Chapter XXXVI: Appendix: I (3)

[314] Archiv. delle Riformag. Classe IX., Distinzione i. No. 39; Classe V. No. 129, fol. 62 sqq.; Prov. del Convento di S. Croce, 23 Ott. 1354.--Villani, XII. 58.--Ughelli VII. 1015.

[315] Archiv. delle Riformag. Classe II. Distinz. I. No. 14.--Archiv. Diplom. LXXVIII.-IX., LXXX.-I.; Prov. del Convento di S. Croce, 1371 Febb. 18, Ott. 8, 14; 1372, Marz. 15; 1375, Marz. 9; 1380, Genn. 12; 1380, Dic. 1; 1381, Nov. 18; 1383, Lugl. 12; 1384, Dic. 13.--Werunsky Excerptt. ex Registt. Clement. VI. et Innoc. VI. p. 95.--Villani, XII. 58.--Wadding. ann. 1372, No. 35; ann. 1375, No. 32.--Raynald. ann. 1375, No. 13-17; ann. 1376, No. 1-5.--Poggii Hist. Florentin. Lib. II. ann. 1376.--A document of 1374 (Archiv. Fior. Prov. S. Croce, 1374, Nov. 17) allows that Frà Piero di Ser Lippo, at that time Inquisitor of Florence, was defendant in an action brought against him in the papal curia by the Dominican Frà Simone del Pozzo, Inquisitor of Naples, in which Frà Piero seems to have obtained what was equivalent to a nonsuit.

[316] Wadding. ann. 1377, No. 4-23.

[317] Tamburini, Storia Gen. dell' Inquisizione, II. 433-6.--Raynald. ann. 1418, No. 11.--Archiv. di Firenze, Prov. S. Maria Novella, 1424, Ap. 24.--Wadding. ann. 1437, No. 33; ann. 1438, No. 26; ann. 1439, No. 57; ann. 1440, No. 26; ann. 1441, No. 61; ann. 1452, No. 30; ann. 1471, No. 11; ann. 1496, No. 7.--Ripoll VII. 89, 100.

Frà Gabriele, the Inquisitor of Bologna, in the same year, 1461, in which he was sent to Rome, expended twenty-three lire ten sol. in having a copy made of Eymerich's _Directorium Inquisitionis_.--Denifle, Archiv für Litteratur-etc. 1885, p. 144.

[318] Paramo de Orig. Office S. Inq. p. 113.

[319] MSS. Chioccarello, T. VIII.--Raynald. ann. 1344, No. 9; ann. 1368, No. 16; ann. 1372, No. 36; ann. 1375, No. 26.--Tocco. Archivio Storico Napolitan. Ann. XII. (1887), Fasc. 1.--Ripoll II. 311, 324, 364.--Guiseppe Cosentino, Archivio Storico Siciliano, 1885, pp. 74-5, 87.--La Mantia, Dell' Inquisizione in Sicilia, Torino, 1886, pp. 13-15.

[320] Wadding. T. III. Regesta, p. 392.--Ripoll II. 689.

When, in 1447, Nicholas V. issued a cruel edict subjecting the Jews to severe disabilities and humiliations, Capistrano was likewise appointed conservator to enforce its provisions (Wadding. ann. 1447, No. 10).

[321] Giannone, Ist. Civ. di Napoli, Lib. XXXII. c. 5.--Wadding. ann. 1449, No. 13.--Ripoll III. 240, 441, 501.

[322] Paramo, pp. 197-99.--Ripoll III. 510.--La Mantia, L'Inquisizione in Sicilia, pp. 16-18.

Giuseppe Cosentino says (Archivio Storico Siciliano, 1885, p. 73) that the confirmation in 1451 by King Alonso of the diploma of Frederic II. is not to be found in the archives of Palermo, but that the royal letters of 1415 allude to a privilege granted by Frederic. See also La Mantia, pp. 8-10, 13, 15.

[323] Pirro, Sicilia Sacra, I. 185-6.--G. Cosentino, loc. cit. p. 76.--Caruso, Memorie Istoriche di Sicilia, P. II. T. i. p. 92.--Giannone, op. cit. Lib. XXXII. c. 5.--Paramo, pp. 191-4.--Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib. V. c. 70; Lib. IX. c. 36.--Mariana, Hist. de España, Lib. XXX. c. 1.

[324] Schmidt, Histoire des Cathares, I. 104-9.--Gregor. PP. VII. Regist. VII. 11.--Batthyani Legg. Eccles. Hung. II. 274, 289-90, 415-17.--Raynald. ann. 1203, No. 22.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. II. 176.

[325] Innoc. PP. III. Regest. II. 176; III. 3; V. 103, 110; VI. 140, 141, 142, 212.

[326] Schmidt, I. 112-13.

[327] Potthast No. 6612, 6725, 6802.--Raynald. ann. 1225, No. 21.--Klaic, Geschichte Bosniens, nach dem Kroatischen von Ivan v. Bojnicic, Leipzig, 1885, pp. 89-91.

[328] Monteiro, Historia da Sacra Inquisição P. I. Liv. 1, c. 59.--Paramo, p. 111.--Raynald. ann. 1257, No. 13.--Hist. Ord. Prædic. c. 8. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 338).--Ripoll I. 70.--Klaic, pp. 92-4.

[329] Epist. Sæc. XIII. T. I. No. 574, 601.--Ripoll I. 70.--Potthast No. 9726, 9733-8, 10019, 10052.--Klaic, p. 96.--Batthyani Legg. Eccles. Hung. I. 355.--Matt. Paris ann. 1243 (Ed. 1644, pp. 412-13).

[330] Bishop John succeeded in resigning his bishopric, and became Grand Master of his Order. A contemporary, who knew him personally, describes him as a man of apostolic virtue, who distributed in alms the revenue of his see, amounting to 8000 marks, and performed his journeys on foot, with an ass to carry his books and vestments. After his death at Strassburg he shone in miracles.--Thomæ Cantimprat. Bonum universale Lib. II. c. 56.

[331] Potthast No. 10223-6, 10507, 10535, 10631-9, 10688-93, 10822-4, 10842.--Ripoll I. 102-4, 106-7.--Schmidt, I. 122.--Klaic, pp. 97-107.

[332] Ripoll I. 175-6.--Klaic, pp. 107-13.--Kukuljevic, Jura Regni Croatiæ, Dalmatiæ et Slavoniæ, Zagrabiæ, 1862, I. 67.

[333] Rainerii Summa (Martene Thesaur. V. 1768).--Klaic, p. 153.--Theiner Monumenta Slavor. Meridional. I. 90.

[334] Raynald. ann. 1280, No. 8, 9; ann. 1291, No. 42-44.--Klaic, pp. 116-9.--Wadding. ann. 1291, No. 12.

[335] Wadding. ann. 1298, No. 2.--Klaic, pp. 123-4.--Raynald. ann. 1319, No. 24.

[336] Klaic, pp. 124-5, 139-40, 154-6.--Theiner Monument. Slavor. Merid. I. 157, 234.--Raynald. ann. 1325, No. 28; ann. 1327, No. 48.--Wadding. ann. 1325, No. 1-4; ann. 1326, No. 3-7; ann. 1329, No. 16; ann. 1330, No. 10.

[337] Archivio di Venezia, Fontanini MSS. III. 560.

[338] Theiner Monument. Slavor. Merid. I. 174, 175--Wadding. ann. 1331, No. 4; ann. 1337, No. 1.--Raynald. ann. 1335, No. 62.--Klaic, pp. 157-8.

[339] Klaic, pp. 159-61, 181-3.--Wadding. ann. 1340, No. 6-10.--Theiner, op. cit.

[340] Klaic, pp. 184-5, 187-8, 190-5, 200-1, 223, 262, 268-77, 287, 369.--Theiner Monument. Slavor. Merid. I. 233, 240.--Wadding. ann. 1356, No. 7; ann. 1368, No. 1-3; ann. 1369, No. 11; ann. 1372, No. 31-33; ann. 1373, No. 17; ann. 1382, No. 2.--Raynald. ann. 1368, No. 18; ann. 1372, No. 32.--Pet. Ranzani Epit. Rer. Hung. XIX. (Schwandtner Rer. Hung. Scriptt, p. 377).

In 1367 we find the people of Cattaro appealing to Urban V. for aid against the schismatics of Albania, and the heretics of Bosnia who were endeavoring to convert them by force (Theiner, op. cit. I. 259), which probably refers to some enterprise of the restless Sandalj Hranic. Yet when, in 1383, we hear of a Bishop of Bosnia, recently dead, who had lent 12,000 florins to Louis of Hungary, and had then bequeathed the debt to the Holy See (Ib. p. 337), we can only conclude that the orthodox Bosnian Church continued to exist and was not wholly penniless.

[341] Klaic, pp. 275, 287-8, 291, 297-8, 304-5, 312-13, 324.

[342] Klaic, p. 416.

[343] Ibid. pp. 335-8, 344-6, 351-3.

[344] Wadding, ann. 1433, No. 12-13; ann. 1435, No. 1-7, 9; ann. 1476, No. 39-40; ann. 1498. No. 2.--Ægid. Carlerii Lib. de Legationibus (Monument. Concil. General. Sæc. XV. T. I. p. 676).

[345] Theiner Monument. Slavor. Merid. I. 375, 376.--Klaic, pp. 354-6, 364-5, 369.

[346] Klaic, pp. 366-7, 369-70, 372-3.--Wadding, ann. 1437, No. 2-3; ann. 1444, No. 42-3.--Ripoll III. 91.--Raynald. ann. 1444, No. 2; ann. 1445, No. 23: ann. 1447, No. 21.--Theiner, op. cit. I. 388, 389, 395.

[347] Klaic, pp. 373-4.--Raynald. ann. 1449, No. 9.

[348] Klaic, pp. 376-77, 379.--Raynald. ann. 1449, No. 9; ann. 1450, No. 13; ann. 1461, No. 136.--Wadding. ann. 1451, No. 47, 52-3.--Ripoll III. 286.

[349] Theiner, op. cit. I. 408.--Klaic, pp. 380-2.

[350] Klaic, pp. 398, 408-9, 412, 414-15.--Theiner, I. 432.

[351] Klaic, pp. 424-6.

[352] Klaic, pp. 427-8, 432-6.--Wadding. ann. 1462, No. 82.

[353] Klaic, pp. 437-9, 443.--Wadding. ann. 1478, No. 67; ann. 1498, No. 2-3; ann. 1500, No. 44.

There was at least one humorous incident connected with the conquest of Bosnia. On the occupation by the Turks of the capital, Jaicza, the Franciscans fled to Venice, carrying with them the body of St. Luke, which had been translated thither from Constantinople. The possession of so important a relic brought them great consideration, but involved them in a troublesome contest. For three hundred years the Benedictine house of St. Justina at Padua had rejoiced in owning the body of St. Luke, which was the source of much profit. The Benedictines objected to the intrusion of the döppelganger; and as no trustworthy tradition assigned two bodies to the saint, there was no chance of compromise. They appealed to Pius II., who referred the case with full powers of decision to his legate at Venice, Cardinal Bessarion. A trial in all legal form was held, lasting for three months and resulting in the victory of the Franciscans. The Paduan Luke, as an impostor, was forbidden to enjoy in future the devotion of the faithful, but no provision was made to compensate those who for three centuries had wasted on him their prayers and offerings, in the belief that they were securing the suffrages of the genuine Evangelist. The Paduans for years vainly endeavored to get Bessarion's decision set aside, and they were finally obliged to submit. Their strongest argument was that, about the year 580, the Emperor Tiberius II. had given to St. Gregory, then apocrisarius of Pelagius II. in Constantinople, the head of St. Luke, which was still exhibited and venerated in the Basilica of the Vatican. Now the Benedictine St. Luke was a headless trunk, while the Franciscan one was perfect, and they argued with reason that it was highly improbable that St. Luke had possessed two heads. This logic was more cogent than successful, though the Vatican clergy did not feel called upon to discredit their own valuable relic, which they continued to exhibit as genuine. The question was still further complicated by a superfluous arm of the Evangelist which was preserved in the Basilica of S. Maria ad Præsepe (Wadding. ann. 1463, No. 13-23).

[354] Kaltner, Konrad von Marburg, Prag, 1882, pp. 41-5.--Frag. Hist. (Urstisii Scriptt. P. II. p. 89).--Chronik des Jacob v. Königshofen (Chroniken der deutchen Städte, IX. 649).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1215.--H. Mutii Chron. Lib. XIX. ann. 1212.--Innoc. PP. III. Regest. XIV. 138.--Cæsar. Heisterb. Dist. III. cap. 16, 17.

On the authority of Daniel Specklin, a Strassburg annalist who died in 1589, Bishop Henry is said to have met St. Dominic in Rome, to have promised him and Innocent III. to introduce the Dominican Order in Strassburg, and to have taken some members home with him, who speedily multiplied to about a hundred, and distinguished themselves by the persecution related in the text (Kaltner, loc. cit.; cf. Hoffman. Geschichte der Inquisition II. 365-71). At this period, as we have seen in a former chapter, Dominic was laboring obscurely in Languedoc, and it was not until 1214 that the liberality of Pierre Cella suggested to him the idea of assembling around him in Toulouse half a dozen kindred spirits. It was not until 1224 that the Dominican convent in Strassburg was founded (Kaltner, p. 45).

[355] Kaltner, p. 45.--Hoffmann, II. 371-2.--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1215.

[356] Innoc. PP. III. Regest. II. 141, 142, 235.--Alberic. Trium Font. ann. 1200.--Cæsar. Heisterb. Dist. V. c. 20.

[357] Kaltner, op. cit. pp. 69-71.--I am rather inclined to believe that honest Daniel Specklin has drawn to some extent upon his own convictions for this list of errors. Among them he enumerates lay communion in both elements. As the cup at this time had not been withdrawn from the laity, its administration would not have been characterized as a heresy.

[358] Tocco, L'Heresia nel Medio Evo, p. 21.--D'Argentré, Collect. Judic. I. I. 127.--Cæsar. Heisterbac. v. 22.--Nich. Trivetti Chron. ann. 1215 (D'Achery Spicileg. III. 185.)--Rigord. de Gest. Phil. Aug. ann. 1210.--Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1210.--Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. P. II. Q. vii.--Cf. Renan, Averroès et l'Averroïsme, 3d Ed. pp. 220-4.

[359] Cæsar. Heisterb. VI. 5.

[360] Rigordus de Gest. Phil. Aug. ann. 1210.--Chron. Canon Laudunens. ann. 1212.--Chron. de Mailros ann. 1210.--Chron. Turonens. ann. 1210.--Cæsar. Heisterb. V. 22.--Chron. Breve S. Dionys. ann. 1209.--Grandes Chroniques, IV. 139.--Guillel. Brito (Bouquet XVII. 82 sqq.).--D'Argentré, Coll. Judic. I. I. 128-33.--Harduin. Concil. VI. II. 1994.--Chron. Engelbusii (Leibnitz, S. Rer. Brunsv. II. 1113).

William the goldsmith, under the title of Gulielmus Aurifex, retains his place in the Index Librorum Prohibitorum to the present day (Migne, Dictionnaire des Hérésies, II. 1056). Cf. Reusch, Der Index der verbotenen Bücher. I. 17.

[361] Steph. de Borbone (D'Argentré I. I. 88).--Potthast No. 7348.--Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 410,--Concil. Lateran. IV. c. 2.

For the connection between the speculations of Erigena and those of Amauri see Poole's "Illustrations of the History of Medieval Thought," London, 1884, p. 77.

[362] Anon. Passaviens. c. 6 (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 300-2).--Kaltner, pp. 64-5.--Haupt, Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, 1885, p. 507.

[363] Kaltner, pp. 90-5.--Hartzheim Concil. German. III. 515-16.--Potthast No. 7260.--Chron. Mont. Sereni ann. 1222 (Menken. Scriptt. Rer. Germ. II. 265).--Chron. Sanpetrin. Erfurt, ann. 1222 (Ib. III. 250).

[364] Conrad of Marburg was too shining a light not to be earnestly and persistently claimed by the Dominicans as an ornament of their Order. Their legend relates that he was miraculously drawn into it in 1220 by St. Dominic himself, who earnestly desired him as a colleague, and who promptly sent him to Germany with a commission as inquisitor (Monteiro, Historia da Sacra Inquisição, P. I. Liv. i. c. 48.--Jac. de Voragine Legend. Aur. fol. 90_a_, Ed. 1480.--Paramo, pp. 248-9), and Ripoll assumes it as a matter of course, though he failed to furnish us with the promised dissertation to prove it (Bull. Domin. I. 20, 52). See also Kaltner, pp. 76-82. The claim is based upon his inquisitorial activity, his voluntary poverty, and the title of _prædicator_, which he bore in virtue of a papal commission--arguments flimsy enough, but better than that of his latest champion, Hausrath, who cites an expression in a letter of Gregory IX. characterizing Conrad as the watch-dog of the Lord--"_Dominicus canis_" (Hoffman, Geschichte d. Inq,. II. 392). Of course a negative, such as the present, can only be proved by negatives, but these are sufficient. In numerous letters to him from Honorius III. and Gregory IX. he is never addressed as "_Frater_," the term invariably used by the Mendicants. The superscription always is "_Magistro Conrado de Marburo prædicatori Verbi Dei_, or the equivalent--Conrad being presumably a master in theology (Epistt. Sæc. XIII. T. I. No. 51, 117, 118, 126, 361, 362, 484, 533, 537). Similarly in the chronicles of the time he is never spoken of as "_Frater_," but always as "_Magister Conradus_." Besides, Theodoric of Thuringia, himself a Dominican, and almost a contemporary, in his life of St. Elizabeth describes Conrad in the moat exalted terms, without claiming him for his Order, which he could not have avoided doing had there been ground for it (Canisii Thesaur. IV. 116).

[365] Theod. Thuring, de S. Eliz. Lib. III. c. 10 (Canisii Thesaur. IV. 130).--Potthast No. 7930.--Epistt. Sæc. XIII. T. I. No. 361.

[366] Kaltner, pp. 96, 121.--De Dictis IV. Ancillarum (Menken. Scriptt. Rer. Germ. II. 2017, 2023, 2029)--Theodor. Vit. S. Eliz. (Ib. 2000-1).--Jundt, Les Amis de Dieu, p. 95

[367] Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1214.--Chron. Sanpetrin. Erfurtens. (Menken. III. 242).--Kaltner, pp. 86-7.--Epistt. Sæcul. XIII. T. I. No. 117, 118, 126, 362.

[368] Hartzheim III. 521. Cf. Concil. Frizlar. ann. 1246, ib. p. 574.--Ripoll I. 21.

[369] Vit. S. Eliz. (Canisii Thesaur. I. 116).--Johann Rohte, Chron. Thuring. (Menken. II. 1715).--Kaltner, pp. 108, 130-33.--Gesta Treviror. Episcopp. c. 172.--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1230.

[370] Hartzheim III. 539, 540.--Potthast No. 8073-4.--Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. III. p. 466.--Gest. Treviror. Archiepp. c. 170. 172.

[371] Kaltner, pp. 135-6, 143.--Theod. Vit. S. Eliz. VII. 1.--Vit. rythmic. S. Eliz. (Menken. II. 2090).--Thür. Fortsetzung d. Sächs. Weltchronik (Pertz, Scriptt. Vernac. II. 292).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1232.--Erphurdian. Variloq. (Menken. II. 484).

[372] Kaltner. p. 134.--Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. IV. pp. 300-2.

[373] Annal. Wormatiens. (Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. IV. p. 616).--Kaltner, p. 138.--Sächsiche Weltchronik ann. 1232.--Gest. Treviror. Archiepp. c. 170.

[374] Pauli Carnotens. Vet. Aganon. Lib. VI. c. 3.--Adhemar. Cabannens. ann. 1022 (Bouquet, X. 159).--Gualteri Mapes de Nugis Curialium Dist. I. c. XXX.

[375] Raynald. ann. 1233, No. 41-6.--Epistt. Sæcul. XIII. T. I. No. 533, 537.--Gest. Treviror. Archiepp. c. 171.

[376] Alberic Trium Font. ann. 1234.--Godefrid S. Pantaleon. annal. ann. 1233.

It would seem from this that Henry, Archbishop of Cologne, was performing his functions at this period, although he had been suspended by Gregory IX. in December, 1231, pending an investigation into his criminal turpitude, which the pope declared to be a shame to describe and a horror to hear. In April, 1233, Gregory tried to make him resign, to which he responded in June by an appeal to the Holy See. The immediate consequence of this was a papal levy on the clergy of Cologne of three hundred sterling marks to defray expenses. In March of the next year further provision for the expenses was requisite. In April, 1235, we find him still under excommunication and deprived of his functions. After this he seems to have re-established himself, and in March, 1238, he was condemned to pay thirteen hundred sterling marks to a Roman banker for expenses incurred many years before by his predecessor. In May, 1239, we find his successor, Conrad von Hochstaden, in Rome as archbishop-elect, and Gregory ordering a levy of eight thousand marks on the province to pay the debts due there by the see (Epistt. Select. Sæcul. XIII. T. I. No. 457, 472, 523, 529-30, 555, 579, 637, 723, 748). This serves to illustrate the relations between the Roman curia and the great German bishoprics, the insatiable greed of the former, and the fruitless efforts at emancipation of the latter.

[377] Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. IV. pp. 285-7, 300-2.

[378] Annal. Wormatiens. (Hist. Dip. Frid. II. T. IV. pp. 616-17).--Kaltner, pp. 19, 146-8.--Epistt. Select. Sæc. XIII. No. 514.

[379] Gest. Treviror. Archiepp. c. 174.--Sächsische Weltchronik, ann. 1233 (Pertz, II. 292).--Annal. Wormatiens. (loc. cit.).--Godefrid. S. Pantaleon. Annal. ann. 1233.

[380] Sächsische Weltchronik, loc. cit.--Gest. Treviror. loc. cit--Alberic. Trium Font. ann. 1233.--Erphurdian. Variloq. ann. 1233.--Chron. Erfordiens. ann. 1233 (Schannat Vindem. Literar. I. 93).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1233.--Kaltner, pp. 160-1.

[381] Alberic. Trium Font. ann. 1233.--Alban Butler, Vies des Saints, 19 Novbre.

[382] Gest. Treviror. c. 174.--Hartzheim III. 549.

[383] Epistt. Select. Sæcul. XIII. T. I. No. 533, 537, 558, 560-1.--Chron. Erfordiens. ann. 1234 (Schannat Vindem. Literar. I. 94).

[384] Epistt. Select. Sæcul. XIII. T. I. No. 503, 572.--Chron. Erfordiens. (Schannat Vindem. Literar. I. 94).--Alberic. Trium Font. ann. 1234.--Gest. Treviror. c. 175.

[385] Alberic. Trium Font. ann. 1233.

[386] Alberic. Trium Font. ann. 1233.--Epistt. Select. Sæcul. XIII. T. I. No. 607, 611-12, 636, 647.

There would appear not to be ground for the story told by Philippe Mousket (Chronique Rimée, 28831-42.--Bouquet, XXII. 55) that Gregory sent a cardinal Otho to Germany, who proceeded to degrade sundry ecclesiastics concerned in the matter, and raised such a tempest that he was obliged to escape by night to Tournay, and thence return to Rome. Even if baseless, however, the very circulation of such a report shows the antagonism excited between Rome and Germany.

[387] Kaltner, p. 173.--Annal Wormatiens. (Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. IV. p. 617).

[388] Tritbem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1232.--Erphurdian. Variloq. ann. 1232 (Menken. II. 484).--Chron. Sanpetrin. Erfurt. (Ib. III. 254).--Anon. Saxon. Hist. Impp. (Ib. III. 125).--Chron. Erfordiens. ann. 1232 (Schannut Vindem. Literar. I. 92).

[389] Kaltner, pp. 171, 173.--Annal. Dominican. Colmar. ann. 1233 (Urstisii Germ. Hist. II. 6).--Potthast No. 13000, 15995.--Albert. Statdens. Chron. ann. 1248.

[390] Anon. Passaviens. contra Waldens. c. 3, 6, 9, 10 (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 299, 301-2, 308-9).--W. Preger, Beiträge, pp. 9, 49.--Ejusd. Per Tractat des David von Augsburg.

[391] Concil. Mogunt. ann. 1261 c. 1 (Hartzheim III. 596).--Cod. Epist. Rodolph. I. pp. 148-9, Lipsiæ, 1806.

[392] Sachsenspiegel, II. iii., III. i.--Raynald. ann. 1374, No. 12.

The papal condemnation was probably elicited by a passage in the Sachsenspiegel (II. 3) declaring that the pope could not issue decretals in prejudice of the local laws and constitutions. The Saxon legists were in no wise disconcerted, and proceeded to reassert and prove their position (Richstich Lnndrecht, II. 24).

[393] Schwabenspiegel, Ed. Senck. c. 29, 116 § 12, 351; Ed. Schilt. c. 111, 166, 308.

[394] Hist. Monast. S. Laurent. Leodiens. Lib. V. c. 54.--Mag. Chron. Belgic. p. 193.--Mosheim de Beghardis, Lipsiae, 1790, pp. 98-100, 114.

In popular use the words Lollard and Beghard were virtually convertible, and yet there is a difference between them. The associations of Lollards were founded during a pestilence at Antwerp about the year 1300. They were laymen who devoted themselves to the care of the sick and insane, and specially to the burial of the dead, supplying the funds partly by labor and partly by begging. The name was derived from the low and soft singing of the funeral chants, but they called themselves Alexians, from their patron, St. Alexis, and Cellites from dwelling in cells. They were also known as Matemans, and in Germany as Nollbrüder. The word Lollard gradually grew to have the significance of external sanctity covering secret license, and was promiscuously applied to all the mendicants outside of the regular Orders. The Cellite associations spread from the Netherlands through the Rhinelands and all over Germany. Constantly the subject of persecution, along with the Beghards, their value was recognized by the magistrates of the cities who endeavored to protect them. In 1472 Charles the Bold obtained from Sixtus IV. a bull receiving them into the recognized religious orders, thus withdrawing them from episcopal jurisdiction; and in 1506 Julius II. granted them special privileges. The associations of Alexian Brothers still exist, devoted to the care of the sick, and have flourishing hospitals in the United States, as well as in Europe. (Mosheim de Beghardis pp. 461, 469.--Martini Append. ad Mosheim pp. 585-88.--Hartzheim IV. 625-6.--Addis & Arnold's Catholic Dictionary, New York, 1884, p. 886.)

[395] Miræi Opp. Diplom. II. 948 (Ed. Foppens).--D'Argentré, Coll. Judic. I. I.

[396] Miræi Opp. Diplom. I. 429; II. 998, 1013; III. 398, 523.--Mosheim de Beghardis pp. 43, 105, 127, 131-2.--Wadding, ann. 1485, No. 27.--B. de Jonghe Beigium Dominican, ap. Ripoll II. 170.--Chron. Rimée de Ph. Mousket, 28817 (Bouquet. XXII. 54).

[397] Chron. Senonens. Lib. IV. c. 18 (D'Achery II. 634-6).

The cry of "_Brod durch Gott_ was already of old usage. It was the first German speech acquired by the Franciscans sent to Germany, in 1221, by St. Francis.--Frat. Jordani Chron. c. 27 (Analecta Franciscana I. 10).

[398] Haupt, Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, 1885, p. 544.--Hartzheim III. 717; IV. 577.--Concil. Trevirens. ann. 1257 c. 66 (Martene Ampl. Coll. VII. 114-5).--Mosheim p. 199.

[399] C. 3 Clement. V. 3.--Johann. de Ochsenstein (or of Zurich) (Mosheim de Beghardis pp. 255-61).--Concil. Colon. ann. 1306 c. 1, 2 (Hartzheim IV. 100-2).--Vitodurani Chron. ann. 1344 (Eccard. Corp. Hist. I. 1906-7).--Alvar. Pelag. de Planctu Eccles. Lib. II. art. 52.--Conr. de Monte Puellarum contra Begehardos (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 342-3).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1356.--D'Argentré, Coll. Judic. I. I. 377.--Nider Formicar. III. v.--W. Preger, Meister Eckart u. d. Inquisition, pp. 45-7.--Haupt, Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, 1885, 557-8.

[400] Nider. Formicar. III. vi.--Concil. Colon, ann. 1306 c. 1 (Hartzheim IV. 101).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1356.

Poggio states that in his time a number of ecclesiastics in Venice corrupted many women with this theory of impeccability and of nakedness as an evidence of a state of grace.--Poggii Dial. contra Hypocrisim.

[401] Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1315.--Schrödl, Passavia Sacra, Passau, 1879, pp. 242-3, 247, 284.

[402] Altmeyer, Les Précurseurs de la Réforme aux Pays-Bas, I. 94.--Raynald. ann. 1329, No. 71.

For the relations of Master Eckart with the Brethren of the Free Spirit, see Preger, Vorarbeiten zu einer Geschichte der deutschen Mystik (Zeitschrift für die hist. Theol. 1869. pp. 68-78). The fact that the bull of John XXII., "_In agro Dominico_" (Ripoll VII. 57; cf. Herman. Corneri Chron. _ap._ Eccard. Corp. Hist. II. 1036-7), condemning Master Eckart's errors, has until within a few years passed as a general bull against the Brethren, sufficiently shows the connection.

[403] Mosheim de Beghardis, pp. 305, 433-57.--Jundt, Les Amis de Dieu, pp. 65-66.--Gersoni Opp. Ed. 1494, xv. Z-xvi.B.--D'Argentré, Coll. Judic. I. II. 152.--Altmeyer, Les Précurseurs de la Réforme aux Pays-Bas, I. 107-117, 166-188.--Acquoy, Gerardi Magni Epistolæ, Amstelod. 1857, pp. 28, 32-5, 37-8, 40-2, 48-9, 52-4, 57-60, 69, 83, 101.--Von der Hardt, III. 107-20.--Bonet-Maury, Gérard Groot, pp. 37-8, 49-54, 62-4, 83-5.

[404] J. Tauleri Institt. c. 12.--Vitæ D. Johannis Tauleri Historia.

It is no wonder that Tauler's writings have been the subject of contradictory opinion and action on the part of the Church. Their tendencies to Illuminism and Quietism were recognized, and, in 1603, the Congregation of the Index proposed to prepare an expurgated edition of his works and of those of Savonarola, but the project was never executed.--Reusch, Der Index der verbotenen Bücher, I. 370, 469, 523, 589.

[405] Vitæ Tauleri Historia.

M. Jundt, as the result of a series of elaborate and ingenious investigations, feels himself authorized to assume that the mysterious Friend of God in the Oberland, who has given rise to so much discussion, was John of Rutberg; that he was a resident of Coire, and that his final hermitage was in the parish of Ganterschwyl, Canton of St. Gall (Jundt, Amis de Dieu, Paris, 1879, pp. 334-42). Prof. Ch. Schmidt, however, still considers that the mystery has not been solved.--Précis de l'Histoire de l'Église de l'Occident, Paris, 1885, p. 304.

[406] Jundt, pp. 37-9, 60-2, 83, 106-7, 166, 313.

[407] See Rénan, Averroès et l'Averroïsme, 3e Éd. pp. 95, 144-6.

[408] Jundt, pp. 143, 164, 308-9, 312-13, 316-17.

[409] Mosheim de Beghardis p. 256.--Jundt, pp. 13, 42-3, 147, 155-60, 282-7, 347.--Nider Formicar. III. 2.--Gerson. de Exam. Doctrinarum P. II. Consid. 3.

There is nothing improbable in the freedom of speech attributed to the Friends of God in their interview with Gregory. Apocalyptic inspiration was common at the period, and St. Birgitta of Sweden, and St. Catharine of Siena, were not particularly reticent in their language to the successors of St. Peter.

[410] Raynald. ann. 1296, No. 34.--Annal. Domin. Colmar. ann. 1290 (Urstisii Germ. Histor. II. 25).--Hartzheim IV. 54, 201.

[411] Concil. Colon, ann. 1306, c. 1, 2 (Hartzheim IV. 100-2).--Wadding, ann. 1305, No. 12.--Mosheim de Beghardis pp. 232-4.

[412] Concil. Trevirens. ann. 1310 c. 51 (Martene Thesaur. IV. 250).--Hocsemii Gest. Pontif. Lend. Lib. I. c. 31 (Chapeaville, II. 350).

[413] C. 3, Clement. V. iii.; C. 1, III. xi.

[414] Mosheim de Beghardis, pp. 255-61, 268-9.--Haupt, Zeitschrift für K.G. 1885, pp. 561-4.

Many of the decrees of the Council of Vienne were circulated at the time, but Clement, desiring a revision, ordered them to be destroyed or surrendered. After recasting them, they were adopted by a consistory held March 21, 1314, and copies were sent to some of the universities; but Clement's death, on April 20, caused new delay. John XXII. subjected them to another revision, and they were finally published October 25, 1317.--Franz Ehrle, Archiv für Litteratur-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1885, pp. 541-2.

The contradictory character of the provisions concerning the Beguines is doubtless attributable to these repeated revisions.

The manner in which John of Zurich obtained the bishopric of Strassburg is highly illustrative of the methods of the papal curia. On the death of Bishop Frederic, the chapter divided and elected four aspirants, among whom was John of Ochsenstein, a favorite of the Emperor Albert, who, to secure his confirmation, sent to Clement V. his chancellor, John of Zurich, Bishop of Eichstedt, and the Abbot of Pairis. The envoys returned bringing papal briefs, one appointing the chancellor to the contested see, and another filling that of Eichstedt with the abbot.--Closener's Chronik (Chron. der deutschen Städte, VIII. 91).

[415] Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1317.--Ripoll II. 169.--Wadding, ann. 1319, No. 11; Ejusd. Regest. Johann. PP. XXII. No. 81.--Vitodurani Chron. ann. 1317 (Eccard. Corp. Hist. I. 1785-6).--Chron. Sanpetrin. Erfurt, ann. 1315 (Menken. III. 325).--Chron. Magdeburgens. ann. 1317 (Meibom. Rer. German. II. 337).--Chron. Egmondan. ann. 1317 (Matthæi Analect. IV. 161).--Mosheim de Beghardis, pp. 251, 269.

[416] Mosheim, pp. 189-90.--Martini Append. ad Mosheim, pp. 630-2, 638-40.--C. 1 Extrav. Commun. III. 9.--Ripoll II. 169-70.--Haupt, Zeitschrift für K. G. 1885, pp. 517, 524.

[417] Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1322.

[418] Gesta Treviror. ann. 1323 (Martene Ampl. Coll. IV. 410).--Chron. Egmondan. (Matthæi Analect. IV. 233-4)--Vitodurani Chron. (Eccard. Corp. Histor. I. 1814-15).

[419] Hartzheim IV. 436, 438.

[420] Mosheim de Beghardis, pp. 272, 298-300.--Martini Append. ad Mosheim, p. 537.--Haupt, Zeitschrift für K. G. 1885, p. 534.--Chron. de S. Thiebaut de Metz (Calmet, II. Pr. clxxi.).--Erphurdian. Variloq. ann. 1350 (Menken. II. 507).

[421] Vitodurani Chron. (Eccard. Corp. Hist. I. 1833-4, 1839-40).--Dalham Concil. Salisburg. p. 157.

[422] Vitodurani Chron. (Eccard. I. 1906-7, 1767-8).--Ullman, Reformers before the Reformation, Menzies' Translation, I. 383.

[423] Conrad, de Monte Puellar. contra Begehardos (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 342).--Mosheim de Beghardis p. 307.

[424] Carl Müller, Der Kampf Ludwigs des Baiern mit der römischen Curie, Tubingen, 1879, I. 234 sqq.

When that bold thinker, Marsiglio of Padua, endeavored, for the benefit of his patron, the Emperor Louis, to introduce into Germany the principles of the Roman jurisprudence which had enabled the French monarchs to triumph over their feudatories and to become independent of the Church, he handled the subject of the persecution of heresy in a manner which has led some writers to regard him as an advocate of toleration. This is an error. It is true that he denies all Scriptural or apostolical authority for the temporal punishment of infractions of the divine law, and asserts that Christ alone is the judge thereof, and his punishments are reserved for the next world, but this is only to serve as a premise to his conclusion that the persecution of heresy is a matter of human law, to be ordained and enforced by the secular ruler. Though the heretic, he argues, sins against the divine law, he is punished for transgressing a human law; the priest has nothing to do with it, except as an expert to determine the commission of the crime, and has no claim upon the consequent confiscations (Defensor. Pacis P. II. c. ix., x.; P. III. c. ii. Conclus. 3, 30). All this is simply part of his general scheme to exclude the Church from control in secular affairs. Louis was never in a position to give these theories practical effect; they had no influence either on the current of opinion or on the course of events, and are only interesting as an episode in the development of political thought.

[425] Werunsky Excerpta ex Registris Clement. VI. et Innoc. VI., Innsbruck, 1885, pp. 8, 40, 63.--Schmidt, Päbstliche Urkunden und Regesten, Halle, 1886, p. 383.

[426] Boccaccio, Decamerone, Giorn. I--Alberti Argentinens. Chron, ann. 1348-9 (Urstisius, II. 147).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1248.--Aventinus, Annal. Boiorum Lib. VII. c. 20.--Grandes Chroniques V. 485-6.--Guillel. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1348-9.--Froissart, Lib. I. P. ii. ch. 5.--Meyeri Annal. Flandr. ann. 1349.--Henrici Rebdorff. Chron. ann. 1347.--Alberti Argent. de Gestis Bertold. (Urstisius, II. 177).--Mascaro, Memorias de Bezes, ann. 1348.--Gesta Treviror. ann. 1349.--Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet (Martene Ampl. Coll. V. 253-4).--Erphurd. Variloq. ann. 1348-9 (Menken. II. 506-7).

Accusations such as were brought against the Jews were no new thing. In 1321 all the lepers throughout Languedoc were burned on the charge that they had been bribed by the Jews to poison the wells. Doubtless torture was employed to obtain the confessions which were freely made. The story went that the King of Granada, finding himself hard pressed by the Christians, gave great sums to leading Jews to effect in this way the desolation of Christendom. The Jews, fearing that they would be suspected, employed the lepers. Four great councils of lepers were held in various parts of Europe, where every lazar-house was represented except two in England; there the attempt was resolved upon, and the poison was distributed. King Philippe le Long was in Poitou at the time; when the news was brought him he returned precipitately to Paris, whence he issued orders for the seizure of all the lepers of the kingdom. Numbers of them were burned, as well as Jews. At the royal castle of Chinon, near Tours, an immense trench was dug, and filled with blazing wood, where, in a single day, one hundred and sixty Jews were burned. Many of them, of either sex, sang gayly as though going to a wedding, and leaped into the flames, while mothers cast in their children for fear that they would be taken and baptized by the Christians present. The royal treasury is said to have acquired one hundred and fifty thousand livres from the property of Jews burned and exiled.--Guillel. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1321.--Grandes Chroniques V. 245-51.--Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet. ann. 1321.

[427] Amalr. Augerii Hist. Pontif. Roman. ann. 1320 Muratori, S. R. I. III. II. 475.--Johann. S. Victor. Chron. ann. 1320 (Ib. p. 485).--Chron. Anon. ann. 1330 (Ib. p. 499).--Pet. de Herentals ann. 1320 (Ib. p. 500).--Guillel. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1320.--Grandes Chroniques, V. 245-6.--Cronaca di Firenze ann. 1335 (Baluz. et Mansi IV. 114).--Villani, Lib. XI. c. 23.--Lami, Antichità Toscane, p. 617.

Venturino was acquitted of the charge of heresy, but his free speech offended the pope; he was forbidden to preach or hear confessions, and was sentenced to live in retirement at Frisacca, in the mountains of Ricondona (Villani l. c.). He died in 1346, at Smyrna, whither he had gone as a missionary. He had preached with wonderful success in all the countries of Europe, including Spain, England, and Greece. His face, when preaching, shone with celestial light, and his miracles were numerous (Raynald. ann. 1346, No. 70).

[428] Erphurdian. Variloq. ann. 1349.--Chron. Magdeburgens. ann. 1348 (Meibom. Rer. German. II. 342).--Alberti Argentinens. Chron. ann. 1349.--Closener's Chronik (Chron. der deutschen Städte, VIII. 105 sqq.).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1348--Hermann. Corneri Chron. ann. 1350.--Guillel. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1349.--Grandes Chroniques, V. 492-3.--Froissart, Liv. I. P. II. ch. 5.--Gesta Treviror. ann. 1349.--Meyeri Annal. Flandriæ ann. 1349.--Chron. Ægid. Li Muisis (De Smet, Corp. Chron. Flandr. II. 349-51).--Henr. Rebdorff. Annal. ann. 1347.

[429] Alberti Argentinens. Chron. ann. 1349.--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1348.

[430] Von der Hardt. T. III. pp. 95-105.

[431] Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1348.--Hartzheim IV. 471-2.--Meyeri Ann. Flandr. ann. 1349.

[432] Raynald, ann. 1353, No. 26, 27.--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1356.--Naucleri Chron. ann. 1356.--Hartzheim IV. 483.

[433] Mosheim de Beghardis, pp. 333-4.

[434] Mosheim de Beghardis, pp. 335-7.--Chron. Magdeburg. (Leibnitii Scriptt. R. Brunsv. III. 749).--Herm. Korneri Chron. (Eccard. II. 1113).--Cat. Prædic. Prov. Saxon. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 344).--Böhmer, Regest. Karl IV. No. 4761.

[435] Mosheim de Beghardis pp. 343-55.

[436] Mosheim de Beghardis pp. 356-62.--Mosheim suggests that the distinction between the houses of the Beghards and the Beguines probably arose from the former being larger and situated in the cities, the latter smaller, more numerous, and scattered among the towns and villages.

[437] Chron. Magdeburg. (Leibnitii S. R. Brunsv. III. 749).--Herm. Corneri Chron. (Eccard. Corp. Hist. III. 1113-4).--Raynald. ann. 1372, No. 34.--Ripoll II. 275.--Mosheim de Beghardis pp. 380-3.

[438] Mosheim de Beghardis pp. 368-74, 378-9.--Böhmer, Regest. Karl. IV. No. 4761.

[439] Mosheim de Beghardis pp. 364-66.--Martini Append. ad Mosheim pp. 541-2.

[440] Cat. Prædic. Prov. Saxon. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 344).--Raynald. ann. 1372, No. 33, 34.--Mosheim de Beghardis pp. 388-92.--Martini Append. ad Mosheim pp. 647-8.

[441] Martene Thesaur. II. 960-1.--Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet (Martene Ampl. Coll. V. 293, 301-2).--Raynald. ann. 1372, No. 33.--Meyeri Annal. Flandriæ ann. 1373.--Mag. Chron. Belgic. ann. 1374.--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1374.--P. de Herentals Vit. Gregor. XI. ann. 1375 (Muratori S. R. I. III. ii. 674-5).

[442] Mosheim de Beghardis pp. 394-8.--Haupt, Zeitschrift für K.G. 1885, pp. 525-6, 553-4, 563-4.--Hæmmerlin Glosa quarumd. Bullar. per Beghardos impetratar. (Basil. 1497, c. 4 sqq.).

[443] Höfler, Prager Concilien, pp. 26-7.--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1392.--Jundt, Les Amis de Dieu, p. 3.--Haupt, ubi sup. p. 510.

[444] There has recently been discovered at St. Florian, in Austria, an epistle written in 1368 by the Waldenses of Lombardy to some of their German brethren on the occasion of the withdrawal of certain members of the sect, who alleged in justification that the Waldenses were ignorant, that they had no divine authority, and that they were mercenary. Evidently the local church had appealed to the Lombards as to a central head, for an answer to these accusations, and the reply, together with a rejoinder by one of the apostates, throws valuable light upon the current beliefs of the sectaries. It appears that they carried their origin back to the primitive Church, claiming that their predecessors had opposed the reception of the Donation of Constantine, and that when Silvester refused to reject the perilous gift a voice sounded from heaven, "This day hath poison been spread in the Church of God." As they were unyielding, they were driven out and persecuted, since when they had preserved the genuine tradition of the Church in obscurity and affliction. They asserted that Peter Waldo had been ordained to the priesthood, and that they possessed full authority, transmitted from God, but nothing is said as to the apostolical succession, and the apostate, Sigfried, reproaches them with only hearing confessions and sending their disciples to the Catholic churches for the other sacraments. There is no word as to transubstantiation, which must therefore have been an accepted doctrine among them, and their frequent quotations from Augustine and Bernard show that they admitted the authority of the doctors of the Church. They allude to two Franciscans who had recently joined the sect, to a priest who had done so and had been burned, and to a Bishop Bestardi, who, for the same offence, had been summoned to Rome, whence he had never returned.--Comba, Histoire des Vaudois d'Italie, I. 243-55.

[445] Index Error. Waldens. (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 340).--Petri Herp Annal. Francofurt. ann. 1389 (Senckenberg Select. Juris II. 19).--Gudeni Cod. Diplom. III. 598-600.--Serrarii Hist. Mogunt. Lib. v. p. 707.--Hist. Ordin. Carthus. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 214).--Modus examinandi Hsereticos (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 341-2).

John Wasmod subsequently wrote a tract against the Beghards which has been printed by Haupt (Zeitschrift fur Kirchengeschichte, 1885, pp. 567-76). Its chief interest lies in its attributing to the Beghards the tenets of the Waldenses. There is no allusion to pantheism, to union with God, to refusal of the sacraments, to the denial of hell and purgatory. Either he confounds the sects, or else the Waldenses concealed themselves under the guise of Beghards, or else there were among the Beghards a certain number who constituted a church separate from that of Rome without adopting the distinctive principles of Amaurianism. Wasmod tells us that they do not easily receive applicants, whose obedience they test by making them eat putrid flesh, drink water foul with maggots, etc., at the risk of their lives. One of their strongest arguments is found in the corruption of the Church, which is thus deprived of the power of the keys. Distinctively referable to Beghardism is the assertion that these heretics are greatly favored and defended by the magistrates of the cities; and not very flattering to Rome is the explanation that the bulls in favor of the Beguines were obtained by the use of money.

[446] Gretseri Prolegom. c. 6 (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 292).--Refutat. Waldens. (Ib. p. 335).--P. de Pilichdorf. c. 15 (Ib. p. 315).--Wattenbach, Sitzungsberichte der Preuss. Akad. 1886, pp. 49-9, 51.

[447] Wattenbach, op. cit. pp. 49-50, 54-55.--Flac. Illyr. Cat. Test. Veritatis Lib. XV. pp. 1506, 1524; Lib. XVIII. p. 1803 (Ed. 1608).

[448] W. Preger, Beiträge, pp. 51, 53-4, 68, 72.--P. de Pilichdorf c. 15 (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 315).

[449] Hoffmann, Geschichte der Inquisition, II. 384-90.--C. Schmidt, Real-Encyklop. s. V. Winkeler.

[450] Martini Append, ad Mosheim pp. 652-66, 674-5.--Mosheim pp. 409-10, 430-1.--Hartzheim V. 676--Haupt. Zeitschrift für K. G. 1885, pp. 565-7.

[451] Mosheim de Beghardis pp. 225-8, 383-4.--Martini Append, ad Mosheim pp. 656-7.--Herm. Corneri Chron. ann. 1402-3 (Eccard. Corp. Hist. II. 1185-6).--Raynald. ann. 1403, No. 23.

[452] Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet ann. 1400 (Martene Amplis. Coll. V. 358.)--Haupt. Zeitschrift für K. G. 1885, pp. 513-15.--Chron. Glassberger ann. 1410 (Analecta Franciscana II. 233-5).--Martini Append. ad Mosheim p. 559.--Mosheim p. 455.--Serrarii Lib. V. (Scriptt. Rer. Mogunt. I. 724).

In 1399 an outbreak very similar to that of the Flagellants took place in Italy, stimulated by a pestilence which was ravaging the land. The pilgrims were known as _Bianchi_, from the white linen vestments which they wore, and they first brought to popular notice the "Stabat Mater," which was their favorite hymn. The only reference to flagellation, however, is that in Genoa they were joined by the old fraternities of the Verberati or guilds, founded in 1306, which publicly used the scourge. The Archbishop of Genoa and many of the Lombard bishops lent the movement their countenance; universal peace was proclaimed, enemies forgave each other, and even the strife of Guelf and Ghibelline for a moment was forgotten. When we are told that twenty-five thousand Modenese made the pilgrimage to Bologna, we can readily understand why suspicious rulers, such as Galeazzo Visconti and the Signory of Venice, forbade the entry of their states to such armies. Boniface IX. probably felt the same alarm when the movement reached Rome, and the whole population, including some of the cardinals, put on white garments and marched in procession through the neighboring towns. He caused one of the leaders to be seized at Aquapendente; the free use of torture brought a confession that the whole affair was a fraud, and the poor wretch was burned, when the movement collapsed.--Georgii Stella Annal. Genuens. ann. 1399 (Muratori, S. R. I. XVII. 1170).--Mattæi de Griffonibus Memor. Historial. ann. 1399 (Ib. XVIII. 207).--Cronica di Bologna ann. 1399 (Ib. XVIII. 565).--Annal. Estens. ann. 1398 (Ib. XVIII. 956-8).--Conrad Urspurgens. Chron. Contin. ann. 1399.--Theod. a Niem de Schismate, Lib. II. c. 26.

[453] Nider Formicar. Lib. III. c. 2.--Haupt, Zeitschrift für K. G. 1885, pp. 510-11.--Gersoni de Consolat. Theolog. Lib. IV. Prosa iii.; Ejusd. de Mystica Theol. speculat. P. I. consid. viii.; Ejusd. de Distinct, verar. Vision. a falsis, Signum V.

[454] Baluz. et Mansi I. 288-93.--Altmeyer, Les Précurseurs de la Réforme aux Pays-Bas, I. 84.

[455] Theod. Vrie, Hist. Concil. Constant. Lib. IV. Dist. 13.--Marieta, Los Santos de España, Lib. XI. c. xxviii.--Gobelini Person. Cosmodrom. Æt. VI. c. 93.--Chron. S. Ægid. in Brunswig (Leibnitii S. R. Brunsv. III. 595).--Gieseler, Lehrbuch der Kirchengeschichte, II. III. 317-18.--Herm. Corneri Chron. ann. 1416 (Eccard. Corp. Hist. II. 1206).--Andreæ Gubernac. Concil. P. IV. c. 11 (Von der Hardt VI. 194)--Chron. Magdeburgens. ann. 1454 (Meibom. Rer. German. II. 363).--Haupt, Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, 1887, 114-18.--Herzog, Abriss. II. 405.

In 1448, when pestilence and famine in Italy brought men to a sense of their sins, the eloquence of Frà Roberto, a Franciscan, excited multitudes to repentance, and the streets of the cities were again filled with Flagellants, disciplining themselves and weeping (Illescas, Historia Pontifical, II. 130).

[456] Conc. Constant. Decret. Reform. Lib. III. Tit. X. c. 13; Tit. V. c. 5 (Von der Hardt, I. 715-17).--Hemmerlin Glosa quarund. Bullar. (Opp. c. d.).--De Rebus Malthæi Grabon (Von der Hardt, III. 107-20).

[457] Von der Hardt, IV. 1518.--Concil. Salisburg. XXXIV. c. 32 (Dalham, Concil Salisb. p. 186).

[458] Hemmerlin Glosa quarund. Bullar; Ejusd. Lollardorum Descriptio.--Nider Formicar. III. 5, 7, 9.

[459] Concil. Herbipolens. ann. 1446 (Hartzheim V. 336).. Mosheim de Beghardis pp. 173-9, 190, 194-5.--Addis and Arnold's Catholic Dictionary, p. 73.

[460] Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1460.--.Hartzheim V. 464, 507, 560, 578.--Wadding, ann. 1492, No. 8.--Martini Append, ad Mosheim p. 579.

[461] Concil. Senens. ann. 1423 (Harduin. VIII. 1016-17).--.Ullumnn's Reformers before the Reformation, Menzies' Transl. I. 383-4.--Flac. Illyr. Catal. Test. Veritatis Lib. XIX. p. 1836 (Ed. 1608).--Comba, Histoire des Vaudois d'Italie, I. 97.--Hoffmann, Geschichte der Inquisition, II. 390-1.

[462] Wattenbach, Sitzungsberichte der Preuss. Akad. 1886, pp. 57-8,

[463] Hist. Persecut. Eccles. Bohem. pp. 71-2 (s. 1. 1648). Camerarii Hist. Frat. Orthodox, pp. 116-17 (Heidelbergæ, 1605).--Ripoll III. 577.]

[464] Ullmann, op. cit. I. 195-207.--Æn. Sylvii Epist. 400 (Opp. 1571, p. 932).--Fasciculus Rerum Expetendarum et Fugiendarum II. 115-28 (Ed. 1690).--Freber et Struv. II. 187-266.--Wadding. ann. 1461, No. 5.--Ripoll III. 466.--Chron. Glassberger ann. 1462.

[465] Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1476.--Ullmann, op. cit. I. 377 sqq.

[466] D'Argentré I. II. 291-8.--Ullmann, op.cit. I. 258-9, 277-94, 356-7.--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1479.--Conr. Ursperg. Chron. Continuat. ann. 1479,--Melanchthon. Respons. ad Bavar. Inquis., Witebergæ, 1559, Sig. B 3.

[467] Ripoll IV. 5.--Synod Bamberg. ann. 1491, Tit. 44 (Ludewig Scriptt. Rer. Germ. I. 1242-44).--D'Argentré I. II. 342.

[468] Pauli Langii Chron. Citicens. (Pistorii Rer. Germ. Scriptt. I. 1276-6.)--Gieseler, Lehrbuch der Kirchengeschichte II. IV. 532 sq.--Herzog, Abriss, II. 397-401.--Spalatini Annal. ann. 1515 (Menken. II. 591).--Eleuth. Bizeni Joannis Reuchlin Encomion (sine nota. sed c. ann. 1516).--II. Corn. Agrippæ Epist. II. 54

[469] Ripoll IV. 378.--Lutheri Opp., Jenæ, 1564, I. 185 sqq.--Henke, Neuere Kirchengeschichte, I. 42-6.

[470] Dubrav. Hist. Bohem. Lib. 14 (Ed. 1587, pp. 380-1).

[471] Palacky, Beziehungen der Waldenser, Prag, 1869, p. 10.--Potthast No. 11818.

Palacky (pp. 7-8) conjectures that these heretics were Cathari, but his reasoning is quite inadequate to overcome the greater probability that they were of Waldensian origin. He is, however, doubtless correct in suggesting that the allusion to princes and magnates may properly connect the movement with the commencement of the conspiracy which finally dethroned King Wenceslas I. in 1253. Wenceslas was a zealous adherent of the papacy and opponent of Frederic II., and the connection between antipapal politics and heresy was too close for us to discriminate between them without more details than we possess.

[472] Wadding. ann. 1257, No. 16.--Potthast No. 16819.--Höfler, Prager Concilien. Einleitung, p. xix.

[473] Palacky. op. cit. pp. 11-13.--Schrödl, Passavia Sacra, Passau, 1879, p. 242.--Dubravius (Hist. Bohem. Lib. 20) relates that in 1315 King John burned fourteen Dolcinists in Prague. Palacky (ubi sup.) argues, and I think successfully, that this relates to the above affair and that there were no executions.

[474] Wadding. ann. 1318, No. 2-6.--Ripoll II. 138-9, 174-6.--Gustav Schmidt, Päbstliche Urkunden und Regesten, Halle, 1886, p. 105.--Raynald. ann. 1319, No. 43.

[475] Palacky, op. cit. pp. 15-18.--Flac. Illyr. Catal. Test. Veritatis Lib. XV. p. 1505 (Ed. 1608).--Raynald. ann. 1335, No. 61-2.--Wadding. ann. 1335, No. 3-4.

[476] Krasinsky, Reformation in Poland, London, 1838, I. 55-6.--Raynald. ann. 1341, No. 27.

[477] Werunsky Excerptt. ex Registt. Clem. VI. pp. 28, 47.--Raynald. ann. 1347, No. 11.

[478] OEn. Sylvii Hist. Bohem. c. 36.--Naucleri Chron. ann. 1360.--Höfler, Prager Concilien, pp. 2, 3, 5, 7.--Loserth, Hus und Wicklif, Prag, 1884, pp. 261 sqq.--Werunsky Excerptt. ex Registt. Clem. VI. pp. 1, 2, 3, 13, 25.

Dispensations for children to hold preferment were an abuse of old date, as we have seen in a former chapter. In 1297 Boniface VIII. authorized a boy of Florence, twelve years old, to take a benefice involving the cure of souls.--Faucon, Registres de Boniface VIII. No. 1761, p. 666.

[479] Werunsky op. cit. pp. 89, 94, 98, 99, 102, 111, 120, 135, 136, 140, 141.--Gudeni Cod. Diplom. III. 509.--Hartzheim Concil. Germ. IV. 510.

[480] Höfler, Prager Concilien, pp. 2, 5, 12, 14, 26-7.--Loserth, Hus und Wiclif, pp. 32-33, 37.--W. Preger, Beiträge, p. 51.--Flac. Illyr. Catal. Test. Veritatis Lib. xv. p. 1506 (Ed. 1608).

[481] Mosheim de Beghardis p. 381.

[482] Loserth, Hus und Wiclif, pp. 49, 50-2.--Lechler (Real Encyklopädie, X. 1-3).--Raynald. ann. 1374, No. 10-11.

[483] Höfler, Prager Concilien, pp. 33, 37-9.--De Schweinitz, History of the Unitas Fratrum (Bethlehem, Pa., 1885, pp. 25-6).

[484] Loserth, Hus und Wiclif, pp. 54, 56-7, 63-4, 68-9.--Montet, Hist. Lit. des Vaudois, p. 150.--Pseudo-Pilichdorf Tract. contra Waldens. c. 15 (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 315).

[485] Arnold's English Works of Wyclif, III. 454-96. Cf. Væ Octuplex (Ib. II. 380); Of Mynystris in the Chirch (Ib. II. 394); Vaughan's Tracts and Treatises, p. 226; Trialogi III. 6, 7; Trialogi Supplem. c. 2.--Losertb, Mittheilungen des Vereines für Gesch. der Deutschen in Böhmen, 1886, pp. 384 sqq.

[486] Trialogi II. 14; IV. 22.--Jo. Hus de Ecclesia, c. 1 (Monument. I. fol. 196-7, Ed. 1558).--Wil. Wodford adv. Jo. Wiclefum (Fascic. Rer. Expetend. et Fugiend. I. 250, Ed. 1690).--In the condemnation of the innovations by the Council of Prague, in 1412, predestination is not among the errors enumerated (Höfler, Prager Concilien, p. 72), though it appears in the final proceedings against Huss in the Council of Constance (P. Mladenowic Relatio, Palacky Documenta. p. 317).

[487] Raynald. ann. 1377, No. 4-6.--Lechler's Life of Wickliff, Lorimer's Translation, II. 288-90, 343-7.--Loserth, Hus und Wiclif, pp. 101-2, 121.--Palacky Documenta Mag. Johannis Hus, p. 189, 203, 313, 374-6, 426-8, 467.--Harduin. Concil. VIII. 203.--Von der Hardt III. XII. 168; IV. 153, 328.--Jo. Hus Replica contra P. Stokes (Monument. I. 108 _a_).--Höfler, Prager Concilien. p. 53.

[488] Loserth, op. cit. pp. 79, 114, 161 sqq.--Mittheilungen des Vereines für Gesch. d. Deutschen in Böhmen, 1886, 395 sqq.--Jo. Hus Monument. I. 25_a_, 108_a_.--Nider Formicar. Lib. III. c. 9. fol. 50_a._--Von der Hardt IV. 328.--Gobelin. Personæ Cosmodrom. Ætat. VI. c. 86-7 (Meibom. Rer. German. I. 319-21).

[489] Loserth, op. cit. pp. 13, 75-8, 98-100.--Jo. Hus Monument. II. 25-52.

Even Æneas Sylvius (Hist. Bohem. c. 35) speaks of Huss as distinguished for the purity of his life; and the Jesuit Balbinus says that his austerity and modesty, his kindness to all, even to the meanest, won for him universal favor. No one believed that so holy a man could deceive or be deceived, so that the memory of the thief was worshipped at Prague as that of a saint (Bohuslai Balbini Epit. Rer. Bohem. Lib. V. C. V. p. 431).

[490] Palacky Documenta, pp. 3, 56.--Berger, Johannes Hus u. König Sigmund, p. 5.--Loserth, op. cit. pp. 82, 98-100, 103-5, 111-12, 270.--Höfler, Prager Concilien, pp. 43-6, 51-3, 57, 60, 61-2.--Hist. Persecut. Eccles. Bohem. p. 29.

Wickliff continued to the end to be the chief authority of the Hussites. A half a century later he is appealed to by both factions into which they were divided. See Peter Chelcicky's reply to Rokyzana, in Goll, Quellen und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der Böhmischen Brüder, II. 83-4.

[491] Loserth, pp. 105-6.--Palacky Documenta, pp. 345-6, 363-4.

[492] Loserth, op. cit. pp. 106-10, 123-4.--Palacky Documenta, pp. 181, 347, 350--62.--Höfler, Prager Concilien, pp. 64-70.--Raynald. ann. 1409, No. 89.

[493] Æneæ; Sylv. Hist. Bohem. c. 35.--Loserth, op. cit. p. 137.--Palacky Documenta, pp. 184-5, 342-3.--Palacky, Beziehungen, pp. 19-20--Jo. Hus Monument. I. 2-3.

[494] Loserth, op. cit. pp. 120, 123-4.--Höfler, Prager Concilien, pp. 5, 15, 18, 31, 32, 46, 57.

[495] Loserth, op. cit. pp. 121-3, 130.--Palacky Documenta, pp. 19-21, 191, 233.--Mladenowic Relatio (Palacky p. 319).--Jo. Hus Disputatio contra Indulgent. (Monument. I. 174-89); Ejusd. contra Bull. PP. Joannis (Ib. I. 189-91); Ejusd. Serm. XXII. de Remissione Peccatorum (Ib. II. 74-5).

[496] Loserth, op. cit. p. 131.--Palacky Documenta, p. 640.--De Schweinitz, Hist. of the Unitas Fratrum, pp. 41-2.--Stephani Cartus. Antihussus c. 5 (Pez Thesaur. Anecd. IV. II. 380, 382).

[497] Höfler, Prager Concilien, pp. 73, 110.--Loserth, op. cit. pp. 132-5.--J. Hus Monument. I. 17; Ejusd. de Ecclesia c. 14 (Monument. I, 223. Cf. Wicklif. de Eccles. c. 18, _ap._ Loserth, p. 188).--Palacky Documenta, pp. 458, 464-66.

[498] Höfler, Prager Concilien, pp. 73-100.--Loserth, op. cit. pp. 142-5.--Palacky Documenta, p. 510.--Mladenowic Relatio (Palacky Documenta, p. 246).

[499] Von der Hardt IV. 313.

[500] Leonardi Aretini Comment. (Muratori S.R.I. XIX. 927-8). --Harduin. VIII. 231.--Theod. a Niem Vit. Joann. XXIII. Lib. II. c. 37 (Von der Hardt II. 384).--Palacky Documenta, pp. 512-18.

For the confusion existing in Germany, caused by the Schism, see Haupt, Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, 1883, pp. 356-8.

[501] Jo. Fistenport. Chron. ann. 1415 (Hahn. Coll. Monum. I. 401).--Dacherii Hist. Magnatum (Von der Hardt V. II. 50).--Theod. a Niem Vita Joann. XXIII. Lib. I. c. 40 (Ib. II. 388).--Nider Formicar. Lib. V. c. ix.

[502] Stephani Cartus. Dial. Volatilis c. 11, 14, 21 (Pez Thesaur. Anecd. IV. II. 465, 473, 492).--The three sermons prepared for this purpose are printed in Huss's works (Monument. I. 44-56). The first is on the sufficiency of the law of Christ for the government of the Church: the second is an elaborate exposition of his belief; the third on Peace, in which he attributes the schisms and troubles of the Church to the pride and greed and vices of the clergy.

[503] Mladenowic Relatio (Palacky Documenta, p. 237).--Von der Hardt IV. 754.--Jo. Hus Monument. I. 2-4, 57, 68.--Palacky Documenta, pp. 70, 73.

[504] Richentals Chronik des Constanzer Concils p. 76 (Tübingen, 1882).--Jo. Hus Epistt. iii. vi. (Monument. I. 57-8).--Monument. I. 4_a_

[505] Richentals Chronik p. 58.--Jo. Hus Epistt. iv. vi. vii. (Monument. I. 58-9).

[506] Hus Epistt. v. vi. (Monument. I. 58).--Monument. I. 4 _b._--Laur. Byzyn. Diar. Bell. Hussit. ann. 1414 (Ludewig Reliq. MSS. VI. 124).--Palacky Document. p. 170.--Richentals Chronik pp. 76-77.--Mladenowic Relatio (Palacky, pp. 247-8).--Naucleri Chron. ann. 1414.

[507] Richentals Chronik p. 77.--Jo. Hus Monument. I. 5 _b._--Von der Hardt IV. 22, 32, 212.--Mladenowic Relatio (Palacky Document. pp. 246-52).

The special rigor of confinement near the latrines was well understood. In 1317, when John XXII. delivered some Spiritual Franciscans to their brethren for safe-keeping, Friar François Sanche "_posuerunt fratres in quodum carcere juxta latrinas_."--Historia Tribulationum (Archiv. für Litteratur-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1886, p. 146).

[508] Von der Hardt IV. 11-12, 22.--Mladenowic Relatio (Palacky, p. 251).

[509] Palacky Documenta, p. 238.--Von der Hardt IV. 12, 28.--Richentals Chronik p. 76.--Jo. Hus Epist. lvii. (Monument. I. 75).--Mladenowic Relatio (Palacky, p. 253).

[510] Von der Hardt IV. 189, 209.

Berger's labored collection of safe-conducts and their comparison with the one given to Huss (Johann Hus u. König Sigmund pp. 180-208) prove nothing but his own industry. Huss went to Constance as an excommunicate to defend himself and his faith. Sigismund. knowing this, gave him a safe-conduct without limitation or condition. The only contemporaneous documents with which this can fairly be compared are those offered by the council and by Sigismund to John XXIII. when they summoned him back to Constance, May 2, 1415, and the one offered by the council to Jerome of Prague, April 17. Of these the first was limited by the clause "_justitia tamen semper salva_," the second by "_in quantum idem dominus rex tenetur sibi dare de jure et servare alios salros conductus sibi datos_," the third by "_quantum in nobis est et fides exegit orthodoxa_" (V. d. Hardt IV. 119, 143, 145). No ingenious reasoning can explain this away. The allusion in Sigismund's safe-conduct to other letters already given by him to the pope refers to those which John had required of him and of the city of Constance before he would trust himself there (Raynald. ann. 1413, No. 22-3). These the council set aside as coolly as it did that of Huss.