Chapter VIII: The Religious Principles Inspiring The Reformation.(386) (5)

153 The use of the word _satisfaction_ to denote an outward sign of
sorrow for sin which was supposed to be well-pleasing to God and to
afford reasonable ground for the congregation restoring a lapsed
member, is very old—much older than the use of the word to denote
the work of Christ. It is found as early as the time of Tertullian
and Cyprian.

154 Tertullian was no believer in any indulgence shown to penitent
sinners, and his account of the way in which penitents appeared
before the congregation to ask for a remission or mitigation of the
ecclesiastical sentence pronounced against them is doubtless a
caricature, but it may be taken as a not unfair description of what
must have frequently taken place: “You introduce into the Church the
penitent adulterer for the purpose of melting the brotherhood by his
supplications. You lead him into the midst, clad in sackcloth,
covered with ashes, a compound of disgrace and horror. He prostrates
himself before the widows, before the elders, suing for the tears of
all; he seizes the edges of their garments, he clasps their knees,
he kisses the prints of their feet. Meanwhile you harangue the
people and excite their pity for the sad lot of the penitent. Good
pastor, blessed father that you are, you describe the coming back of
your goat in recounting the parable of the lost sheep. And in case
your ewe lamb may take another leap out of the fold ... you fill all
the rest of the flock with apprehension at the very moment of
granting indulgence.”—(_De Pudicitia_, 13.)

155 In one book of discipline a man who has committed certain sins is
ordered either to go on pilgrimage for ten years, or to live on
bread and water for two years, or to pay 12s. a year. Detailed
information may be found in Schmitz, _Die Bussbücher und die
Bussdisziplin der Kirche_.

_ 156 Summa_, iv. 23.

157 Thomas Aquinas, _Summa Theologiæ_, iii., _Supplementum_, Quæs. xxv.
1.

158 “Du sprichst ‘So ich am letsten in todes not,
Ain yeder priester mich zu absolviren not’:
Von Schuld ist war, noch mitt von pein, so du bist tod,
Ja für ain stund in fegfeür dort.
Gabst du des Kaysers güte.”

—(Wackernagel, _Das deutsche Kirchenlied_, etc. ii. 1068.)

159 Bonaventura, _In Librum Quartum Sententiarum_, Dist. xx. Quæst. 5.
Alexander of Hales, _Summa_, iv. Quæst. 59; Thomas Aquinas, _Summa_,
iii., _Suppl. Quæst._ i. 2.

160 Thomas Aquinas, _Summa Theologiæ_, iii., _Supplem._ Quæstio xxv. 1:
“Ecclesia universalis non potest errare ... ecclesia universalis
indulgentias approbat et facit. Ergo indulgentiæ aliquid valent ...
quia impium esset dicere quod Ecclesia aliquid vanè faceret.”

161 Cf. the hymn, “Der guldin Ablass,” of the fifteenth century, in
Wackernagel, ii. 283-284.

162 SOURCES: Köhler, _Luthers 95 Theses samt seinen Resolutionen sowie
den Gegenschriften von Wimpina-Tetzel, Eck, und Prierias und den
Antworten Luthers darauf_ (Leipzig, 1903); Emil Reich, _Select
Documents illustrating Mediæval and Modern History_ (London, 1905).

LATER BOOKS: J. E. Kapp, _Sammlung einiger zum päpstlichen Ablass,
überhaupt ... aber zu der ... zwischen Martin Luther und Johann
Tetzel hiervongeführten Streitigkeit gehörigen Schriften, mit
Einleitungen und Anmerkungen versehen_ (Leipzig, 1721), and _Kleine
Nachlese einiger ... zur Erläuterung der Reformationsgeschichte
nützlicher Urkunden_ (Four parts, Leipzig, 1727-1733); Bratke,
_Luthers 95 Theses und ihre dogmenhistorischen Voraussetzungen_
(Göttingen, 1884); Dieckhoff, _Der Ablassstreit dogmengeschichtlich
dargestellt_ (Gotha, 1886); Gröne, _Tetzel und Luther_ (Soest,
1860).

163 The _Obelisks_ of Eck were printed and circulated privately long
before they were published; a copy was in Luther’s hand on March
4th, 1518; it was answered by him on March 24th, and was published
in the August following.

164 Köhler has collected together the _Ninety-five Theses_, the
_Resolutiones_, and the attacks on the _Theses_ by Wimpina-Tetzel,
Eck, and Prierias, and published them in one small book (Leipzig,
1903). It is a handbook of reference, and the text of the documents
has been carefully examined.

165 The arguments were all founded on Thomas Aquinas, _Summa_, iii.,
_Supplementum_, Quæstio xxv. l.

166 Thomas de Vio was born at Gæta, a town situated on a promontory
about fifty miles north of Naples, and was called Cajetanus from his
birthplace. His baptismal name was James, and he took that of Thomas
in honour of Thomas Aquinas. He had entered the Dominican Order at
the age of sixteen; he was a learned man, a Scholastic of the older
Thomist type, and not without evangelical sympathies; but he had the
Dominican idea that ecclesiastical discipline must be maintained at
all costs.

167 Seidemann, _Die Leipziger Disputation im Jahre 1519_ (Dresden,
1843).

_ 168 Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie_ for 1872, p. 534.

169 Petri Mosellani, “Epistola de Disput. Lips.” in Löscher’s
_Reformations Acta et Documenta_ (Leipzig, 1720-1729), i. pp. 242
ff.

_ 170 Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie_ for 1872, p. 535. The
diarist is M. Sebastian Froscher.

171 Wace and Buchheim, _Luther’s Primary Works_ (London, 1896).

172 Denzinger, _Enchiridion_, etc. p. 175.

173 In a pamphlet written by Eck in 1519, he had asserted that all the
theologians in Germany were opposed to Luther save a few unlearned
canons. This called forth, towards the end of the year, _The Answer
of an Unlearned Canon_, which was generally ascribed to Bernard
Adelmann, a canon of Augsburg, but which was really written by
Oecolampadius. Pirkheimer had written a caustic attack on Eck in a
satire, in which German coarseness was clothed in elegant latinity,
entitled _Eccius Dedolatus_ (_The Corner planed off_, Eck being the
German for “corner”), published in _Lateinische Litteraturdenkmüler
des 15 und 16 Jahrhundertes_ (Berlin, 1891). Carlstadt had opposed
Eck at Leipzig.

174 A copy of Luther’s notice has been preserved in the MS. “Annals” of
Peter Schumann in the _Zwickau Ratsschulbibliothek_ at Zwickau. It
has been printed in Kolde’s _Analecta Lutherana_ (Gotha, 1883), p.
26: “Quisquis veritatis Evangeliceæ studio teneatur. Adesto sub
horam nonam, modo ad templum S. Crucis extra mœnia oppidi, ubi pro
veteri et apostolico ritu impii pontificiarum constitutionum et
scholasticæ theologiæ libri cremabuntur quandoquidem eo processit
audatia inimicorum Evangelii, ut pios ac evangelicos Luteri
exusserit. Age pia et studiosa juventus ad hoc pium ac religiosum
spectaculum constituito. Fortassis enim nunc tempus est quo revelari
Antichristum opportuit.”

175 Fr. v. Bezold has some excellent pages on this subject in his
_Geschichte der deutschen Reformation_ (Berlin, 1890), pp. 278 ff. I
have used the material he has collected, and added to it from my own
reading.

176 SOURCES: _Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Kaiser Karl __V._, 3 vols.
have been published (Gotha, 1893-1901); Balan, _Monumenta
Reformationis Lutheranæ ex tabulis S. Sedis secretis 1521-1525_
(Ratisbon, 1883-1884); Læmmer, _Monumenta Vaticana historiam
ecclesiasticam sæculi 16 illustrantia_ (Freiburg, 1861);
_Meletematum Romanorum Mantissa_ (Regensburg, 1875); Brieger,
_Aleander und Luther 1521: Die vervollständigten Aleander-Depeschen
nebst Untersuchungen über den Wormser Reichstag_ (Gotha, 1894);
_Calendar of Spanish State Papers_ (London, 1886); _Calendar of
Venetian State Papers_, vols. iii.-vi. (London, 1864-1884); _Letters
and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the reign of Henry __VIII._,
vols. iii.-xix. (London, 1860-1903); V. E. Loescher, _Vollständige
Reformations-Acta und Documenta_, 3 vols. (Leipzig, 1713-1722);
Spalatin, _Annales Reformationis_ (Leipzig, 1768); _Chronikon_ 2nd
vol. of Mencke’s _Scriptores rerum Germanicarum præcipae
Saxonicarum_, 3 vols. (Leipzig, 1728-1730); _Historischer Nachlass
und Briefe_ (Jena, 1851); also the sources mentioned under the first
chapter of this part.

LATER BOOKS: Hausrath, _Aleander und Luther auf dem Reichstage zu
Worms_ (Berlin, 1897); Kolde, _Luther und der Reichstag zu Worms
1521_ (Halle, 1883); Friedrich, _der Reichstag zu Worms 1521_
(Munich, 1871); Ranke, _Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der
Reformation_ (Leipzig, 1881; Eng. trans., London, 1905); Armstrong,
_The Emperor Charles __V._ (London, 1902); v. Bezold, _Geschichte
der deutschen Reformation_ (Berlin, 1890); Creighton, _A History of
the Papacy_, vol. vi. (London, 1897); Gebhardt, _Die Gravamina der
deutschen Nation_ (Breshan, 1895).

177 Kalkoff, _Die Depeschen_, etc. pp. 46, 50, 58, 69, etc.

178 He became Archbishop of Brindisi and Orio, and then a Cardinal.

179 Breiger, _Aleander und Luther 1521: Die vervollständigten
Aleander-Depeschen_, p. 53 (Gotha, 1884); _non superstitiose verax_,
Erasmus said.

180 Kalkoff, _Die Depeschen des Nuntius Aleander_, etc. pp. 19, 20, 23,
24, 265, 266.

181 Brieger, _Aleander und Luther 1521: Die vervollständigten
Aleander-Depeschen_ (Gotha, 1884), _Quellen und Furschungen zur
Geschichte der Reformation_, i.; Friedensburg, _Eine ungedrückte
Depesche Aleanders von seiner ersten Nuntiatur bei Karl_ V., in
_Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven_, i. (1897);
Kalkoff, _Die Depeschen des Nuntius Aleander vom Wormser Reichstage
1521_ (Halle, 1897, 2nd ed.); Kolde, _Luther und der Reichstag zu
Worms 1521_ (Halle, 1883); Hausrath, _Aleander und Luther auf dem
Reichstage zu Worms_ (Berlin, 1897); Gebhardt, _Die Gravamina der
deutschen Nation_ (Breslau, 1895, 2nd ed.).

182 “Reserved as Charles was, the shock struck out the most outspoken
confession of his faith that he ever uttered. Nowhere else is it
possible to approach so closely to the workings of his spiritual
nature, save in the confidential letters to his brother in the last
troubled hours of rule, when he repeated that it was not in his
conscience to rend the seamless mantle of the Church.”—Armstrong,
_The Emperor Charles __V._, i. 71 (London, 1902). But we have
another glimpse in the conversation with his sister Maria, in which
he confesses that he had come to think better of the Lutherans, for
he had learned to know that they taught nothing outside the
Apostles’ Creed. Cf. Kawerau, _Johann Agricola von Eisleben_, p. 100
(Berlin, 1881).

_ 183 Deutsche Reichstagsakten_, etc. ii. 595.

_ 184 Calendar of State Papers, Spanish, 1509-1525_, p. 305 (London,
1866).

185 For an account of the indirect causes which led to the election of
Charles, cf. v. Bezohl, _Geschichte des deutschen Reformation_, pp.
193 ff. (Berlin, 1890).

186 Armstrong, _The Emperor Charles __V._, p. 73 (London, 1902).

187 Charles V. had for his confessor Jean Glapion, who figured largely
in the preliminary scenes before Luther arrived at Worms. He had a
remarkable conversation with Dr. Brück, the Elector of Saxony’s
Chancellor, in which he professed to speak for the Emperor as well
as for himself. Luther’s earlier writings had given him great
pleasure; he believed him to be a “plant of renown,” able to produce
splendid fruit for the Church. But the book on the _Babylonian
Captivity_ had shocked him; he did not believe it to be Luther’s; it
was not in his usual style; if Luther had written it, it must have
been because he was momentarily indignant at the papal Bull, and as
it was anonymous, it could easily be repudiated; or if not
repudiated, it might be explained, and its sentences shown to be
capable of a Catholic interpretation. If this were done, and if
Luther withdrew his violent writings against the Pope, there was no
reason why an amicable arrangement should not be come to. The Papal
Bull could easily be got over, it could be withdrawn on the ground
that Luther had never had a fair trial. It was a mistake to suppose
that the Emperor was not keenly alive to the need for a reformation
of the Church; there were limits to his devotion to the Pope; the
Emperor believed that he would deserve the wrath of God if he did
not try to amend the deplorable condition of the Church of Christ.
Such was Glapion’s statement. It is a question how far he was
sincere, and how far he could speak for the Emperor. He was a friend
and admirer of Erasmus; but the Dutchman had said that no man could
conceal his own views so skilfully. The Elector heard that after
this conversation Glapion had got from Aleander 400 copies of the
Bull against Luther, and had distributed them among Franciscan
monks. This made him doubt his sincerity, and he refused to grant
him an audience. Cf. _Reichstagsakten_, ii. 477 ff.

188 A study of dates throws light on these bargainings. In Oct. 1520,
Charles issued an edict ordering the burning of Luther’s books
within his hereditary dominions. In the following weeks Aleander was
pressing Charles to make the edict universal; this was declared to
be impossible, but (Nov. 28th) Charles wrote to the Elector of
Saxony ordering him to produce Luther at Worms, and to hinder him
from writing anything more against the Pope; as it were in answer
(Dec. 12th), the Pope intimated to Charles that he had withdrawn his
briefs about the Inquisition in Spain. The Emperor reached Worms
about the middle of December. On Jan. 3rd (1521) the Pope simplified
matters for the Emperor by issuing a new Bull, _Decet Romanum_,
containing the names of Luther and Hutten; the Diet opened Jan.
28th; Aleander made his three hours’ speech against Luther on Feb.
13; Feb. 19th, the Estates resolved that Luther should appear before
them, and not for the simple purpose of recantation—he was to be
heard, and to receive a safe conduct; March 6th, the imperial
invitation and safe conduct, beginning with the words, _nobilis,
derote, nobis dilecte_; Aleander protested vehemently against this
address; the Emperor drafted a universal mandate ordering the
burning of Luther’s books; this probably was not published; it was
withdrawn in favour of a mandate ordering all Luther’s books to be
delivered up to the magistrates; this was published in Worms on
March 27th, and caused rioting; April 17th and 18th, Luther appeared
before the Diet; May 8th, Charles received the Pope’s pledge to take
his side against Francis; Diet agreed to the ban against Luther on
May 25th; Charles dated the ban May 8th.

_ 189 Calendar of State Papers, Henry __VIII.__ Letters and Papers,
Foreign and Domestic_ (London, 1867), III. i. p. 445.

190 Kalkoff, _Die Depeschen_, etc. p. 106.

191 This was probably the frontispiece of a small book containing four
of Hutten’s tracts, and entitled _Gespräch Büchlin: Herr Ulrichs von
Hutten. Feber das Erst: Feber das ander: Vadiscus, oder die Römische
Dreifaltigkeit: Die Anschawenden_; with the motto, _Odivi ecclesiam
malignantium_. It is figured in v. Bezold’s _Geschicte der deutschen
Reformation_, p. 307 (Berlin, 1890).

_ 192 Reichtstagsakten_, ii. pp. 495 ff.

_ 193 Ibid._ 515 ff.

_ 194 Reichstsakten_, ii. pp. 518 ff.

195 Brieger, _Aleander und Luther 1521: Die vervollständigten
Aleander-Depeschen nebst Untersuchungen über den Wormses Reichstag_
(Gotha, 1884), p .19.

_ 196 Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Kaiser Carl __V._ (Gotha, 1896), ii.
466; Brieger, _Aleander_, etc. pp. 19, 20.

197 Cf. p. 267, note.

198 The draft was dated February 15th, and will be found in the
_Reichstagsakten_, ii. 507 ff.

199 The answer of the Diet was dated February 19th, and is to be found
in the _Reichstagsakten_, ii. 514 ff., and discussions thereanent,
pp. 517, 518 f.

200 The second draft edict proposed to summon Luther to make recantation
only, and at the same time ordered his books to be burnt, which was
equivalent to a condemnation, _Reichstagsakten_, ii. 520.

201 The revised draft edict in its final form was dated March 10th, four
days after the citation and safe conduct, and it is probable that it
was finally issued by the Emperor for the purpose of frightening
Luther, and preventing him obeying the citation and trusting to the
safe conduct, _Reichstagsakten_, ii. 529 ff. and notes.

202 Luther received three safe conducts, one from the Emperor in the
citation, one from the Elector of Saxony, and one from Duke George
of Saxony. _Reichstagsakten_, ii. 526 ff.

203 Cf. Aleander’s letter of April 5th, 1521. Brieger, _Aleander und
Luther_, etc. pp. 119 ff.

204 Spalatin’s _Annales Reformationis_ (Cyprian’s edition), p. 38.

_ 205 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 850.

_ 206 Ibid._ p. 850.

_ 207 Ibid._ p. 853, note.

_ 208 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 863.

209 Lingke, _Luther’s Reisegeschichte_, pp. 83 f.

210 Every monk when on a journey had to be accompanied by a brother of
the Order. Petzensteiner left his convent and married (July 1522),
Kolde, _Analecta Lutherana_, p. 38. For the entry into Worms, cf.
_Reichstagsakten_, ii. 850, 859; Balau, _Monumenta_, etc. p. 170.

211 Brieger, _Aleander_, etc. p. 143; _Zeitschrift f.
Kirchengeschichte_, iv. 326.

_ 212 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 569; Forstemann, _Urkundenbuch_, 68 f.,
_Tischreden_, iv. 349; Brieger, _Aleander_, etc. p. 146.

_ 213 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 514, 519 f., 526.

_ 214 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 573.

_ 215 Ibid._ p. 891, where it is said that the imperial entourage and the
dependants of the Curia hated a public appearance of Luther worse
than foreigners dislike “Einbecker beer.”

216 Cf. Luther’s letters to Cranach (April 21st, 1521), and to the
Elector Frederick, De Wette, _Dr. Martin Luthers Briefe_, etc. i.
588, 599.

_ 217 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 545.

_ 218 Ibid._ p. 859.

219 The terms _Orator_ and _Official_ have a great many meanings in
Mediæval ecclesiastical Latin. They probably mean here the president
of the Archbishop’s Ecclesiastical Court. John Eck was a Doctor of
Canon Law. Archbishop Parker signed himself the _Orator_ of Cecil
(_Calendar of State Papers, Elizabeth, Foreign Series, 1559-1560_,
p. 84).

220 Brieger, _Aleander_, etc. p. 145.

_ 221 Ibid._ p. 145.

222 This paragraph and the succeeding one are founded on the following
sources: The official report written by John Eck of Trier; the _Acta
Wormaciæ_, a narrative in the handwriting of Spalatin; and the
statements of fourteen persons, Germans, Italians, and a Spaniard,
all present in the Diet on the 17th and 18th of April 1521.

_ 223 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 574.

_ 224 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 547.

_ 225 Ibid._ p. 549.

_ 226 Ibid._. p. 862.

227 Brieger, _Aleander_, etc. p. 147.

_ 228 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 632.

229 De Wette, _Dr. Martin Luthers Briefe_, etc. i. 589.

_ 230 Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition), xxiv. 322.

_ 231 Ibid._ lxiv. 369.

232 Brieger, _Aleander_, etc. p. 146.

_ 233 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 633.

_ 234 Ibid._ p. 588.

_ 235 Ibid._ p. 547.

_ 236 Ibid._ p. 633.

237 The names of the books collected and placed on the table have been
curiously preserved on a scrap of paper stored in the archives of
the Vatican Library; they were all editions published by Frobenius
of Basel (_Reichstagsakten_, ii. 548 and note). It may be sufficient
to say that among them (twenty-five or so) were the appeal _To the
Christian Nobility of the German Nation_, the tract _On the Liberty
of a Christian Man_, _The Babylonian Captivity of the Church of
Christ_, _Against the Execrable Bull of Antichrist_, some
commentaries, and some tracts on religious subjects “not
contentious,” says the official record.

238 This was probably an answer to the suggestion made by Glapion to
Chancellor Brück, that if Luther would only deny the authorship of
the _Babylonian Captivity of the Church of Christ_, which had been
published anonymously, matters might be arranged.

239 The sentence, “And I have written some others which have not been
named,” was an aside spoken in a lower tone, but distinctly
(_Reichstagsakten_, ii. 589, 860).

_ 240 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 548. In Eck’s official report Luther’s answer
is given very briefly; instead of Luther’s words the Official says:
“As to the other part of the question, whether he wished to retract
their contents and to sing another tune (_palinodiam canere_), he
began to invent a chain of idle reasons (_causas nectere_) and to
seek means of escape (_diffugias quærere_)” (_Reichstagsakten_, ii.
589).

_ 241 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 851, 863: “Wir habent den Luther nit wol
horen reden, dann er mit niederer stim geredet” (Kolde, _Analecta_,
p. 30 n.).

242 Brieger, _Aleander_, etc. p. 146.

_ 243 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 549. Aleander, writing to Rome, says that the
Official went on to say in the name of the Emperor that Luther ought
to bear it in mind that he had written many things against the Pope
and the Apostolic Chair, and had scattered recklessly many heretical
statements which had caused great scandal, and which, if not
speedily ended, would kindle such a great conflagration as neither
Luther’s recantation nor the imperial power could extinguish; and
that he exhorted Luther to be mindful of this (Brieger, _Aleander_,
p. 147). In Eck’s official report these remarks are given as the
opinions of those princes who did not wish that Luther’s request
should be granted; but they must have been included in his speech,
for Peutinger confirms the nuncio’s report (_Reichstagsakten_, ii.
589 f., 866).

244 De Wette, _Dr. Martin Luthers Briefe_, i. 587.

_ 245 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 862.

_ 246 Ibid._ p. 853.

_ 247 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 549 n.; _Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition),
lxiv. 369.

248 “I was on my way to the audience to hear (Luther’s) speech, but the
throng was so dense that I could not get through” (Sixtus Oelhafen
to Hector Pömer, _Reichstagsakten_, ii. 854).

_ 249 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 864.

250 Walch, xv. 2301.

_ 251 Ibid._ p. 2233.

_ 252 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 853.

253 Brieger, _Aleander_, etc. p. 172.

_ 254 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 549.

_ 255 Ibid._ p. 550.

256 Myconius, _Historia Reformationis_ (Leipzig, 1718), p. 39.

_ 257 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 578.

_ 258 Ibid._ pp. 550 ff., 557 ff., 591 ff. etc.

_ 259 Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition), lxiv. 370.

260 Brieger, _Aleander_, etc. p. 152.

_ 261 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 530.

_ 262 Desiderii Erasmi Roterodami Opera Omnia_ (Leyden, 1703), iii. 1095:
“Jam audio multis persuasum, ex meis scriptis exstitisse totam hanc
Ecclesiæ procellam: cujus verissimi rumoris præcipuus auctor fuit
Hieronymus Aleander, homo, ut nihil aliud dicam, non superstitiose
verax.”

263 Brieger, _Aleander_, etc. p. 41.

_ 264 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 860 n.

_ 265 Ibid._ p. 860.

_ 266 Ibid._ p. 853.

_ 267 Ibid._ pp. 550, 551.

268 Myconius, _Historia Reformationis_, p. 39.

269 Walch, xv. 233.

_ 270 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 861.

_ 271 Reichstagsakten,_ ii. 555.

_ 272 Ibid._ p. 591.

_ 273 Ibid._ p. 861 n.

274 Cochlæus, _Commentarius_, etc. p. 34.

_ 275 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 556-558, 581, 582, 591-594.

276 Aleander wrote that the Emperor said that he did not wish to hear
more: _et allora fu detto per Cesar, che bastava et che non volera
più udir, ex quo questui negava li Concilii_ (Brieger, _Aleander_,
etc. p. 153).

_ 277 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 862 (Dr. Peutinger to the Council of
Augsburg). The famous ending: _Hie stehe ich, ich kann nicht anders
thun, Gott helfe mir, Amen_, which gives such a dramatic finish to
the whole scene, is not to be found in the very earliest records. It
first appeared in an account published in Wittenberg without date,
but which is probably very early, and also in the 1546 edition of
_Luther’s Works_, Various versions are given of the last words
Luther uttered—_Gott helf mir, Amen_, in the _Acta Wormaciæ_
(_Reichstagsakten_, ii, 557), which are believed to have been
corrected by Luther himself; _So helf mir Gott, denn kein
widerspruch kan ich nicht thun, Amen_, is given by Spalatin in his
_Annales_ (p. 41). Every description of the scene coming from
contemporary sources shows that there was a great deal of confusion;
it is most likely that in the excitement men carried away only a
general impression and not an exact recollection of the last words
of Luther. If it were not for Dr. Peutinger’s very definite
statement written almost immediately after the event, there seems to
be no reason why the dramatic ending should not have been the real
one.

_ 278 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 636.

_ 279 Ibid._ p. 862.

_ 280 Ibid._ p. 558.

_ 281 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 636. Aleander says that Luther alone raised
his hand and made this gesture; he was not present; the Spaniard who
recounts the incident as given above was a spectator of the scene.

_ 282 Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition), lxiv. 370; Wrampelmeyer,
_Tagebuch über Dr. Martin Luther, geführt von Dr. Conrad Cordatus_,
p. 477; _et descendi de pretorio conductus, do sprangen Gesellen
herfur, die sagten, __“__Wie, furt yhr yhn gefangen? Das must nicht
sein.__”_

_ 283 Reichslagsakten_, ii. 853.

284 Selnecker, _Historia ... D. M. Lutheri_ (1575), p. 108.

285 Cf. p. 264-5. The complete text of the Emperor’s declaration is to
be found in the _Reichstagsakten_, ii. 594; Förstemann, _Neues
Urkundenbuch zur Geschichte der evangelischen Kirchen-Reformation_
(Hamburg, 1842), i. 75; Armstrong, _The Emperor Charles __V._, i. 70
(London, 1902).

286 Brieger, _Aleander und Luther 1521_, p. 154 (Gotha, 1884): _Dove
molti rimasero più pallidi che se fossero stati morti_.

287 Brieger, _Luther und Aleander 1521_ (Gotha, 1884), pp. 208 ff.;
Kalkoff, _Die Depeschen des Nuntius Aleander vom Wormser Reichstage
1521_ (Halle, 1897), pp. 235 ff.

288 Leitschuh, _Albrecht Dürer’s Tagebuch der Reise in die Niederlande_
(Leipzig, 1884), pp. 82-84.

289 Kolde, _Analecta Lutherana_ (Gotha, 1883), pp. 31, 32: “Quare, mi
doctissime Luthere, si me amas, si reliquos, qui adhuc mecum curam
tui habent, Evangeliique Dei, per te tanto labore, tanta cura, tot
sudoribus, tot periculis prædicati fac sciamus, an vivas, an captus
sis.”

290 Brieger, _Luther und Aleander 1521_ (Gotha, 1884), p. 158; Kalkoff,
_Die Depeschen des Nuntius Aleander_ (Halle, 1897), p. 182.

291 Cf. Letter of Cochlæus to the Pope (June 19th) in Brieger’s
_Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte_, xviii. p. 118.

292 Brieger, _Luther und Aleander 1521_ (Gotha, 1884), p. 211.

293 The important clauses in the Edict of Worms are printed in Emil
Reich’s _Select Documents illustrating Mediæval and Modern History_
(London, 1905), p. 209.

_ 294 Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry
__VIII._, III. i. p. cccxxxviii. Letter from Tunstal to Wolsey of
date January 21st, 1521.

295 Brieger, _Aleander und Luther 1521_ (Gotha, 1884), p. 263; cf. pp.
249 ff.

_ 296 Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry
__VIII._, iii. 449, 485.

_ 297 Act. Parl. Scot._ ii. 295.

298 v. Ranke in his _Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Reformation_
(2nd ed., Leipzig, 1882), ii. 56, and Dr. Burkhardt, archivist at
Weimar, in the _Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie_ (Gotha)
for 1862, p. 456—both founding on the confessedly imperfect
information to be found in Panzer’s _Annalen der älteren deutschen
Litteratur_ (1788-1802)—have made the following calculations:—the
number of printed books issued in the German language, and within
Germany, from 1480-1500, did not exceed forty a year; the years
1500-1512 show about the same average; in the year 1513 the number
of books and booklets issued from German presses in the German
language was 35; in 1514 it was 47; in 1515, 46; in 1516, 55; in
1517, 37; then Luther’s printed appeals to the German people began
to appear in the shape of sermons, tracts, controversial writings,
etc., and the German publications of the year 1518 rose to 71, of
which no less than 20 were from Luther’s pen; in 1519 the total
number was 111, of which 50 were Luther’s; in 1520 the total was
208, of which 133 were Luther’s; in 1521 (when Luther was in the
Wartburg), Luther published 20 separate booklets; in 1522, 130; and
in 1523 the total number was 498, of which 180 were Luther’s; cf.
Weller, _Repertorium Typographicum_ (Nördlingen, 1864-1874), for
further information. From Luther’s Letter to the Nürnberg Council
(Enders, v. 244), it may be inferred that the first edition of each
of his writings was usually sold out in seven or eight weeks.

299 It was Luther’s appeal to the _Christian Nobility of the German
Nation_ which taught Ulrich von Hutten the powers of the German
language; Strauss, _Ulrich von Hutten, His Life and Times_ (London,
1874), p. 241.

300 A number of the more important of these controversial writings have
been reprinted under the title _Flugschriften aus der
Reformationszeit_ in the very useful series _Neudrucke deutscher
Litteraturwerke_, in the course of publication by Niemeyer of Halle;
cf. also Kuczynski, _Thesaurus libellorum historiam Reformatorum
illustrantium_ (Leipzig, 1870); O. Schade, _Satiren und Pasquillen
aus der Reformationszeit_, 3 vols. (Hanover, 1856-1858).

301 Murner was in England in 1523 hoping for an audience from Henry
VIII., in whose defence he had written against Luther. “The king
desires out of pity that he should return to Germany, for he was one
of the chief stays against the faction of Luther, and ordered Wolsey
to pay him £100.” Cf. Letter of Sir Thomas More to Wolsey: _Letters
and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry __VIII._, III. ii. 3270.

302 Compare chapter on Social Conditions, pp. 96 ff.

303 Eberlin’s most important pamphlets have been edited by Enders and
published in Niemeyer’s _Flugschriften aus der Reformationszeit_,
and form Nos. xi. xv. and xviii. of the series (Halle, 1896, 1900,
1902).

304 Oecolampadius is thought by Böcking to have been the author of the
celebrated pamphlet, _Neukarsthans_ (Summer, 1521), often attributed
to Hutten. Sickingen is one of the speakers; the author shows an
acquaintance with Scripture and with theology which Hutten could
scarcely command; and the idea of ecclesiastical polity sketched
seems lo be taken from Marsilius of Padua.

305 Hulsse, _Die Einführung der Reformation in der Stadt Magdeburg_
(Magdeburg, 1883), p. 46.

306 The woodcut was first used to illustrate Hans Sachs’ poem, “Der gut
Hirt und der böss Hirt, Johannis am Zehenden Capitel”; and is given
in a facsimile reproduction of several of Hans Sachs’ poems, sacred
and secular, entitled _Hans Sachs im Gewande seiner Zeit_, Gotha,
1821. The poems were originally issued as large broad-sheets
illustrated with a single woodcut, and were meant to be fixed on the
walls of rooms.

307 Many of these Reformation cartoons are to be found in G. Hirth,
_Kulturgeschichtliches Bilderbuch aus drei Jahrhunderten_, i. ii.
(Munich, 1896), and one or two in the illustrations in von Bezold,
_Geschichte der deutschen Reformation_ (Berlin, 1890).

308 The _Passional Christi et Antichristi_ has been reproduced in
facsimile by W. Scherer (Berlin, 1885).

309 H. Barge, _Andreas Bodenstein von Karlstadt_, 2 vols. (Leipzig,
1905).

310 Cf. Barge, _Andreas Bodenstein von Karlstadt_, i. 357; the letter is
printed in ii. 558-559.

311 The ordinance is printed in Richter’s _Die evangelischen
Kirchenordnungen des sechszehnten Jahrhunderts_ (Weimar, 1846), ii.
484; and, with a more correct text, in Sehling’s _Die evangelischen
Kirchenordnungen des 16ten Jahrhunderts_ (Leipzig), 1902, I. i. 697.

312 This _Instruction_ will be found in Enders, _Dr. Martin Luthers
Briefwechsel_, iii. 292-295. Its effect on Luther’s return to
Wittenberg is discussed at length by von Bezold (_Zeitschrift für
Kirchengeschichte_, xx. 186 ff.), Kawerau (Luther’s _Rückkehr_,
etc., Halle, 1902), and by Barge (_Andreas Bodenstein von
Karlstadt_, Leipzig, 1905, p. 432 ff.).

313 See his letters to Spalatin in Enders, _Dr. Martin Luthers
Briefwechsel_, iii. 271, 286.

314 Johann Kessler, _Sabbata_ (edited by Egli and Schoch, St. Gall,
1902).

315 The edict said: “In the first place, we command that all,
particularly all princes, estates, and subjects, shall not, after
the expiry of the above twenty days, which terminate on the 14th of
the present month of May, offer to Luther either shelter, food, or
drink, or help him in any way with words or deeds, secretly or
openly. On the contrary, wherever you get possession of him, you
shall at once put him in prison and send him to me, or, at any rate,
inform me thereof without any delay. For that holy work you shall be
recompensed for your trouble and expenses. Likewise you ought, in
virtue of the holy constitution and ban of our Empire, to deal in
the following way with all the partisans, abettors, and patrons of
Luther. You shall put them down, and confiscate their estates to
your own profit, unless the said persons can prove that they have
mended their ways and asked for papal absolution. Furthermore, we
command, under the aforesaid penalties, that nobody shall buy, sell,
read, keep, copy, or print any of the writings of Martin Luther
which have been condemned by our holy father the Pope, whether in
Latin or in German, nor any other of his wicked writings.”

316 The Pope’s instructions to his nuncio will be found in Wrede,
_Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Kaiser Karl __V._, iii. 393 ff.

317 Compare Gebhardt, _Die Gravamina der Deutschen Nation_, 2nd ed.,
Breslau, 1895.

318 The _annates_ were the first year’s stipend of an ecclesiastical
benefice, usually reckoned at a fixed rate.

319 SOURCES: Baumann, _Quellen zur Geschichte des Bauernkrieges in
Ober-Schwaben_ (Stuttgart, 1877); _Die Zwölf Artikel der
oberschwäbischen Bauern_ (Kempten, 1896); _Akten zur Geschichte des
Bauernkrieges aus Ober-Schwaben_ (Freiburg, 1881); Beger, _Zur
Geschichte des Bauernkrieges nach Urkunden zu Karlsruhe_ (in
_Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte_, vols. xxi.-xxii., Göttingen,
1862); Ryhiner, _Chronik des Bauernkrieges_ (_Basler Chroniken_,
vi., 1902); Waldau, _Materialien zur Geschichte des Bauerkrieges_
(Chemnitz, 1791-1794); Vogt, _Die Korrespondenz des Schwübischen
Bundes-Hauptmanns, 1524-1527_ (Augsburg, 1879-1883).

LATER BOOKS: Zimmermann, _Allgemeine Geschichte des grossen
Bauernkrieges_, 3 vols. (Stuttgart, 1856); E. Belfort Bax, _The
Peasants’ War in Germany_ (London, 1899); Kautsky, _Communism in
Central Europe in the time of the Reformation_ (London, 1897);
Stern, _Die Socialisten der Reformationszeit_ (Berlin, 1883). The
literature on the Peasants’ War is very extensive.

320 Compare above, p. 106.

321 Lindsay, _Luther and the German Reformation_ (Edinburgh, 1900), 169
ff.; Stern, _Die Socialisten der Reformationszeit_, Berlin, 1883.

322 Friedrich, _Astrologie und Reformation, oder die Astrologen als
Prediger der Reformation und Urheber des Bauernkrieges_, München,
1864.

323 Cf. “The Twelve Peasant Articles” in Emil Reich, _Select Documents
illustrating Mediæval and Modern History_, p. 212.

324 After speaking about the duties of the authorities, he proceeds: “In
the case of an insurgent, every man is both judge and executioner.
Therefore, whoever can should knock down, strangle, and stab such
publicly or privately, and think nothing so venomous, pernicious,
and devilish as an insurgent.... Such wonderful times are these,
that a prince can merit heaven better with bloodshed than another
with prayer.”

325 Luther dissuaded the Landgrave of Hesse from permanently adopting
the democratic ecclesiastical constitution drafted by Francis
Lambert for the Church of Hesse in 1526. The rejected constitution
has been printed by Richter in his _Die evangelischen
Kirchenordnungen des sechszschuten Jahrhunderts_ (Weimar, 1846), i.
56.

326 SOURCES (besides those given in earlier chapters): Ney, “Analecten
zur Geschichte des Reichstags zu Speier im Jahr 1526” (_Zeitschrift
für Kirchengeschichte_, viii. ix. xii.); Friedensburg, _Beiträge zum
Briefwechsel zwischen Hertzog Georg von Sachsen und Landgraf Philip
von Hessen_ (_Neuer Archiv für Sächs. Gesch._ vi.); Balan,
_Clementis __VII.__ Epistolæ_ (vol. i. of _Monumenta Sæculi __XVI.__
Historiam illustrantia_, Innsbruck, 1885); Casanova, _Lettere di
Carlo __V.__ and Clemente __VII.__ 1527-1533_ (Florence, 1893);
Lanz, _Correspondenz des Kaisers Karl __V._ (Leipzig, 1845);
Bradford, _Correspondent of Charles __V._ (London, 1850).

LATER BOOKS: Schomburgk, _Die Pack’schen Handel_ (Maurenbrecher’s
_Hist. Taschenbuch_, Leipzig, 1882); Stoy, _Erste
Bündnisbestrebungen evangelischen Stände_ (Jena, 1888); _Cambridge
Modern History_, II. vi.

327 The Diet was accustomed to appoint a Committee of Princes to put in
shape their more important ordinances. The ordinance was called a
“recess.”

328 A description of the changes in organisation and worship introduced
after the decision of the Diet of 1526 is reserved for a separate
chapter.

329 Ney, _Geschichte des Reichstages zu Speier in 1529_ (Hamburg, 1880);
Tittmann, _Die Protestation zu Speyer_ (Leipzig, 1829).

_ 330 Calendars of State Papers, Foreign Series, of the reign of
Elizabeth, 1559-1560_, p. 84.

331 SOURCES: Schirrmacher, _Briefe und Acten zu der Geschichte der
Religionsgespräches zu Marburg, 1529, und des Reichstages zu
Augsburg, 1530_ (Gotha, 1876); Bucer, _Historische Nachricht von dem
Gespräch zu Marburg_ (Simler, _Sammlung_, II. ii. 471 ff.); Rudolphi
Collini, “Summa Colloquii Marpurgensis,” printed in Hospinian,
_Historia sacramentaria_, ii. 123_b_-126_b_, and in _Zwinglii
Opera_, iv. 175-180 (Zurich, 1841); Brieger in _Zeitschrift für
Kirchengeschichte_, i. 628 ff.

LATER BOOKS: Ebrard, _Das Dogma vom heiligen Abendmahl und seine
Geschichte_, vol. ii. (Frankfurt a. M. 1846; the author has
classified the accounts of the persons present at the conference,
and given a combined description of the discussion, pp. 308 n. and
314 ff.); Erichson, _Das Marburger Religiongespräch_ (Strassburg,
1880); Bess, _Luther in Marburg, 1529_ (_Preuss. Jahrbücher_; civ.
418-431, Berlin, 1901).

332 In the _Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent_ the Sacrifice of
the Mass is defined in the 22nd Session, and the Eucharist in the
13th Session.

333 Schirrmacher, _Briefe und Acten zu der Geschichte des
Religionsgespräches zu Marburg und des Reichstages zu Augsburg,
1530_, pp. 33, 34.

334 There are several contemporary accounts of this meeting at the
bridge of the Lech, and of the procession; for one, see
Schirrmacher, _Briefe und Acten_, etc. pp. 54-57.

335 It was a somewhat doubtful honour for a city to be chosen as the
meeting place of a Diet. The burghers of Augsburg hired 2000
landsknechts to protect them during the session (Schirrmacher,
_Briefe und Acten_, p. 52).

336 Förstemann, _Urkundenbuch_, etc. i. 268, 271; Schirrmacher, _Briefe
und Acten_, etc. p. 59 and note.

337 SOURCES: Schirrmacher, _Briefe und Acten_; Förstemann, _Urkundenbuch
zu der Geschichte des Reichstags zu Augsburg_, 2 vols. (Halle,
1833-1835); and _Archiv für die Geschichte der kirchl. Reformation_
(Halle, 1831).

LATER BOOKS: Moritz Facius, _Geschichte des Reichstags zu Augsburg_
(Leipzig, 1830).

338 Schirrmacher, _Briefe und Acten_, etc. p. 90.

339 The threat is recorded in _Archiv für Schweizerische Geschichte und
Landeskunde_, i. 278.

340 Armstrong, _The Emperor Charles __V._, i. 244.

341 Förstemann, _Archiv_, p. 206.

342 Schaff, _The Creeds of the Evangelical Protestant Christian
Churches_ (London, 1877), p. 3; cf. _History of the Creeds of
Christendom_ (London, 1877), pp. 220 ff.; Müller, _Die
Bekenntnisschriften der Reformierten Kirche_ (Leipzig, 1903), pp.
55-100; Tschakert, _Die Augsburgische Konfession_, (Leipzig, 1901).

343 Förstemann, _Urkundenbuch_, i. 39: the worthy Chancellor thought
that the document should be drafted “mit gründlicher bewerung
derselbigen aus göttlicher schrifft.”

344 Schirrmacher, _Briefe und Acten_, etc. p. 98.

345 Charles knew well that the nuncio would exert all his influence to
prevent a settlement. In anticipation of the Diet the Emperor had
privately asked Melanchthon to give him a statement of the _minimum_
of concessions which would content the Lutherans. Melanchthon seems
to have answered (our source of information is not very definite):
the Eucharist in both kinds; marriage of priests permitted; the
omission of the canon of the Mass; concession of the Church lands
already sequestrated; and the decision of the other matters in
dispute at a free General Council. Charles had sent the document to
Rome; it had been debated at a conclave of cardinals, who had
decided that none of the demands could be granted.

346 One document says: “Es war aber zum ersten die _confutation_ wol bey
zweihundert und achtzig bletter lang gewesen, aber die key. Mäj. hat
sie selbst also gereuttert und gerobt, das es nicht mehr denn zwölf
bletter geblieben sind. Solchs soll Doctor Eck sehr verdrossen und
wee gethan haben.”—(Schirrmacher, _Briefe und Acten_, etc. p. 167.)

347 De Wette, _Luther’s Briefe_, etc. iv. 1-182.

_ 348 Ibid._ iv. 41.

349 De Wette, _Luther’s Briefe_, etc. iv. 128.

350 The whole time of the members of the Diet was not spent in
theological discussions. We read of banquets, where Lutherans and
Romanists sat side by side; of dances that went on far into the
night; of what may be called a garden party in a “fair meadow,”
where a wooden house was built for the accommodation of the ladies;
and of tournaments. At one of them, Ferdinand, the Emperor’s
brother, was thrown and his horse rolled over him; and Melanchthon
wrote to Luther that six men had been killed at one of these “gentle
and joyous” passages of arms.

351 The Romanist majority had resolved to fight the Protestant minority,
not in the battlefield, but in the law-courts—_nicht fechten sondern
rechten_, was the phrase.

352 When the religious war did begin in 1545, Charles justified the use
of force on the grounds that the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave
of Hesse had violated the constitution of the Empire, _had
repudiated the decisions of the Reichskammersgericht_, and had
protested against the decisions of the Diet.

353 Schmidt, _Zur Geschichte des Schmalkaldischen Bundes_ (_Forsch. zur
Deutschen Geschichte_, XXV.); Zangemeister, _Die Schmalkaldischen
Artikel von 1537_ (Heidelberg, 1883); _Corpus Reformatorum_, iii.
973 ff.

354 Winckelmann, “Die Verträge von Kadan und Wien” (_Zeitschrift für
Kirchengeschichte_, xi. 212 ff.).

355 Cf. Kolde, _Analecta_, pp. 216 ff., 231 f., 262 f., 278 f., etc.

356 Spiegel, “Johannes Timannus Amsterodamus und die Colloquien zu Worms
und Regensburg, 1540-1541” (_Zeitschrift für hist. Theologie_, xlii.
(1872) 36 ff.); Moses, _Die Religionsverhandlungen in Hagenau und
Worms, 1540-1541_ (Jena, 1889).

357 Heppe, “Urkundliche Beiträge zur Geschichte der Doppelehe des
Landgrafen Philip v. Hessen” (_Zeitschrift für die historische
Theologie_, xxii. (1852) 263 ff.), cf. xxxviii. 445 ff.; Schultze,
_Luther und die Doppelehe des Landgrafen v. Hessen_ (Paderborn
(1869)).

358 Luther’s action is usually attributed to his desire not to offend a
powerful Protestant leader. A careful study of the original
documents in the case—correspondence and papers—does not confirm
this view. To my mind, they show on Luther’s part a somewhat sullen
and crabbed conscientious fidelity to a conviction which he always
maintained. With all his reverence for the word of God, he could
never avoid giving a very large authority to the traditions of the
Church when they did not plainly contradict a positive and direct
divine commandment. The Church had been accustomed to say that it
possessed a dispensing power in matrimonial cases of extreme
difficulty; and, in spite of his denunciations of the dispensations
granted by the Roman Curia, Luther never denied the power. On the
contrary, he thought honestly that the Church did possess this power
of dispensation even to the length of tampering with a fundamental
law of Christian society, provided it did not contradict a
_positive_ scriptural commandment to the contrary. The crime of the
Curia, in his eyes, was not issuing dispensations in _necessary
cases_, but in giving them in cases without proved necessity, _and
for money_.

359 Ranke has an interesting study of the character of Maurice in his
_Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Reformation_, bk. ix. chap.
vi. (vol. v. pp. 161 ff. of the 6th ed., Leipzig, 1882); but perhaps
the best is given in Maurenbrecher, _Studien und Skizzen zur
Geschichte der Reformationszeit_ (Leipzig, 1874), pp. 135 ff. A
man’s deep religious convictions can tolerate strange company in
most ages, and the fact that we find Romanist champions in France
plunging into the deepest profligacy the one week and then
undergoing the agonies of repentance the next, or that Lutheran
leaders combined occasional conjugal infidelities and drinking bouts
with zeal for evangelical principles, demands deeper study in
psychology than can find expression, in the fashion of some modern
English historians, in a few cheap sneers.

360 Henninjard, _Correspondance des Reformateurs dans les pays de langue
française_ (Geneva and Paris, 1866-1897), i. 47, 48.

_ 361 Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the reign of Henry
__VIII._, iii. 284.

362 Kalkoff, _Die Depeschen des Nuntius Aleander_ (Halle, 1897), p. 106.

_ 363 Acts of the Parliament of Scotland_ for 1525 and 1527.

364 Maurenbrecher, _Karl V. und die deutschen Protestanten 1545-1555_
(Düsseldorf, 1865): Jahn, _Geschichte des Schmalkaldischen Krieges_
(Leipzig, 1837); Lo Mang, _Die Darstcllung des Schmalkaldischen
Krieges in den Denkwürdigkeiten Karls V._ (Jena, 1890, 1899, 1900);
Brandenburg, _Moritz von Sachsen_ (Leipzig, 1898).

365 Schmidt, “Agenda and Letters relating to the _Interim_,” in
_Zeitschrift für historisch. Theologie_, xxxviii. (1868) pp. 431
ff., 461 ff.; Beutel, _Über den Ursprung des Augsburger Interim_
(Leipzig, 1888); Meyer, _Der Augsburger Reichstag nach einem
fürstlichen Tagebuch_ (_Preus. Jahrb._ 1898, pp. 206-242).

366 Maurice of Saxony was permitted to make some alterations on the
_Interim_ for his dominions, and his edition was called the _Leipzig
Interim_.

367 One of these broadsides is reproduced in von Bezold’s _Geschichte
der deutschen Reformation_ (Berlin, 1890), p. 806.

368 Wolf, _Der Augsburger Religionsfriede_ (Stuttgart, 1890); Brandi,
_Der Augsburger Religionsfriede_ (Munich, 1896); Druffel, _Beiträge
zur Reichsgeschichte, 1553-1555_ (Munich, 1896).

369 These two unsettled questions became active in the disputes which
began the Thirty Years’ War.

370 Pollard, _Cambridge Modern History_, ii. 144.

371 The Religious Peace of Augsburg had important diplomatic
consequences beyond Germany. The Lutheran form of faith was
recognised to be a _religio licita_ (to use the old Roman phrase)
within the Holy Roman Empire, which, according to the legal ideas of
the day, included all Western Christendom; and Popes could no longer
excommunicate Protestants simply because they were Protestants,
without striking a serious blow at the constitution of the Empire.
No one perceived this sooner than the sagacious young woman who
became the first Protestant Queen of England. In the earlier and
unsettled years of her reign, Elizabeth made full use of the
protection that a profession of the Lutheran Creed gave to shield
her from excommunication. She did so when the Count de Feria, the
ambassador of Philip II., threatened her with the fate of the King
of Navarre (_Calendar of Letters and State Papers relating to
English Affairs, preserved principally in the Archives of Simancas_,
i. 61, 62); she suppressed all opinions which might be supposed to
conflict with the Lutheran Creed in the Thirty-eight Articles of
1563; she kept crosses and lights on the altar of her chapel in
Lutheran fashion. When the Pope first drafted a Bull to
excommunicate the English Queen, and submitted it to the Emperor, he
was told that it would be an act of folly to publish a document
which would invalidate the Emperor’s own election; and when
Elizabeth was finally excommunicated in 1570, the charge against her
was not being a Protestant, but sharing in “the impious mysteries of
Calvin”—the Reformed or Calvinist Churches being outside the Peace
of Augsburg.

372 SOURCES: Richter, _Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des
sechszehnten Jahrhunderts_ (Weimar, 1846); Sehling, _Die
evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des 16ten Jahrhunderts_ (Leipzig,
1902); Kins, “Das Stipendiumwesen in Wittenberg und Jena ... im
16ten Jahrhundert” (_Zeitschrift für historische Theologie_, xxxv.
(1865) pp. 96 ff.); G. Schmidt, “Eine Kirchenvisitation im Jahre
1525” (_Zeitschrift für die hist. Theol._ xxxv. 291 ff.); Winter,
“Die Kirchenvisitation von 1528 im Wittenberger Kreise” (_Zeitsch.
für hist. Theol._ xxxiii. (1863) 295 ff.); Muther, “Drei Urkunden
zur Reformationsgeschichte” (_Zeitschr. für hist. Theol._ xxx.
(1860) 452 ff.); Albrecht, _Der Kleine Catechismus für die gemeine
Pfarher und Prediger_ (facsimile reprint of edition of 1536; Halle
a. S. 1905).

LATER BOOKS: Kästner, _Die Kinderfragen: Der erste deutsche
Katechismus_ (Leipzig, 1902); Burkhardt, _Geschichte der deutschen
Kirchen- und Schulvisitation im Zeitalter der Reformation_ (Leipzig,
1879); Berlit, _Luther, Murner und das Kirchenlied des 16ten
Jahrhunderts_ (Leipzig, 1899).

373 Cf. for the Wittenberg ordinance, Richter, _Die evangelischen
Kirchenordnungen des sechszehnten Jahrhunderts_ (Weimar, 1846), ii.
484, and Sehling, _Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des 16ten
Jahrhunderts_ (Leipzig, 1902), r. i. 697; for Leisnig, Richter, i.
10. An account of the Magdeburg ordinance is to be found in Funk,
_Mittheilungen aus der Geschichte des evangelischen Kirchenwesens in
Magdeburg_ (Magdeburg, 1842), p. 210, and Richter, i. 17.

374 Luther’s early suggestions about the dispensation of the sacraments
have been collected by Sehling, I. i. 2, 18. A portion of the
hymn-book has been reproduced in facsimile in von Bezold’s
_Geschichte der deutschen Reformation_, Berlin, 1890, p. 566.

375 Schaff, _The Creeds of the Evangelical Protestant Churches_, p. 72.

376 Winter, “Die Kirchenvisitation von 1528 im Wittenberger Kreise”
(_Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie_, xxxiii. pp. 295-322);
and _Visitations Protocolle_ in _Neuen Mittheilungen des
thüring.-sächs. Geschichts-Verein zu Halle_, IX. ii. pp. 78 ff.

377 The Visitation of Bishop Hooper of the diocese of Gloucester, made
in 1551, disclosed a worse state of matters in England. The Visitor
put these simple questions to his clergy: “How many commandments are
there? Where are they to be found? Repeat them. What are the
Articles of the Christian Faith (the Apostles’ Creed)? Repeat them.
Prove them from Scripture. Repeat the Lord’s Prayer. How do you know
that it is the Lord’s? Where is it to be found?” Three hundred and
eleven clergymen were asked these questions, and only fifty answered
them all; out of the fifty, nineteen are noted as having answered
_mediocriter_. Eight could not answer a single one of them; and
while one knew that the number of the commandments was ten, he knew
nothing else [_English Historical Review_ for 1904 (Jan.), pp. 98
ff.].

378 Sehling, _Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des 16ten Jahrhunderts_
(Leipzig, 1902), I. i. 142 ff.

_ 379 Ibid._ I. i. 49.

380 The rites and ceremonies of worship in the Lutheran churches are
given in Daniel, _Codex Liturgicus Ecclesiæ Lutheranæ in epitomen
redactus_, which forms the second volume of his _Codex Liturgicus
Ecclesiæ Universæ_ (Leipzig, 1848).

381 The ordinance establishing the Wittenberg Consistory will be found
in Richter, _Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des sechszehnten
Jahrhunderts_ (Weimar, 1846), i. 367; and in Sehling, _Die
evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des 16ten Jahrhunderts_ (Leipzig,
1902), I. i. 200. Sehling sketches the history of its institution,
I. i. 55.

382 The first half of the first part of Sehling’s _Die evangelischen
Kirchenordnungen des 16 Jahrhunderts_ appeared in 1902, and the
second half of the first part in 1904.

383 Cf. article on “Kirchen-Ordnung” in the 3rd edition of Herzog’s
_Realencyclopädie fur protestantische Theologie_.

384 Richter, _Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen_, etc. i. 56 ff.

385 SOURCES: Baazius, _Inventarium Eccles. Sveogothorum_ (1642);
Pontoppidan, _Annales ecclesiæ Danicæ_, bks. ii., iii. (Copenhagen,
1744, 1747).

LATER BOOKS: Lau, _Geschichte der Reformation in Schleswig-Holstein_
(Hamburg, 1867); Willson, _History of Church and State in Norway_
(London, 1903); Watson, _The Swedish Revolution under Gustavus Vasa_
(Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1889); Wiedling, _Schwedische Geschichte
im Zeitalter der Reformation_ (Gotha, 1882); _Cambridge Modern
History_, II. xvii. (Cambridge, 1903).

386 Dorner, _History of Protestant Theology_ (Edinburgh, 1871); Köstlin,
_Luthers Theologie in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwickelung und in
ihrem innern Zusammenhange_ (Stuttgart, 1883); Theodor Harnack,
_Luthers Theologie mit besonderer Beziehung auf seine
Versöhnungs-und Erlösungslehre_ (Erlangen, 1862-1886); A. Ritschl,
_The Christian Doctrine of Justification and Reconciliation_
(Edinburgh, 1872); A. Harnack, _History of Dogma_, vii. (London,
1899); Loofs, _Leitfaden zum Studium der Dogmengeschichte_ (Halle,
1893); Herrmann, _Communion with God_ (London, 1895); Hering, _Die
Mystik Luthers in Zusammenhang seiner Theologie_ (Leipzig, 1879);
Denifle, _Luther und Lutherthum in der ersten Entwicklung_, vol. i.
(Mainz, 1904), vol. ii. (1905); Walther, _Fur Luther wider Rum_
(Halle, 1906).

387 Loofs, _Leitfaden_, etc. p. 345.

_ 388 Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition), xxxi. 273; in _Die Kleine
Antwort auf Herzog Georgen nähestes Buch_.

_ 389 Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition), xxxi. 278, 279.

390 Harnack, _History of Dogma_, vii. 182.

391 Loofs, _Leitfaden_, etc. p. 346.

_ 392 Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition), xxii. 15. Cf. xlviii. 5: “If
thou holdest faith to be simply a thought concerning God, then that
thought is as little able to give eternal life as ever a monkish
cowl could give it.”

_ 393 Luther’s Works_ (2nd Erlangen edition), xiii. 301.

_ 394 Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition), lxiii. 125.

395 The case of Bernard of Clairvaux is especially interesting, for we
might almost call him a _doppel-gänger_ (as the Germans would
say)—two men in one. In his experimental moods, when he is the great
revivalist preacher, exhibited in his sermons on the _Song of Songs_
and elsewhere, everything that the Christian can do, say, or think,
comes from the revelation of God’s grace within the individual,
while in his more purely theological works he scarcely ever frees
himself from the entanglements of Scholastic Theology. The
doubleness in Bernard has been dwelt upon by A. Ritschl in his
_Critical History of the Christian Doctrine of Justification and
Reconciliation_ (Edinburgh, 1872), pp. 95-101.

396 These annotations, glosses, and notes of lectures have been
collected and published in volumes iii. and iv. of the Weimar
edition of _Luther’s Works_. The most important phrases have been
carefully extracted by Loofs in his _Leitfaden_, pp. 345-352.

397 A. Harnack, _History of Dogma_, vii. 183.

_ 398 Ibid._ vii. 184.

_ 399 Luther’s Works_ (2nd Erlangen edition), xv. 540.

_ 400 Luther’s Works_ (2nd Erlangen edition), xv. 542.

_ 401 Luther’s Works_ (2nd Erlangen edition), xiv. 294.

402 Dilthey, _Archiv für Geschichte der Philosophie_, v. ii. 358.

_ 403 Examen Concilii Tridentini_ (Geneva, 1641), pp. 134 f.

404 The mediæval fourfold sense in Scripture was explained by Nicholas
de Lyra in the distich:

“_Litera_ gesta docet, quid credas _Allegoria_,
_Moralis_ quid agas, quo tendas _Anagogia_.”

It is expounded succinctly by Thomas Aquinas, _Summa Theologiæ_, I.
i. 10.

405 Matt. xiii. 31.

406 Song of Songs, ii. 15.

_ 407 Lettres à jeunes gens_, à Eugene l’hermite (Paris, 1863).

408 Cf. above, p. 200.

409 Cf. above, p. 151.

410 Luther is continually reproached for having called the Epistle of
James an Epistle of straw; it is forgotten that he uses the term
comparatively (_Prefaces to the New Testament; Works_ (Erlangen
edition), lxiii. 115): “Summa, Sanct Johannis Evangelium, und seine
erste Epistel, Sanct Paulus Epistel, sonderlich die zu Römern,
Galatern, Ephesern, und Sanct Peters erste Epistel, das sind die
Bücher, die dir Christum zeigen und alles lehren, das dir zu wissen
noth und selig ist, ob du schon kein ander Buch noch Lehre
nimmermehr sehest noch hörist. Darumb ist Sanct Jakobs Epistel ein
recht strohern Epistel _gegen sie_, denn sie doch kein evangelisch
Art an ihr hat.”

_ 411 De Libertate_ (Erlangen edition, Latin), xxxv. 222; Rom. i. 1-3.

_ 412 Genevan Catechism; Institutio_, III. ii. 6: “The word itself,
_however conveyed to us_, is a mirror in which faith may behold
God”; _Second Geneva Catechism._

413 (Dunlop), _A Collection of Confessions of Faith_, ii. 26.

_ 414 Zurich Articles of 1523_, i. ii.

_ 415 Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition), lvii. 34.

_ 416 Scots Confession_, Art. xix.; (Dunlop), _A Collection of
Confessions_, p. 73.

_ 417 Institutio_, I. vii. 5.

_ 418 Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition), lvii. 35.

_ 419 Ibid._ lxii. 132.

_ 420 Ibid._ (2nd Erlangen edition), viii. 23.