harl. MSS._ 309. Audley, afterwards Lord Chancellor and Lord Audley of Walden was Speaker in 1529 and knighted. In this paper he is called simply Thos. Audley so that it may be presumed to be earlier than 1532, the year of knighthood.

[264] Cf. Le Fleming MSS. p. 8, 12th _Report Hist. MSS. Com. App._ Part vii.

[265] _State Papers_, (ed. 1830) 10th Aug. 1545.

[266] Cf. _State Papers_, (ed. 1830), letters of 15th, 16th, and 18th Aug. 1545. He seems to have been completely outmanœuvred.

[267] _Ibid._, 12th Aug., 1545.

[268] _Ibid._, 17th Sept. 1545.

[269] Cf. Duro, _La Marina de Castilla_, App. No. 26. Patent of Don Alonso Enriquez. For purposes of reference it may be well to append a list of the Admirals of England during the fifteenth century: John Beaufort, Earl of Somerset, 23rd Dec. 1406; Edmund Holland, Earl of Kent, 8th May 1407; Thomas Beaufort, 1st Sept. 1408; John, Duke of Bedford, 26th July 1426; John Holland, Duke of Exeter, 2nd Oct. 1435; William de la Pole, Duke of Suffolk, 1447 (acting); Henry Holland, Duke of Exeter, 29th July 1450; Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick, 1462; William Neville, Earl of Kent, 30th July 1462; Richard, Duke of Gloucester, 12th Oct. 1462; Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick, 2nd Jan. 1471 (defeated and killed at Barnet and his appointment not recognised by the Yorkists); John Howard, Duke of Norfolk, 25th July 1483; and John de Vere, Earl of Oxford, 21st Sept. 1485.

[270] _Chapter House Books_, vol. v, f. 153.

[271] Stow, p. 497, and _Chronicle of Calais_, Cam. Soc. p. 16.

[272] _Infra._ p. 127.

[273] _Infra._ p. 80.

[274] Blocks.

[275] _State Papers_, (ed. 1830) 1 Aug. 1545, Brandon to Paget.

[276] _Ibid._, Lisle to Paget.

[277] _Ibid._, 7th Aug., Suffolk to Paget.

[278] _Ibid._, 9th Aug., Lisle to Paget.

[279] _Pipe Office Declared Accounts_, 2477.

[280] _Ibid._, 2587. But £559, 8s 7d, according to _State Papers, Dom. Ed. VI_, xv, 11.

[281] _Pipe Office Decld. Accts._, 2588, and _Acts of the Privy Council_, 17th May 1547.

[282] _Acts of the Privy Council_, 3rd Aug., 1549.

[283] _Chapter House Bks._, vol. i, ff. 23, 28.

[284] ‘Estland or parties of Spruse.’

[285] _Chapter House Book_, vol. 1, ff. 30, 33, 46. The character of jorgnet is doubtful; cf. Planché _Cyclopædia of Costume_, s.v. _Jornet_.

[286] _Chapter House Book_, vol. xi, f. 107.

[287] _Letters and Papers_, i, 4225 and Q.R. _Anc. Misc. Navy_, 616, c.

[288] _Letters and Papers_, i, 3445, ‘when divers of the French ships of war lay there.’

[289] _Ibid._, iii, 2296.

[290] _Ibid._, i, 3422—i.

[291] _Exch. War. for Issues_, 29th Jan., 1510.

[292] Leland, _Itinerary_.

[293] _Letters and Papers_, 18th Jan. 1525.

[294] _Chapter House Books_, vol. vi.

[295] _Ibid._, f. 40.

[296] _Letters and Papers_, 28th Feb., 1527, and _Aug. Office Book_, No. 317, (second part), f. 22.

[297] _Chapter House Books_, vol. v, f. 133.

[298] _Rot. Claus._ 10, Henry VIII, m. 6, and _Lansd. MSS._ 16, f. 120.

[299] _Acts of the Privy Council_, 15th Jan. and 14th Mar. 1546.

[300] _Chapter House Books_, vol. xi, f. 107.

[301] _Ibid._, f. 44. The principal men employed about dock construction are always called ‘marshmen,’ probably persons with special experience of work in swampy ground, and ‘inning,’ from the Romney Marsh district.

[302] _Add. Charters_ (B.M.), 6289.

[303] _Letters and Papers_, i. 4387, (3rd Aug).

[304] Stakes and brushwood.

[305] _Chapter House Books_, vol. xi, ff. 9, 14.

[306] _Pipe Office Accounts_, 2588.

[307] _Q.R. Misc. Navy_, 867/5. According to a modern writer (C. J. Smith, _Erith_ Lond. 1872, p. 61), the storehouse ‘stood a little eastward of the point where the road from the railway station meets West Street at right angles. A considerable portion remains.’

[308] _Chapter House Books_, vol. xii, f. 115.

[309] _Roy. MSS._, 14 B xii D.

[310] _Chapter House Books_, vol. xi, f. 3.

[311] _Ibid._, f. 65.

[312] _Aug. Office Book_, No. 317, (second part), ff. 27, 29.

[313] _Chapter House Books_, vol. xii, ff. 71, 365.

[314] _Chapter House Books_, vol. vi, ff. 53, 57.

[315] _Ibid._, ff. 61-3.

[316] _Acts of the Privy Council_, 22nd April 1548.

[317] _Ibid._, 21st August 1545.

[318] _Tellers’ Rolls_, No. 64.

[319] N. Dews, _History of Deptford_.

[320] _Cott. MSS._ Vesp. C. vi, 375.

[321] _Letters and Papers_, i, 3977.

[322] _Ibid._, i, 5112.

[323] _Letters and Papers_, 19th April 1545, (uncalendared).

[324] _Fœdera_, xiii, 326, 8th April 1512.

[325] _Letters and Papers_, i, 5017.

[326] _Ibid._, 25th April 1544, (uncalendared).

[327] _Exch. Accts._ (Q.R.), Bdle. 57, No. 2.

[328] The Spanish West Indian fleets were not ordered to have an apothecary and medicines on board till 1556, (_Real Cedulas_ 29th July and 9th September 1556).

[329] _Letters and Papers_, 9th March, 1545-6, (uncalendared), and _State papers_, (ed. 1830) 12th August 1545.

[330] _Letters and Papers_, i, 3422—ii.

[331] _Roy. MSS._ 7 F xiv-75.

[332] _Cott. MSS._, Galba B iii-137.

[333] _Chapter House Books_, vol. ii, f. 3.

[334] _Ibid._, vol. iii, f. 4.

[335] _Letters and Papers_, 28th May 1545, (uncalendared).

[336] _Ibid._, i, 5762.

[337] _Letters and Papers_, i, 4475.

[338] _State Papers_, (ed. 1830), 2nd August 1545, Lisle to King. The summer of 1545 was unusually hot. Lisle then described symptoms which point to dysentery and scurvy, (_Ibid._, 1st August).

[339] _Ibid._, 15th September 1545, Lisle to Council. Only three men were killed in what little fighting there was at Treport.

[340] _Aug. Office Book_, No. 315, f. 1.

[341] _Chapter House Books_, vol. ii, f. 17.

[342] The least important.

[343] _State Papers_ (ed. 1830), 7th Aug. 1545, Lisle to Paget.

[344] Old French, _meien_.

[345] _Acts of the Privy Council_, 14th April 1546.

[346] Spanish, _forsado_.

[347] _State Papers_ (ed. 1830), 15th July 1546, Lisle to Paget.

[348] _Roy. MSS._ 14 B xxxiii.

[349] _Letters and Papers_, i, 5762, Council to Wyndham.

[350] _Ibid._, 14th Sept. 1539.

[351] _Harl. MSS._, 309. f. 10. These rules were based on the ordinances issued by Richard I, themselves grounded on customs reaching back to the dawn of Mediterranean navigation.

[352] Probably on ‘look out’ is meant, still the most serious offence of which a sailor can be guilty.

[353] _State Papers_ (ed. 1830), March 1546.

[354] _Exch. Accts._ (Q.R.), Bdle. 57, No. 2.

[355] Trin from the old English _tryndelle_ or _trendelle_, a wheel; dryngs are halliards. Both trin and dryngs were used in connection with the mainsail.

[356] Ropes.

[357] Capstan, Spanish, _cabrestante_.

[358] Great boat, cockboat, and jollyboat.

[359] Hooker’s _Life of Sir Peter Carew_, pp. 34-5.

[360] _Tellers’ Rolls_, No. 63.

[361] _Exch. War. for Issues_, 12th July, 1512, and _Letters and Papers_, i, 3445.

[362] Ellis, _Original Letters_, I, 147, Series III.

[363] _Cott. MSS._ Calig. D. vi, 104-7.

[364] _Letters and Papers_, 21st May, 1513. Fox and Dawtrey to Wolsey.

[365] _Ibid._, i, 4474.

[366] _Ibid._, iii, 2337. Surrey to King.

[367] _State Papers_ (ed. 1830) 20th Aug., 1545.

[368] _Letters and Papers_, i, 3445, 5747, and 27th March, 1513. _Chapter House Books_, vol. vi. _Pipe Office Declared Accounts_, 2193. Prices varied a great deal, being much higher at Portsmouth for instance than at Yarmouth.

[369] _Letters and Papers_ 19th April 1545 (uncalendared) and _State Papers_ (ed. 1830) 12th Aug., 1545.

[370] _Letters and Papers_ iii, 2362. Surrey to Wolsey.

[371] _State Papers, Dom., Ed. VI_, xv, 11.

[372] _Letters and Papers_, 9th March 1545-6 (uncalendared) and Q.R. _Anc. Misc. Navy_, 616 d., 2.

[373] _Rot. Pat._ 14th of Henry VIII, Pt. II, m. 26. ‘Embezzlement,’ in these pardons, had not the particular meaning attached to the word now. They were meant to protect the holder against accusations he might not, from lapse of time, have sufficient evidence to refute.

[374] _Aug. Off. Bk._ No. 315, f. 3.

[375] _Letters and Papers_, 26th May 1513.

[376] _Cott. MSS._, App. xviii, f. 10. Undated, but before 1529, when Spert was knighted.

[377] _Letters and Papers_, iv, 2362.

[378] _Ibid._, 25th Sept. 1524.

[379] _Ibid._, 2nd March 1526, and _Aug. Office Book_, No. 317 Part ii, f. 1.

[380] _Letters and Papers_, 14th July 1533.

[381] _Arundel MSS._, 97. On Spert’s monument in the chancel of St Dunstan’s Stepney, he is called ‘comptroller of the navy.’ The designation was not in use until long after his death, in September 1541, and the monument itself is a seventeenth century one.

[382] _State Papers_ (ed. 1830), 8th Jan. 1544-5, and xvi, 441 (old numbering).

[383] Son of Wm. Gonson.

[384] _Letters Patent_, 24th April.

[385] _Add. MSS._ 9297, f. 13.

[386] _Letters and Papers_, i. 3977, 3978. Eight were from Topsham, and eight from Dartmouth.

[387] _Ibid._, i, 4533, 31st October 1513.

[388] _Ibid._, 15th May 1513. Dawtrey to Wolsey.

[389] _Ibid._, 18th July 1513.

[390] _Letters and Papers_, i, 5112.

[391] _Ibid._, 25th April 1544 (uncalendared).

[392] _State Papers_ (ed. 1830), 18th April 1544.

[393] _Ibid._, xvii, 552 (old numbering).

[394] Stow, p. 588. War was declared on 3rd August, 1544.

[395] _Exch. War. for Issues_, 17th July 1522.

[396] _Ibid._, 7th Feb. 1544.

[397] _Letters and Papers_, 16th Jan. 1513.

[398] _Letters and Papers_, iv, 5101.

[399] _Ibid._, vi, 1380.

[400] _Letters and Papers_, 1540 (uncalendared).

[401] _Ibid._, 15th May 1544; March 1545; and 19th April 1545 (uncalendared).

[402] Somerset.

[403] _State Papers, Venetian_, Falier’s Report.

[404] _Ibid._, Barbaro’s Report.

[405] _Ibid._, Soranzo’s Report.

[406] _Voyages_, v, 256. (Ed. 1885).

[407] _State Papers, Spain_, 2nd January 1541.

[408] The facts relating to this doubtful voyage are fully discussed by H. Harrisse in _John Cabot, the Discoverer of North America, and Sebastian his Son_, London 1896, p. 157 et seq.

[409] _Ibid._, p. 340.

[410] Herbert, _Life of Henry VIII._, p. 651, ed. 1870.

[411] It is said £80,000.

[412] _Letters and Papers_ 19th March, 1513.

[413] _Ibid._, xi, 943.

[414] Gasquet, _Henry VIII and the English Monasteries_, ii, 534-5.

[415] _Letters and Papers_, Preface to vol. ii, p. 194.

[416] _Ibid._, i, 4533.

[417] _Chapter House Books_, vol. i, f. 23.

[418] _Chapter House Books_, vol. iii, f. 68. Cf. _Letters and Papers_, xiii, (Pt. 1), 1777, where the dates and amounts differ somewhat.

[419] _Pipe Office Declared Accounts_, 2587.

[420] _State Papers_ (ed. 1830), 6th April 1546.

[421] _Ibid._, xvii, 683 (old numbering), Wriothesley to Council.

[422] _State Papers, Dom. Ed. VI_, xv, 11.

[423] Any kind of movable fittings.

[424] _State Papers, Spain_, 30th January 1532. Chapuys to Emperor.

[425] _Letters and Papers_, ii, 235.

[426] _Cott. MSS._ Calig. D., viii, 150.

[427] _Letters and Papers_, 29th March 1532.

[428] _Ibid._, xii, 782.

[429] _Ibid._, xiii, 158.

[430] _Acts of the Privy Council_, 14th April 1546.

[431] _Acts of the Privy Council_, 8th August 1546.

[432] 27 Hen. viii, c. 4.

[433] _Stowe MSS._ 146, f. 41.

[434] _Nomenclator Navalis._

[435] _Chapter House Books_, vol. xii, f. 91.

[436] _Letters and Papers_, 23rd Feb. and 25th Nov. 1514, and i, 5024. The last was 2400 lbs. The prices for serpentine and bombdyne powder are probably only for manufacture.

[437] _Chapter House Books_, vol. x, f. 32.

[438] _Ibid._, vol. v, f. 110.

[439] _Ibid._, vol. vi, f. 58.

[440] Arrows of inferior quality.

[441] _Letters and Papers_, x, 299.

[442] _Chapter House Books_, vol. vi, f. 41. The ton contained 40 cubic feet of dry, and 50 of green, timber.

[443] Probably Olonne (Vendée).

[444] 28 ells: the English ell is five—the French six-fourths of a yard; as the canvas was French, the ells are most likely French.

[445] Probably Vitré (Brittany).

[446] A bale.

[447] A Breton canvas. There was a ‘poll davye baye’ on the Breton coast (_State Papers_, ed. 1830, xiv, 325), and a small village named Poldavid is situated in Douarnenez Bay. At a later date it is frequently called ‘Dantzic Polldavy’ and then probably means a canvas of Breton type obtained from Dantzic.

[448] Printed in full in _Archæologia_, vi, 218.

[449] _Lansd. MSS._ 2, f. 66.

[450] Probably the _Moon, Seven Stars, and Swift_.

[451] _Pipe Office Accounts_, 2194.

[452] _Harl. MSS._, 354, f. 9. Printed in full in Derrick’s _Memoirs of the Royal Navy_, pp. 16, 17.

[453] Edward was present at the launch of the _Primrose_ and _Mary Willoby_ on the 4th July 1551 (_Journal_).

[454] _Acts of the Privy Council_, 7th February 1551.

[455] _Acts of the Privy Council._

[456] _Ibid._

[457] _Pipe Office Accounts_, 2355.

[458] _Acts of the Privy Council._

[459] _Pipe Office Accounts_, 2194 and 2588. War with France and Scotland continued until 24th March 1550.

[460] _Pipe Office Accounts_, 2194.

[461] Hakluyt, _Voyages_, iii, 53 (ed. 1885) and Fernandez Duro _Armada Espanola_, p. 121.

[462] _State Papers, Dom. Ed. VI_, iv, 39.

[463] _Acts of the Privy Council_, 31st January 1552.

[464] _Chronicle of King Henry VIII_, edited by Major Martin Hume, Lond. 1889, pp. 161-3.

[465] _Acts of the Privy Council_, 20th November 1552.

[466] _Ibid._, 22nd September 1551.

[467] _Ibid._, 18th February 1550.

[468] _State Papers, Dom. Ed. VI_, 7th Sept. 1548.

[469] _Journal of Edward VI_, April 1550.

[470] _Ibid._, 2nd July 1551.

[471] _Acts of the Privy Council_, 17th May 1552.

[472] _Pipe Office Accounts_, 2194.

[473] 2 and 3 Ed. VI, c. 6.

[474] _State Papers, Dom. Mary_ i, 23. Although calendared under the first year of Mary the return goes on with a list of those ‘decayed since the death of Edward VI to the present time,’ numbering sixty-two of 9170 tons. The date assigned to this document cannot therefore possibly be correct and it probably belongs to the reign of Elizabeth.

[475] _Journal of Edward VI_, 14th February 1552.

[476] 2 and 3 Ed. VI, c. 19.

[477] _State Papers, Dom. Ed. VI_, xv, 41.

[478] _Ibid._, xv, 11.

[479] Supra p. 94.

[480] _Pipe Office Accounts_, 2195. According to _State Papers, Dom. Eliz._, ii, 30, the _Primrose_ had been sold for £1800, but only £1000 had ever been paid.

[481] _Acts of the Privy Council_, 4th October 1553.

[482] Machyn’s _Diary_, Camd. Soc.

[483] _Cecil MSS._ Cal. Pt. I, No. 846. The credit to be attached to this paper is discussed in the _English Historical Review_, ix, 711.

[484] _Pipe Office Accounts_, 2356.

[485] _Ibid._, 2357.

[486] _State Papers, Dom. Mary_, xii, 36, 65.

[487] _Exch. War. for Issues_, 23rd April, 2nd and 3rd of Philip and Mary.

[488] _Ibid._, Oct.

[489] _Ibid._, 30th March, 3rd and 4th of Philip and Mary.

[490] _Rot. Pat._

[491] _Acts of the Privy Council_, 11th January 1556.

[492] _Ibid._, 3rd June 1557.

[493] Paulet, Marquis of Winchester.

[494] _State Papers, Dom. Mary_, x, 1, 2.

[495] Supra, p. 110.

[496] Hakluyt, _Voyages_, iii, 20, ed. 1885.

[497] _Pipe Office Accounts_, 2591.

[498] _State Papers Dom., Mary_, xiii, 64.

[499] With the exception of the galley establishments at Seville and Barcelona there were no royal dockyards in Spain. There was no difference made, in building, between merchantmen and men-of-war, and in 1584 Martin de Recalde petitioned to be allowed to fly the royal standard because without it his fleet would be taken for merchantmen. In return for the large bounty given and the advances made to builders the crown seized their vessels on every occasion and for every purpose where, in England, the royal ships would have been employed. The system was the same as that by which Edward III had destroyed English shipping. In 1601 the Duke of Medina Sidonia wrote plainly that the remedy for the impoverishment fallen on Spanish shipowners was ‘that the King should build the vessels he required and not take them from private individuals, ruining them.’ In the fleet of the Marquis of Santa Cruz at Terceira in 1583 only three belonged to the crown, and in the Armada only twenty-five. Sometimes contracts were made with admirals who undertook to serve with a certain number of ships, and at other times with towns who engaged to supply them. There was no Admiralty as in England. There had been an Admiral of Castile from the beginning of the thirteenth century, but the civil portion of his duties was confined to the headship of the courts of law deputed to hear maritime causes. If a fleet or squadron was to be equipped officials, who may or may not have had previous experience, were temporarily entrusted with the duty at the various ports and their functions ceased with the completion of their work (Fernandez Duro, _La Armada Invencible_; _Disquisiciones Nauticas_, Lib. V.; _Hist. de la Marina_).

[500] _Lives of the Devereux_ I, 375.

[501] No information available.

[502] The whole navy except the _Popinjay_ in Ireland. And in this year, as in many others, the same vessel was sometimes in commission more than once. This was especially the case with the fourth- fifth- and sixth-rates and is an unavoidable source of error.

[503] _State Papers, Dom. Eliz._, 20th February 1558-9.

[504] _Ibid._, 24th March 1559.

[505] _Add. MSS._ 9294, f. 1.

[506] _State Papers, Dom._, iii, 44.

[507] Machyn’s _Diary_, 3rd July 1559; _State Papers, Dom._, iii, 44, and xcvi, p. 295.

[508] _State Papers, Dom._, xcvi, p. 295; _Pipe Office Accounts_, 2358, and _Cecil MSS._, Cal. No. 846.

[509] _Exch. War. for Issues_, 14th Mar. 1560; _Pipe Office Accounts_, 2358, and _State Papers, Dom._, xcvi, p. 295.

[510] _Pipe Office Accounts_, 2358.

[511] _Ibid._

[512] _Ibid._ and _Cecil MSS._, Cal. No. 846.

[513] _Ibid._

[514] _Cecil MSS._, Cal. No. 846, and _Pipe Office Accounts_, 2198.

[515] According to _State Papers, Dom._, xcvi, p. 295, built in 1560, but she is not mentioned in the accounts till 1563, and was first in commission in December 1562.

[516] First mentioned this year and noted as French, probably from Havre. There were also eleven small French ships taken in the port of Havre in 1562, and carried on the navy list till 1564, after which year they disappear. They may have been returned on the conclusion of peace in April; there was some discussion to that effect.

[517] Four small brigantines. _Exch. War. for Issues_, 4th July 1563, and _Pipe Office Accounts_, 2360.

[518] _Pipe Office Accounts_, 2200 and 2361.

[519] _Ibid._, 2364, and _Exch. War. for Issues_, 12th Aug. 1567.

[520] _Pipe Office Accounts_, 2206 and 2367.

[521] _Ibid._, 2206 and 2208.

[522] _Ibid._

[523] _Ibid._, 2209 and 2370.

[524] _Ibid._

[525] _Ibid._

[526] _Ibid._

[527] _Ibid._, 2213 and 2374.

[528] _Ibid._

[529] _Ibid._, 2376. Or _Marlion_.

[530] _Ibid._, 2217.

[531] _Ibid._, 2218.

[532] _Ibid._, 2219.

[533] _Ibid._, 2220. The _Philip and Mary_, rebuilt and renamed.

[534] _Ibid._, 2381. The Galley _Ellynor_ rebuilt and renamed. She had a ‘gondello’ as a boat.

[535] _Ibid._, 2221.

[536] _Ibid._

[537] _Ibid._

[538] _Ibid._, 2223 and 2383.

[539] _Ibid._

[540] _Ibid._

[541] _Ibid._

[542] _Ibid._

[543] _Ibid._

[544] _Pipe Office Accounts_, 2223 and 2383.

[545] _Ibid._

[546] _Ibid._

[547] _Ibid._

[548] _Ibid._

[549] _Ibid._, 2224. Possibly bought of Ralegh, or originally built for him.

[550] _Ibid._, 2385.

[551] Flagship of Don Pedro de Valdes; carried on the effective till 1594.

[552] _Pipe Office Accounts_, 2226.

[553] _Ibid._, 2227.

[554] _Ibid._ Or _Guardland_.

[555] _Ibid._

[556] _Ibid._

[557] _Ibid._

[558] _Ibid._

[559] _Ibid._

[560] _Ibid._, 2388. Lost at sea, 17th May 1591.

[561] _Ibid._

[562] _Ibid._, 2503.

[563] _Ibid._, 2228.

[564] _Ibid._, 2390.

[565] _Ibid._, and 2229.

[566] _Ibid._, 2230 and 2390. The _Eagle_ of Lubeck bought for £70, and ‘made into a hulk for taking ordnance out of ships.’

[567] _Ibid._, 2231.

[568] _Ibid._, 2393.

[569] _Ibid._, 2232 and 2394.

[570] _Ibid._ Or _Dieu Repulse_.

[571] Taken at Cadiz.

[572] _Pipe Office Accounts_, 2239. Bought of the Lord Admiral.

[573] _Ibid._, 2239. Two galleys.

[574] _Ibid._

[575] _Ibid._, 2240. Two galleys.

[576] _Add. MSS._ 9294, f. 1.

[577] _Egerton MSS._ 2642, f. 150.

[578] Found by Mr E. Fraser in a _Rawlinson MS._ at Oxford.

[579] _Harl. MSS._ 167, f. 1. That in papers kept by different officials the time of the change of name should not exactly correspond is not strange.

[580] _State Papers, Dom._, clx, 60, and _Pipe Office Accounts_, 2211.

[581] _State Papers, Dom._, ccxlii, 21.

[582] _Ibid._, cclxxxvi, 36, and _Add. MSS._, 9336, f. 10.

[583] Hakluyt, _Voyages_, xi, 354, ed. 1885.

[584] _Infra_ p. 157.

[585] J. Edye, _Calculations relating to the displacement of ships of war_, Lond. 1832.

[586] _State Papers, Dom._ ccix, 85.

[587] Rowing seat.

[588] _State Papers, Dom._, ccxxix, 77.

[589] By 39 Eliz. c. 4. (1597-8) ‘dangerous rogues’ were to be sent to the galleys, but it is the only statute so directing and does not seem to have been acted on (Turner, _History of Vagrants and Vagrancy_, p. 129). Nor am I aware of any allusion to an English galley service in the literature of the time.

[590] _State Papers, Dom._, ccxliii, 110.

[591] _Works_, II, 78, ed. 1751.

[592] _Cecil MSS._ Cal. ii, 222.

[593] W. Bourne, _Inventions or Devises_, Lond. 1578. Bourne’s book was possibly the origin of the fireships used at Calais in 1588; it must have been well known to the leading seamen of the fleet.

[594] _State Papers, Dom._, cxlvi, 97.

[595] _Cecil MSS._ Cal. No. 846.

[596] The Elizabethans called any ship comparatively low in the water a galleass, or said that she was built ‘galleas fashion,’ irrespective of oars.

[597] _Pipe Office Accounts_, 2218, 2220, and 2221.

[598] _Ibid._, 2223.

[599] _State Papers, Dom._ cclxxvi, 57.

[600] _Ibid._, ccxxiii, 45.

[601] Ralegh, _Invention of Ships_.

[602] _Pipe Office Accounts_, 2232. The distinction between overlop and deck is not always clear. Sometimes overlop appears to mean a deck running the whole length of the ship, as distinguished from a forecastle or poop deck, and at other times a slight lower deck not intended to carry guns. This last became its ultimate meaning, and it is used in this sense in relation to the _Defiance_ and _Warspite_.

[603] _Pipe Office Accounts_, 2200.

[604] _Ibid._, 2204.

[605] Trailboard, a carved board reaching from the stem to the figure head.

[606] _Pipe Office Accounts_, 2238.

[607] Bulkheads.

[608] Poop.

[609] _Pipe Office Accounts_, 2236.

[610] _Add. MSS._, 20,043. _Treatise concerning the Navy of England_, f. 6. By James Montgomery.

[611] _State Papers, Domestic_, clii, 19.