Chapter IV: Part 4

Gau likewise is a term which signifies a house; as we learn from Plutarch. The great and decisive battle between Alexander and Darius is generally said to have been fought at Arbela. But we are assured by this writer, that it was decided at Gaugamela[373]. He says, that Gau signified in the language of the country a house: and that the purport of the word Gaugamela was the house of a camel. This name, it seems, was given to the town on account of a tribute exacted for the maintenance of a camel, which had saved the life of some king, when he fled from battle: and the reason why the victory of Alexander was adjudged to Arbela, arose from its being more famous than the other place: for Gaugamela was not of sufficient repute: therefore the honour of this victory was given to Arbela, though it was according to some five hundred, according to others six hundred stadia[374] from the field of battle. I have not now time, nor is it to my purpose, to enter into a thorough discussion of this point: I will only mention it as my opinion, that Arbela and Gaugamela were the same place. The king alluded to is said by [375]Strabo to have been Darius the son of Hystaspes. But is it credible, that so great a prince, who had horses of the famous breed of Nysa, as well as those of Persis and Arabia, the most fleet of their kind, should be so circumstanced in battle, as to be forced to mount a camel, that could scarce move six miles in an hour: and this at a time when the greatest dispatch was necessary? This author gives a different reason for the place being thus denominated. He says, that it was allotted for the maintenance of a camel, which used to bring the king's provisions from Scythia, but was tired and failed upon the road. I know not which of the two circumstances in this short detail is most exceptionable; a king of Persia's provisions being brought to Babylon, or Sushan from Scythia; or a tired camel having such a pension. The truth is this: the Grecians misinterpreted the name, and then forged these legendary stories to support their [376]mistake. Had they understood the term, they would have been consistent in their history. Gau, and, as it was at times expressed, Cau, certainly signifies a house, or temple: also a cave, or hollow; near which the temple of the Deity was founded. For the Amonians erected most of their sacred edifices near caverns, and deep openings of the earth. Gaugamela was not the house of a camel, as Plutarch and Strabo would persuade us, notwithstanding the stories alleged in support of the notion: but it was the house and temple of Cam-El, the Deity of the country. Arbela was a place sacred to Bel, called Arbel, אור בל of the Chaldeans. It was the same as Beth Arbel of [377]Hosea: and Gaugamela is of the same purport, relating to the same God under different titles. The Grecians were grossly ignorant in respect to foreign events, as Strabo repeatedly confesses: and other writers do not scruple to own it. Lysimachus had been an attendant upon Alexander during the whole series of his conquests in Asia: there had been nothing of moment transacted, in the success of which he had not partaken. Yet even in his days, when he was king of Thrace, the accounts of those great actions had been so misrepresented, that when a history of them was read in his presence, they seemed quite new to him. It is all very fine, says the prince; but where was I when all this happened? There was a series of events exhibited, with which the person most interested was least acquainted. We may then well imagine, that there existed in the time of Plutarch many mistakes, both in respect to the geography of countries very remote, and to the [378]language of nations, with whom the Romans were little acquainted. The great battle, of which we have been speaking, was confessedly fought at Gaugamela. Ptolemy Ceraunus, who was present, averred it: as did Aristobulus: and it has been recorded by Plutarch and others. It is also adjudged to Arbela by persons of equal credit: and it must certainly have been really there transacted: for notwithstanding the palliating excuse of Plutarch, it is utterly incredible in respect to so great a victory, that the scene of action should be determined by this place, if it were sixty, or, as some say, seventy miles out of the way. But in reality it was at no such distance. Diodorus Siculus says, that Alexander immediately after the victory attacked Arbela, and took it: and found in it many evidences of its being a place of consequence. [379]Θαψας τους τετελευτηκοτας επεβαλε τοις Αρβηλοις, και πολλην μεν ἑυρεν αφθονιαν της τροφης, ουκ ολιγον δε κοσμον, και γαζαν βαρβαρικην, αργυριου δε ταλαντα δισχιλια. The battle was fought so near the city, that Alexander was afraid of some contagion from the dead bodies of the enemy, which lay close by it in great abundance.

I have mentioned, that Gaugamela was the temple of Cham-El, or Cham-Il. This was a title of the Deity brought from Chaldea to Egypt; and from thence to Greece, Hetruria, and other regions. The Greeks, out of different titles, and combinations, formed various Deities; and then invented different degrees of relation, which they supposed to have subsisted between them. According to Acusilaus Cham-Il was the Son of Vulcan, and Cabeira. [380]Ακουσιλαος δε ὁ Αργειος εκ Καβειρης και Ἡφαιστου Καμιλον λεγει. He was, by others, rendered Camillus, whose attendants were the Camilli; and he was esteemed the same as Hermes of Egypt. [381]Statius Tullianus de vocabulis rerum libro primo ait dixisse Callimachum, Tuscos Camillum appellare Mercurium, &c. Romani quoque pueros et puellas nobiles et investes Camillos et Camillas appellant, Flaminicarum et Flaminum præministros. Servius speaks to the same purpose. [382]Mercurius Hetruscâ linguâ Camillus dicitur. The reason of the attendants being also called Camilli was in consequence of a custom among the antients of conferring generally upon the priests the title of the Deity whom they served. The Camilli were commonly young persons of good family, as we learn from Plutarch, and were to be found in the temples of Jupiter, or Zeus: for Zeus and Hermes were originally the same: [383]Και τον ὑπηρετουντα τῳ Ἱερῳ του Διος αμφιθαλη παιδα λεγεσθαι Καμιλλον, ᾡς και τον Ἑρμην· ὁυτως ενιοι των Ἑλληνων Καμιλλον απο της διακονιας προσηγορευον. He mentions Ἑρμην--Καμιλλον απο της διακονιας, and supposes that Camillus had the name of Hermes from the similarity of his office, which was waiting upon the Gods. But the Chaldeans and Egyptians, from whom these titles were borrowed, esteemed Hermes as the chief Deity, the same as Zeus, Bel, and Adon. They knew nothing of Mercurius pedissequus, nor Hermes the lacky. They styled their chief God Cam-Il, or Camillus, and his priests had the same title. He did not borrow it from them; but they received it from him. The name is sometimes expressed Camulus: and the Amonians, who travelled westward, brought his rites and worship into the western parts of Europe: hence there are inscriptions to be found inscribed [384]Camulo Sancto Fortissimo. He was sometimes taken for Mars: as we may learn from an inscription in Gruter:

[385] MARTI CAMULO Ob Salutem Tiberi Claud. Cæs. Cives Remi posuerunt.

Such is the history of this Deity; whose worship was better known in the more early ages; and whose temple was styled Gau-Camel, by the Greeks rendered Gaugamela. I make no doubt but that Arbela was the same place: for places had as many names as the Deity worshipped had titles. Arbela was probably the city, and Gaugamela the [386]temple; both sacred to the same Deity, under different names.

It is remarkable that Syncellus, speaking of Venephres, King of Egypt, says, that he built the pyramids of [387]Co-Chone; which are the principal pyramids of that country. Eusebius before him had taken notice of the same history: [388]Ουενεφρης, εφ' ὁυ ὁ λιμος κατεσχε την χωραν, ὁς και τας Πυραμιδας περι Κοχωνην ηγειρεν. _Venephres was a prince, in whose time happened a famine in the land of Egypt. He was the same, who built the Pyramids about Cochone_. Now Co-Chone, analogous to Beth-El, Beth-Shan, Beth-Dagon, signifies the temple of the Deity; the house of the great king, or ruler: for such is the purport of Con, and Conah. Hercules, the chief Deity of Tyre, and who was also highly reverenced in Egypt, was Styled Con. [389]Τον Ἡρακλην φησι κατα την Αιγυπτιων διαλεκτον Κωνα λεγεσθαι. From hence we find, that it was a sacred Egyptian title. According to some readings the place is expressed Cocome; which is of the same purport. Co-Chome, the same as Cau-Come, signifies the house of Chom, or the Sun; and seems to betray the purpose for which the chief pyramid was erected: for it was undoubtedly nothing else but a monument to the Deity, whose name it bore. According to [390] Herodotus the great pyramid was built by Cheops; whom others called Chaops. But Chaops is a similar compound; being made up of the terms Cha-Ops, and signifies οικος Πυθωνος, domus Opis Serpentis. It was the name of the pyramid, which was erected to the Sun, the Ophite Deity of Egypt, worshipped under the symbol of a serpent. Analogous to Cau-Come in Egypt was a place in Ethiopia, called [391]Cuscha: doubtless so named from Chus, the great ancestor from whom the Ethiopians were descended.

The Sun was styled by the Amonians, among other titles, Zan; as I have before shewn: and he was worshipped under this denomination all over Syria and Mesopotamia; especially at Emesa, Edessa, and Heliopolis. One region was named Gauzanitis, from a city Gauzan, the Gosan of the [392]Scriptures. Strabo calls it [393]Χαζηνη, Cha-Zene, and places it near Adiabene. Gauzan, or Go-zan, is literally the house of the Sun. I once thought that the land of Goshen, in Egypt, was of the same purport as Cushan; and have so mentioned it in a former [394]treatise. So far is true: the land of Goshen was the land of Cushan, and possessed by the sons of Chus: but the two terms are not of the same meaning. Goshen, or Goshan, like Gauzan in Mesopotamia, signifies the temple of the Sun: hence it was as a city, rendered by the Greeks Heliopolis. Artapanus, as we learn from Eusebius, expresses it Caisan, Καισαν. Go-Shan, Gau Zan, Caisan, Cazena, all denote a place sacred to the Sun; and are such variations in rendering the same term, as must be expected in an interval of fifteen hundred years, and from different transcribers. This luminary was also called Abor, the parent of light; and his temple Cha-Abor, and Cho-Abor, contracted Chabor and Chobar. Of this name both a city and river were to be found in Gauzanitis; as well as in Susiana, and other parts: for rivers often took their names from some temple, or city, by which they ran. The temple at Dodona was, of old, called Cha-On, or house of the Sun; as we may infer from the country having the name of Chaonia; for Chaonia is the land of Chaon. The priests and inhabitants were called [395]Chaones, from their place of worship: and the former had also the name[396] of Selli, which signifies the priests of the Sun. In Arcadia, near the eruption of the river Erasinus, was a mountain, clothed with beautiful trees, and sacred to Dionusus. This, also, was called [397]Chaon, _the place of the Sun_; and was, undoubtedly, so named from the antient worship; for Dionusus was, of old, esteemed the same as Osiris, the Sun. There was also a place called [398]Chaon in Media and Syria; Chaonitis in Mesopotamia: and in all these places the same worship prevailed. So Caballis, the city of the Solymi, was named from Ca-bal, the place of the god Bal, or Baal. It is mentioned by Strabo. In like manner Caballion, in Gallia Narbonensis, is a compound of Ca-Abelion, a well known Deity, whose name is made up of titles of the Sun. The priests of this place were styled [399]Salies; the region was called Χαουαρα; undoubtedly from Cha-Our (אור), some temple of Ur, erected by the Amonians, who here settled. Canoubis in Egypt was a compound of Ca-Noubis; Cabasa, in the same country, Ca-Basa; called by many Besa, the Beseth of the Scriptures, a Goddess well known in Egypt. She had a temple in Canaan, called [400]Beth Besa. Cuamon, near Esdraelon, is a compound of Cu-Amon, the place or house of Amon: [401]ἑως του Κυαμωνος. There was a temple in Attica called Cuamites; and a personage denominated from it. The history of the place, and the rites, in time grew obsolete; and Pausanias supposes that the name was given from Κυαμος, Cuamos, a bean. [402]Σαφες δε ουδεν εχω λεγειν, ειτε πρωτος Κυαμους εσπειρεν ὁυτος. _I have not authority for the supposition, but it seems probable that this temple was erected to the memory of some person who first sowed beans_. And here it is proper to take notice of a circumstance of which I must continually put the reader in mind, as it is of great consequence towards decyphering the mythology of antient times. The Grecians often mistook the place of worship for the Deity worshipped: so that the names of many Gods are, in reality, the names of temples where they were adored. Artemis was Ar-Temis, the city of Themis, or Thamis; the Thamuz of Sidon and Egypt. This the Greeks expressed Αρτεμις; and made it the name of a Goddess. Kir-On was the city and temple of the Sun, in Cyprus and other places. They changed this to Kironus, which they contracted Cronus; and out of it made a particular God. From Cha-Opis they formed a king Cheops; from Cayster, the same as Ca Aster, they fancied a hero, Caystrius; from Cu-Bela, Cybele; from Cu-Baba, Cybebe. Cerberus, the dog of hell, was denominated from Kir-Abor; as I shall hereafter [403]shew.

I have mentioned Caucon, or Caucone, in Egypt: there was a place of the same name in Greece. It was, originally, sacred to the Sun; and the priests and inhabitants were called Cancones. Instead of Con, which signifies the great Lord, the Greeks substituted a hero [404]Caucon, who was supposed to have first introduced those Orgies practised by the Messenians. It was, properly, a temple of the Sun; and there was another of the same name in Bithynia, and from thence the country was called Cauconia. I shall hereafter treat at large of Cuthite colonies, which went abroad and settled in different parts. One of the first operations when they came on shore was to build temples, and to found cities, in memory of their principal ancestors, who, in process of time, were worshipped as Deities. A colony of this people settled at Colchis, which they called Cutaia[405], from the head of their family, styled both Chus and Cuth. We may infer, that they built a temple which was called Ca-Cuta; and from which the region was also denominated: for it is certain that it has that name at this [406]day. Cocutus, which we render Cocytus, was undoubtedly a temple in Egypt. It gave name to a stream, on which it stood; and which was also called the Charonian branch of the Nile, and the river Acheron. It was a foul canal, near the place of Sepulture, opposite to Memphis, and not far from Cochone. Cocutus was the temple of Cutus, or Cuth; for he was so called by many of his posterity. A temple of the same was to be found in Epirus, upon a river Cocutus. Here was also a river Acheron, and a lake Acherusia: for a colony from Egypt settled here; and the stream was of as foul a nature as that near Memphis. [407]Ῥει δε και Κωκυτος ὑδωρ ατερπεστατον.

Juno is by Varro styled Covella. [408]Dies quinque te kalo, Juno Covella; Juno Covella, dies septem te kalo. Here, as in many instances, the place of worship is taken for the person, to whom the worship is directed. Covella is only a variation for Cou-El, or Co-El, the house or region of the Deity, and signifies heavenly. It is accordingly by Varro interpreted Urania, Ουρανια: whence Juno Covella must be rendered Cœlestis. From the substantive, Cou-El, the Romans formed Coel, heaven; in aftertimes expressed Coelus, and Cœlum. I say, in aftertimes: for they originally called it Co-el, and Co-il, and then contracted it to Cœl. Hence Ausonius in his Grammaticomastix mentions a passage to this purpose.

Unde Rudinus ait Divôm domus altisonum Cœl: or as Ennius, to whom he alludes, has rendered it, according to the present MSS. altisonum [409]Coil. He sometimes subjoins the Latine termination:

Coilum prospexit stellis fulgentibus aptum.
Olim de Coilo laivum dedit inclytus signum.
Saturnus, quem Coilus genuit.
Unus erit, quem tu tollas in Coirila Coili
Templa.

Cœlus in aftertimes was made a Deity: hence there are inscriptions dedicated [410]Cœlo Æterno. The antient Deity Celeus, mentioned by [411]Athenagoras, and said to have been worshipped at Athens, was the same as the above.

Many places and regions, held sacred, and called Coel by the Amonians, were by the Greeks rendered κοιλα, cava. Hence we read of Κοιλη Λακεδαιμων, Κοιλε Ηλις, and the like. Syria was by them styled Κοιλη, the hollow: but the true name was Coëla, the heavenly or sacred. It was so denominated from the Cuthites, who settled there, on account of the religion established. Hence it was also named Shem, and Shama; which are terms of like purport, and signify divine, or heavenly. It is a name, which it retains at this day; as we are informed by [412]Abulfeda, and others. Elis Coela was the most sacred part of Greece; especially the regions of Olympia, Cauconia, and Azania. It was denominated Elis from Ηλ, Eel, the Sun: and what the Greeks rendered Κοιλη of old meant [413]heavenly. Hence Homer styleth it peculiarly [414]Ηλιδα διαν, _Elis the sacred_. As Coele Syria was styled Sham, and Sama; so we find places, which have a reference to this term, in Elis. A town of great antiquity was named [415]Samicon, which signifies Cœli Dominus. Here was also a temple of Poseidon Samius, surrounded with a grove of olives; and there were festivals observed, which were called Samia. There was likewise of old a city named Sama, or Samos: which Strabo imagines, might have been so named from its high situation: _for high places were called [416]Samia_. It certainly signifies in some degree high; but the true meaning of Sama was heavenly, similar to Sam, Sham, Shamem, of the eastern nations. Hence Same, Samos, Samothrace, Samacon, were denominated on account of their sanctity. Strabo supposes, that the city Samos in Elis was situated in the Samian plain: it therefore could not well have this name from its high situation. It is moreover inconsistent to suppose regions called κοιλα, or cava, to have been denominated from Sama, high. In short both terms have been mistaken: and Coilus in the original acceptation certainly signified heavenly: whence we read in Hesychius, as also in Suidas, Κοιολης, ὁ Ἱερευς. By which we learn, that by Coioles was meant a sacred or heavenly person; in other words, a priest of Cœlus. In Coioles there is but a small variation from the original term; which was a compound from Coi-El, or Co-El, the Cœlus of the Romans.

Concerning the term Cœl in Ennius, [417]Janus Gulielmus takes notice, that this poet copied the Dorians in using abbreviations, and writing Cœl for Cœlus and Cœlum. But herein this learned person is mistaken. The Dorians were not so much to be blamed for their abbreviating, as the other Greeks were for their unnecessary terminations, and inflexions. The more simple the terms, the more antient and genuine we may for the most part esteem them: and in the language of the Dorians we may perceive more terms relative to the true mythology of the country, and those rendered more similar to the antient mode of expression, than are elsewhere to be found. We must, therefore, in all etymological inquiries, have recourse to the Doric manner of pronunciation, to obtain the truth. They came into Greece, or Hellotia, under the name of Adorians; and from their simplicity of manners, and from the little intercourse maintained with foreigners, they preserved much of their antient tongue. For this there may be another additional reason obtained from Herodotus; who tells us, that they were more immediately descended from the people of the [418]east. The antient hymns, sung in the Prutaneia all over Greece, were [419]Doric: so sacred was their dialect esteemed. Hence they cannot but afford great help in inquiries of this nature. What was by others styled Αθηνη, they expressed Αθανα: Cheops they rendered Chaops: Zeen, Zan: Χαζηνη, Χαζανα: Μην, Μαν: Menes, Manes: Orchenoi, Orchanoi: Neith, Naith: Ιηνισος, Ιανισος: Hephæstus, Hephastus: Caiete, Caiate: Demeter, Damater: all which will be found of great consequence in respect to etymology. And if they did not always admit of the terminations used by their neighbours: they by these means preserved many words in their primitive state: at least they were nearer to the originals. They seem to have retained the very term, of which I have been treating. It was by them styled Χαι, Cai; and signified a house, or cave: for the first houses in the infancy of the world are supposed to have been caves or grottos[420]. They expressed it Cai, Caia, Caias, similar to the cava, cavus, and cavea of the Romans. When these places were of a great depth, or extent, they were looked upon with a kind of religious horror. A cavern of this sort was at Lacedæmon, with a building over it; of which in aftertimes they made use to confine malefactors. It was called Καιαδης, or as the Spartans expressed it, Καιαδας, the house of death. [421]Καιαδας δεσμωτηριον--το παρα Λακεδαιμονιοις. Cai signified a cavern: Adas, which is subjoined, was the Deity, to whom it was sacred, esteemed the God of the infernal regions. He was by the Ionians, &c. expressed Ades, and Hades; and by other nations Ait, and Atis. Hence these caverns were also styled Καιετες, and Καιετοι. The author above quoted gives us the terms variously exhibited: [422]Καιετοι.--Ὁι απο των σεισμων ῥωχμοι Καιετοι λεγονται. Και Καιαδας το δεσμωτηριον εντευθεν, το παρα Λακεδαιμονιοις, σπηλαιον. Hesychius renders it in the plural, and as a neuter: καιατα, ορυγματα. Whether it be compounded Cai-Ait, Cai-Atis, or Cai-Ades, the purport is the same. The den of Cacus was properly a sacred cave, where Chus was worshipped, and the rites of fire were [423]practised. Cacus is the same name as Cuscha in Ethiopia, only reversed. The history of it was obsolete in the days of Virgil; yet some traces of it still remained.

Strabo says that many people called these caves Κωοι. [424]Ενιοι κωους μαλλον τα τοιαυτα κοιλωματα λεγεσθαι φασιν. Hence he very truly explains a passage in Homer. The poet, speaking of Theseus, Dryas, Polyphemus, and other heroes of the Mythic age, mentions their encountering with the mountaineers of Thessaly, whom he styles φηρες ορεσχωοι:

[425]Καρτιστοι δη κεινοι επιχθονιων τραφεν ανδρων,
Καρτιστοι μεν εσαν, και καρτιστοις εμαχοντο
Φηρσιν ορεσχωοισι----

Ορεσχωος signified a person, who lived in a mountain habitation; whose retreat was a house in a mountain. Co, and Coa, was the name of such house. Strabo says that this term is alluded to by Homer, when he styles Lacedæmon [426]Λακεδαιμονα κητωεσσαν, _for it was by many thought to have been so called on account of their caverns._ From hence we may fairly conclude, that κητωεσσα was a mistake, or at least a variation, for [427]καιεταεσσα, from Cai-Atis; and that Co, [428]Coa, Caia, were of the same purport.

But this term does not relate merely to a cavern; but to temples founded near such places: oftentimes the cave itself was a temple. Caieta, in Italy, near Cuma, called by Diodorus Καιητη, was so denominated on this account. It was a cave in the rock, abounding with variety of subterranes, cut out into various apartments. These were, of old, inhabited by Amonian priests; for they settled in these parts very early. It seems to have been a wonderful work. [429]Ανεωγετ' εντευθεν σπηλαια ὑπερμεγεθη, κατοικιας μεγαλας, και πολυτελεις δεδεγμενα. _In these parts were large openings in the earth, exhibiting caverns of a great extent; which afforded very ample and superb apartments._ Diodorus informs us, that, what was in his time called Caiete, had been sometimes styled [430]Aiete: by which we may see, that it was a compound; and consisted of two or more terms; but these terms were not precisely applicable to the same object. Ai-Ete, or Ai-Ata, was the region of Ait, the Deity to whom it was sacred. Colchis had the same name; whence its king was called Aietes: and Egypt had the same, expressed by the Greeks [431]Αετια, Aetia. Aiete was the district: Caiete was the cave and temple in that district; where the Deity was worshipped.

In Bœotia was a cavern, into which the river Cephisus descended, and was lost. It afterwards emerged from this gulf, and passed freely to the sea. The place of eruption was called An-choa, which signifies Fontis apertura. The later Greeks expressed it Anchoe[432]. Καλειται δ' ὁ τοπος Αγκοη· εστι δε λιμην ὁμωνυμος. The etymology, I flatter myself, is plain, and authenticated by the history of the place.

From Cho, and Choa, was probably derived the word Χοϊκος, used by the apostle. [433]Ὁ πρωτος ανθρωπος εκ γης Χοϊκος· ὁ δευτερος ανθρωπος ὁ Κυριος εξ ουρανου. Ὁιος ὁ Χοϊκος, και τοιαυτοι ὁι Χοϊκοι. Hesychius observes, Χοϊκος, πηλινος, γηινος. From hence we may perceive, that by Cho was originally meant a house or temple in the earth. It was, as I have shewn, often expressed Gau, and Go; and made to signify any house. Some nations used it in a still more extended sense; and by it denoted a town or village, and any habitation at large. It is found in this acceptation among the antient Celtæ, and Germans, as we learn from Cluverius. [434]Apud ipsos Germanos ejusmodi pagorum vernaculum vocabulum fuit Gaw; et variantibus dialectis, găw, gew, gỏw, gow, hinc--Brisgaw, Wormesgaw, Zurichgow, Turgow, Nordgaw, Andegaw, Rhingaw, Hennegow, Westergow, Oostergow. The antient term Πυργος, Purgos, was properly Pur-Go; and signified a light-house, or temple of fire, from the Chaldaic Pur.

PARTICLES.

Together with the words above mentioned are to be found in composition the particles Al and Pi. Al, or El, for it is differently expressed in our characters, is still an Arabian prefix; but not absolutely confined to that country, though more frequently there to be found. The Sun, אור, was called Uchor by the people of Egypt and Cyrene, which the Greeks expressed Αχωρ, Achor. He was worshipped with the same title in Arabia, and called Al Achor. [435]Georgius Monachus, describing the idolatry which prevailed in that country before the introduction of the present religion, mentions the idol Alachar. Many nations have both expletives and demonstratives analogous to the particle above. The pronoun Ille of the Romans is somewhat similar; as are the terms Le and La of the French; as well as Il and El in other languages. It is in composition so like to Ηλ, the name of Ἡλιος, the Sun, that it is not always easy to distinguish one from the other.

The article Pi was in use among the antient Egyptians and Cuthites, as well as other nations in the east. The natives of India were at all times worshippers of the Sun; and used to call themselves by some of his titles. Porus, with whom Alexander engaged upon the Indus, was named from the chief object of his worship, אור, Pi-Or, and P'Or; rendered by the Greeks Πωρος, Porus. Pacorus the Parthian was of the same etymology, being a compound of P'Achorus, the Achor of Egypt: as was also the [436]city Pacoria in Mesopotamia, mentioned by Ptolemy. Even the Grecian πυρ was of Egyptian or Chaldaïc original, and of the same composition (P'Ur) as the words above; for [437]Plato informs us that πυρ, ὑδωρ, κυνες, were esteemed terms of foreign importation. After the race of the Egyptian kings was extinct, and that country came under the dominion of the Grecians, the natives still continued to make use of this prefix; as did other [438]nations which were incorporated with them. They adapted it not only to words in their own language, but to those of other countries of which they treated. Hence there is often to be found in their writings, [439]Πιζευς, Πιμαρτυρ, Πιμαθητης, πισωμα, πιλαος, Pidux, Picurator, Pitribunus; also names of persons occur with this prefix; such as Piterus, Piturio, Pionius the martyr; also Pior, Piammon, Piambo; who are all mentioned by ecclesiastical [440]writers as natives of that country. This article is sometimes expressed Pa; as in the name of Pachomius, an abbot in Egypt, mentioned by [441]Gennadius. A priest named Paapis is to be found in the Excerpta from Antonius [442]Diogenes in Photius. There were particular rites, styled Pamylia Sacra, from [443]Pamyles, an antient Egyptian Deity. We may infer from Hesychius that they were very obscene: Πααμυλης, Αιγυπτιος Θεος Πριαπωδης. Hades, and Pi-Ades, was a common title of the Sun: and the latter, in early times, was current in Greece; where I hope to give ample testimony of the Amonians settling. He was termed Melech Pi-Adon, and Anac Pi-Adon: but the Greeks out of Pi-Adon formed Παιδων: for it is inconceivable how very ignorant they were in respect to their antient theology. Hence we read of παιδων Λητους, παιδων Ζηνος, παιδων Απολλωνος; and legends of παιδων αθανατων; and of παιδων; who were mere foundlings; whose fathers could never be ascertained, though divine honours were paid to the children. This often puzzled the mythologists, who could not account for this spurious race. Plutarch makes it one of his inquiries to sift out, [444]Τις ὁ Παιδων ταφος παρα Χαλκιδευσι; Pausanias mentions, [445]Αμφιλυκου παιδων βωμος: and, in another place, [446]Βωμοι δε Θεον τε ονομαζομενων αγνωστων, και Ἡρωων, και ΠΑΙΔΩΝ του Θησεος, και Φαληρου. From this mistake arose so many boy-deities; among whom were even Jupiter and Dionusus: [447]Αυτον τον Δια, και τον Διονυσον Παιδας, και νεους, ἡ θεολογια καλει. _According to the theology of the Greeks, even Jupiter and Dionusus are styled boys, and young persons._ One of the most remarkable passages to this purpose is to be found in the antiquary above quoted; who takes notice of a certain mysterious rite performed by the natives of Amphissa, in Phocis. The particular Gods, to whom it was performed, were styled Ανακτες παιδες. [448]Αγουσι δε και τελετην ὁι Αμφισσεις των Ανακτων καλουμενων Παιδων. Ὁιτινες δε Θεων εισιν ὁι Ανακτες Παιδες, ου κατα τ' αυτα εστιν ειρημενον. _The people of Amphissa perform a ceremony in honour of persons styled Anactes Paides, or Royal Boys: but who these Anactes Paides were, is matter of great uncertainty_. In short, the author could not tell; nor could the priests afford him any satisfactory information. There are many instances in Pausanias of this nature; where divine honours are paid to the unknown children of fathers equally unknown.

Herodotus tells us, that, when he discoursed with the priests of Thebes about the kings who had reigned in Egypt, they described them to him under three denominations, of Gods, of heroes, and of men. The last succeeded to those above, and were mere mortals. The manner of succession is mentioned in the following words: [449]Πιρωμιν εκ Πιρωμιος γεγονεναι--και ουτε ες θεον, ουτε ες Ἡρωα αναδησαν αυτους (ὁι Αιγυπτιοι). There are many strange and contradictory opinions about this [450]passage; which, if I do not deceive myself, is very plain; and the purport of it this: _After the fabulous accounts, there had been an uninterrupted succession of Piromis after Piromis: and the Egyptians referred none of these to the dynasties of either the Gods or Heroes, who were supposed to have first possessed the country_. From hence I think it is manifest that Pi-romis signifies _a man_. Herodotus, indeed, says, that the meaning of it was καλος καγαθος, _a person of a fair and honourable character_: and so it might be taken by implication; as we say of a native of our own country, that he is a true and staunch [451]Englishman: but the precise meaning is plain from the context; and Piromis certainly meant _a man_. It has this signification in the Coptic: and, in the [452]Prodromus Copticus of Kircher, Πιρωμι, Piromi, is _a man_; and seems to imply a native. Pirem Racot is an Alexandrine; or, more properly, a native of Racotis, called Raschid, and Rosetta. Pirem Romi are [453]Romans.

By means of this prefix we may be led to understand what is meant by Paraia in the account given by Philo from Sanchoniathon: who says, that Cronus had three sons in the region of Paraia: [454]Εγεννηθησαν δε και εν Παραιᾳ Κρονῳ τρεις παιδες. Paraia is a variation of P'Ur-aia; and means literally the land of Ur in Chaldea; the region from whence antient writers began the history of mankind. A crocodile by the Egyptians was among other names called [455]Σουχος: and the name is retained in the Coptic, where it is expressed [456]Pi-Souchi.

This prefix is sometimes expressed with an aspirate, Phi: and as that word signifies a mouth, and in a more extensive signification, speech and language, it sometimes may cause a little uncertainty about the meaning. However, in most places it is sufficiently plain. Phaethon, a much mistaken personage, was an antient title of the Sun, a compound of Phi-Ath-On. Bacchus was called Phi-Anac by the Mysians, rendered by the poets [457]Phanac and Phanaces. Hanes was a title of the same Deity, equally reverenced of old, and compounded Ph' Hanes. It signified the fountain of light: and from it was derived Phanes of Egypt: also φαινω, φανεις, φανερος: and from Ph'ain On, Fanum. In short, these particles occur continually in words, which relate to religious rites, and the antient adoration of fire. They are generally joined to Ur, by which that element is denoted. From P'Ur Tor came Prætor and Prætorium, among the Romans: from P'Ur-Aith, Purathi and Puratheia among the Asiatics. From P'Ur-tan, πρυτανεις, and πρυτανεια among the Greeks of Hellas: in which Prutaneia there were of old sacred hearths, and a perpetual fire. The antient name of Latian Jupiter was P'ur, by length of time changed to Puer. He was the Deity of fire; and his ministers were styled Pueri: and because many of them were handsome youths selected for that office, Puer came at length to signify any young person. Some of the Romans would explain this title away, as if it referred to Jupiter's childhood: but the history of the place will shew that it had no such relation. It was a proper name, and retained particularly among the people of Præneste. They had undoubtedly been addicted to the rites of fire; for their city was said to have been built by Cæculus, the son of Vulcan, who was found in the midst of fire:

[458] Vulcano genitum pecora inter agrestia Regem,
Inventumque focis.

They called their chief God Pur: and dealt particularly in divination by lots, termed of old _Purim_. Cicero takes notice of this custom of divination at Præneste; and describes the manner, as well as the place: but gives into the common mistake, that the Purim related to Jupiter's childhood. He says, that the place, where the process was carried on, was a sacred inclosure, [459]is est hodie locus septus, religiose propter Jovis _Pueri_, qui lactens cum Junone in gremio _Fortunæ_ mammam appetens, castissime colitur a Matribus. This manner of divination was of Chaldaïc original, and brought from Babylonia to Præneste. It is mentioned in Esther, c. 3. v. 7. They cast Pur before Haman, that he might know the success of his purposes against the Jews. _Wherefore they call these days Purim after the name of Pur_[460]. c. 9. v. 26. The same lots of divination being used at Præneste was the occasion of the God being called Jupiter Pur. This in aftertimes was changed to Puer: whence we find inscriptions, which mention him under that name; and at the same time take notice of the custom, which prevailed in his temple. Inscriptions Jovi Puero, and Fortunæ Primigeniæ Jovis [461]Pueri are to be found in Gruter. One is very particular.

[462]Fortunæ Primigeniæ Jovis Pueri D.D. Ex _SORTE_ compos factus Nothus Ruficanæ L. P. Plotilla.

That this word Puer was originally Pur may be proved from a well known passage in Lucretius:

[463]Puri sæpe lacum propter ac dolia curva
Somno devincti credunt se attollere vestem.

Many instances, were it necessary, might be brought to this purpose. It was a name originally given to the priests of the Deity who were named from the Chaldaic אור, Ur: and by the antient Latines were called P'uri. At Præneste the name was particularly kept up on account of this divination by [464]lots. These by the Amonians were styled Purim, being attended with ceremonies by fire; and supposed to be effected through the influence of the Deity. Præneste seems to be a compound of Puren Esta, the lots of Esta, the Deity of fire.

These are terms, which seem continually to occur in the antient Amonian history: out of these most names are compounded; and into these they are easily resolvable. There are some few more, which might perhaps be very properly introduced: but I am unwilling to trespass too far, especially as they may be easily taken notice of in the course of this work. I could wish that my learned readers would afford me so far credit, as to defer passing a general sentence, till they have perused the whole: for much light will accrue; and fresh evidence be accumulated in the course of our procedure. A history of the rites and religion, in which these terms are contained, will be given; also of the times, when they were introduced; and of the people, by whom they were diffused so widely. Many positions, which may appear doubtful, when they are first premised, will, I hope, be abundantly proved, before we come to the close. In respect to the etymologies, which I have already offered and considered, I have all along annexed the histories of the persons and places spoken of, in order to ascertain my opinion concerning them. But the chief proof, as I have before said, will result from the whole; from an uniform series of evidence, supported by a fair and uninterrupted analogy.

* * * * *

OF

ETYMOLOGY,

AS IT HAS BEEN TOO GENERALLY HANDLED.

Αλλα θεοι των μεν μανιην απετρεψατε γλωσσης,
Εκ δ' ὁσιων στοματων καθαρην οχετευσατε πηγην.
Και σε, πολυμνηστη, λευκωλενε παρθενε, μουσα,
Αντομαι, ὡν θεμις εστιν εφημεριοισιν ακουειν.
Πεμπε παρ' ευσεβιης ελαουσ' ευηνιον ἁρμα.----EMPEDOCLES.

It may appear invidious to call to account men of learning, who have gone before me in inquiries of this nature, and to point out defects in their writings: but it is a task which I must, in some degree, take in hand, as the best writers have, in my opinion, failed fundamentally in these researches. Many, in the wantonness of their fancy, have yielded to the most idle surmises; and this to a degree of licentiousness, for which no learning nor ingenuity can atone. It is therefore so far from being injurious, that it appears absolutely necessary to point out the path they took, and the nature of their failure; and this, that their authority may not give a sanction to their mistakes; but, on the contrary, if my method should appear more plausible, or more certain, that the superiority may be seen upon comparing; and be proved from the contrast.

The Grecians were so prepossessed with a notion of their own excellence and antiquity, that they supposed every antient tradition to have proceeded from themselves. Hence their mythology is founded upon the grossest mistakes: as all extraneous history, and every foreign term, is supposed by them to have been of Grecian original. Many of their learned writers had been abroad; and knew how idle the pretensions of their countrymen were. Plato in particular saw the fallacy of their claim, he confesses it more than once: yet in this article nobody was more infatuated. His Cratylus is made up of a most absurd system of etymology. [465]Herodotus expressly says, that the Gods of Greece came in great measure from Egypt. Yet Socrates is by Plato in this treatise made to derive Artemis from το αρτεμες, integritas: Poseidon from ποσι δεσμον, fetters to the feet: Hestia from ουσια, substance and essence: Demeter, from διδουσα ὡς μητηρ, distributing as a mother: Pallas from παλλειν, to vibrate, or dance: Ares, Mars, from αῤῥεν, masculum, et virile: and the word Theos, God, undoubtedly the Theuth of Egypt, from θεειν, to run[466]. Innumerable derivations of this nature are to be found in Aristotle, Plato, [467]Heraclides Ponticus, and other Greek writers. There is a maxim laid down by the scholiast upon Dionysius; which I shall have occasion often to mention. [468]Ει βαρβαρον το ονομα, ου χρη ζητειν Ἑλληνικην ετυμολογιαν αυτου. _If the term be foreign, it is idle to have recourse to Greece for a solution_. It is a plain and golden rule, posterior in time to the writers above, which, however, common sense might have led them to have anticipated, and followed: but it was not in their nature. The person who gave the advice was a Greek, and could not for his life abide by it. It is true, that Socrates is made to say something very like the above. [469]Εννοω γαρ, ὁτι πολλα ὁι Ἑλληνες ονοματα, αλλως τε και ὁι ὑπο τοις Βαρβαροις οικουντες, παρα των Βαρβαρων ειληφασι--ει τις ζητοι ταυτα κατα την Ἑλληνικην φωνην, ὡς εοικοτως κειται, αλλα μη κατ' εκεινην, εξ ἡς το ονομα τυγχανει ον, οισθα ὁτι αποροι αν. _I am very sensible that the Grecians in general, and especially those who are subjects to foreigners, have received into their language many exotic terms: if any person should be led to seek for their analogy or meaning in the Greek tongue, and not in the language from whence they proceeded, he would be grievously puzzled_. Who would think, when Plato attributed to Socrates this knowledge, that he would make him continually act in contradiction to it? Or that other [470]writers, when this plain truth was acknowledged, should deviate so shamefully? that we should in after times be told, that Tarsus, the antient city in Cilicia, was denominated from ταρτος, a foot: that the river Nile signified νε ιλυς: and that Gader in Spain was Γης δειρα.

The antients, in all their etymologies, were guided solely by the ear: in this they have been implicitly copied by the moderns. Inquire of Heinsius, whence Thebes, that antient city in upper Egypt, was named; and he will tell you from תבא, Teba, [471]stetit: or ask the good bishop Cumberland why Nineve was so called? and he will answer, from Schindler, that it was a compound of [472]Nin-Nau, נין נוה, _a son inhabited_. But is it credible, or indeed possible, for these cities to have been named from terms so vague, casual, and indeterminate; which seem to have so little relation to the places to which they are appropriated, or to any places at all? The history of the Chaldeans is of great consequence; and one would be glad to know their original. They are properly called Chasdim; and are, very justly, thought to have been the first constituted nation upon earth. It is said of the patriarch Abraham, that he came from the city Ur of the Chasdim. Whence had they their name? The learned Hyde will [473]answer, that it was from Chesed, their ancestor. Who was Chesed? He was the fourth son of Nahor, who lived in Aram, the upper region of Mesopotamia. Is it said in history that he was the father of this people? There is no mention made of it. Is it said that he was ever in Chaldea? No. Is there the least reason to think that he had any acquaintance with that country? We have no grounds to suppose it. Is there any reason to think that this people, mentioned repeatedly as prior to him by ages, were in reality constituted after him? None. What, then, has induced writers to suppose that he was the father of this people? Because Chesed and Chasdim have a remote similitude in sound. And is this the whole? Absolutely all that is or can be alleged for this notion. And as the Chasdim are mentioned some ages before the birth of Chesed, some would have the passage to be introduced proleptically; others suppose it an interpolation, and would strike it out of the sacred text: so far does whim get the better of judgment, that even the written word is not safe. The whole history of Chesed is this: About fifty years after the patriarch Abraham had left his brother Nahor at Haran in Aramea, he received intelligence that Nahor had in that interval been blessed with children. [474]_It was told Abraham, behold Milcah, she also hath borne children to thy brother Nahor; Huz, Buz, Kemuel, and Chesed:_ of these Chesed was the fourth. There occurs not a word more concerning him.

It is moreover to be observed, that these etymologists differ greatly from one another in their conceptions; so that an unexperienced reader knows not whom to follow. Some deduce all from the Hebrew; others call in to their assistance the Arabic and the Coptic, or whatever tongue or dialect makes most for their purpose. The author of the Universal History, speaking of the Moabitish Idol Chemosh, tells us, [475]_that many make it come from the verb משש, mashash, to feel: but Dr. Hyde derives it from the Arabic, Khamûsh, which signifies gnats, (though in the particular dialect of the tribe Hodail) supposing it to have been an astronomical talisman in the figure of a gnat:--and Le Clerc, who takes this idol for the Sun, from Comosha, a root, in the same tongue, signifying to be swift._ There is the same variety of sentiment about Silenus, the companion of Bacchus. [476]Bochart derives his name from Silan, שילן, and supposes him to have been the same as Shiloh, the Messias. Sandford makes him to be Balaam, the false prophet. [477]Huetius maintains that he was assuredly Moses. It is not uncommon to find even in the same writer great uncertainty: we have sometimes two, sometimes three, etymologies presented together of the same word: two out of the three must be groundless, and the third not a whit better: otherwise, the author would have given it the preference, and set the other two aside. An example to this purpose we have in the etymology of Ramesses, as it is explained in the [478]Hebrew Onomasticum. Ramesses, tonitruum vel exprobratio tineæ; aut malum delens sive dissolvens; vel contractionem dissolvens, aut confractus a tineâ--civitas in extremis finibus Ægypti. A similar interpretation is given of Berodach, a king of Babylon. Berodach: creans contritionem, vel electio interitus, aut filius interitus, vel vaporis tui; sive frumentum; vel puritas nubis, vel vaporis tui. Rex Babyloniæ.

It must be acknowledged of Bochart, that the system upon which he has proceeded is the most plausible of any; and he has shewn infinite ingenuity and learning. He every where tries to support his etymologies by some history of the place concerning which he treats. But the misfortune is, that the names of places which seem to be original, and of high antiquity, are too often deduced by him from circumstances of later date; from events in after ages. The histories to which he appeals were probably not known when the country, or island, received its name. He likewise allows himself a great latitude in forming his derivations: for, to make his terms accord, he has recourse, not only to the Phenician language, which he supposes to have been a dialect of the Hebrew; but to the Arabian, Chaldaic, and Syriac, according as his occasions require. It happens to him often to make use of a verb for a radix, which has many variations and different significations: but, at this rate, we may form a similitude between terms the most dissimilar. For, take a word in any language, which admits of many inflexions and variations, and, after we have made it undergo all its evolutions, it will be hard if it does not in some degree approximate. But, to say the truth, he many times does not seem to arrive even at this: for, after he has analysed the premises with great labour, we often find the supposed resemblance too vague and remote to be admitted; and the whole is effected with a great strain and force upon history before he brings matters to a seeming coincidence. The Cyclops are by the best writers placed in Sicily, near Mount [479]Ætna, in the country of the Leontini, called of old Xuthia; but Bochart removes them to the south-west point of the island. This he supposes to have been called Lelub, Λιλυβαιον, from being opposite to Libya; and, as the promontory was so named, it is, he thinks, probable that the sea below was styled Chec Lelub, or Sinus Lebub: and, as the Cyclops lived hereabouts, they were from hence denominated Chec-lelub, and Chec-lub, out of which the Greeks formed [480]Κυκλωπες. He derives the Siculi first from [481]seclul, perfection; and afterwards from אשכול, Escol, pronounced, according to the Syriac, Sigol, a bunch of grapes. He deduces the Sicani from שכן, Sacan[482], near, because they were near their next neighbours; in other words, on account of their being next to the Pœni. Sicani, qui Siculorum Pœnis proximi. But, according to the best accounts, the Sicani were the most antient people of any in these parts. They settled in Sicily before the foundation of Carthage; and could not have been named from any such vicinity. In short, Bochart, in most of his derivations, refers to circumstances too general; which might be adapted to one place as well as to another. He looks upon the names of places, and of people, rather as by-names, and chance appellations, than original marks of distinction; and supposes them to have been founded upon some subsequent history. Whereas they were, most of them, original terms of high antiquity, imported and assumed by the people themselves, and not imposed by others.

How very casual and indeterminate the references were by which this learned man was induced to form his etymologies, let the reader judge from the samples below. These were taken, for the most part, from his accounts of the Grecian islands; not industriously picked out; but as they casually presented themselves upon turning over the book. He derives [483]Delos from דהל, Dahal timor. [484]Cynthus, from חנט, Chanat, in lucem edere. [485]Naxos, from nicsa, sacrificium; or else from nicsa, opes. [486]Gyarus, from acbar, softened to acuar, a mouse; for the island was once infested with mice. [487]Pontus, in Asia Minor, from בטנא, botno, a pistachio nut. [488]Icaria, from icar, pastures: but he adds, tamen alia etymologia occurrit, quam huic præfero אי כורי, Icaure, sive insula piscium. [489]Chalcis, in Eubea, from Chelca, divisio. [490]Seriphus, from resiph, and resipho, lapidibus stratum. [491]Patmos, from בטמוס, batmos, terebinthus; for trees of this sort, he says, grew in the Cyclades. But Patmos was not one of the Cyclades: it was an Asiatic island, at a considerable distance. [492]Tenedos is deduced from Tin Edom, red earth: for there were potters in the island, and the earth was probably red. [493]Cythnus, from katnuth, parvitas; or else from גובנא, gubna, or guphno, cheese; because the next island was famous for that commodity: Ut ut enim Cythnius caseus proprie non dicatur, qui e Cythno non est, tamen receptâ καταχρησει Cythnius dici potuit caseus a vicinâ Ceo. He supposes Egypt to have been denominated from [494]Mazor, an artificial fortress; and the reason he gives, is, because it was naturally secure. Whatever may have been the purport of the term, Mizraim was a very antient and original name, and could have no reference to these after-considerations. The author of the Onomasticum, therefore, differs from him, and has tried to mend the matter. He allows that the people, and country, were denominated from Mazor, but in a different acceptation: from Mazor, which signified, the double pressure of a mother on each side[495], pressionem matris geminam, i. e. ab utrâque parte. Upon which the learned Michaelis observes--[496]quo etymo vix aliud veri dissimilius fingi potest.