Chapter VIII: Conclusions (4)

DR. WESTCOTT'S STATEMENTS. | THE TRUTH. | | Baur, _Urspr. d. Episc., Tüb. | Zeitschr._ 1838, H.3 (p. 149, | Anm.) Baur states as the date of | the Parthian war, and of Trajan's | visit to Rome, "during which the | above order" (the sentence against | Ignatius) is said to have been | given, A.D. 115 and not 107. | "1. Baur, _Urspr. d. Episc., Tüb. | _Ibid._ p. 155, Anm. Zeitschr._ 1838, ii. 3. p. 155, | Anm. In this note, which is too | After showing the extreme long to quote, _there is nothing_, | improbability of the circumstances so far as I see, _in any way | under which the letters to the bearing_ upon the history [90:1] | Smyrnaeans and to Polycarp are said except a passing supposition 'wenn | to have been written, Baur points ... Ignatius im J. 116 an ihn | out the additional difficulty in [Polycarp] ... schrieb ...' | regard to the latter that, if | [Polycarp] died in A.D. 167 in his | 86th year, and Ignatius wrote to him | as already Bishop of Smyrna in A.D. | 116, he must have become bishop at | least in his 35th year, and | continued so for upwards of half | a century. The inference is clear | that if Ignatius died so much | earlier as A.D. 107 it involves | the still greater improbability | that Polycarp must have become | Bishop of Smyrna at latest in his | 26th year, which is scarcely to be | maintained, and the later date is | thus obviously supported. | | (Ibid. _Gesch. christl. Kirche_, | i. p. 440, Anm. 1.) | | Baur supports the assertion that | Ignatius suffered martyrdom in | Antioch, A.D. 115. | "2. Bretschneider, _Probabilia_, x. | The same. p. 185. 'Pergamus ad Ignatium '_qui | circa annum cxvi obiisse dicitur_.' | | "3. Bleek, _Einl. N.T._ p. 144 | Bleek, _Einl. N.T._ p. 144. [p. 142 ed. 1862] '... In den | Briefen des Ignatius Bischofes von | Ignatius suffered martyrdom at Rome Antiochien, der unter Trajan gegen | under Trajan, A.D. 115. 115 _zu Rom_ als Märtyrer starb.' | | "4. Guericke, _Handb. K.G._ i. | Guericke, _Handbuch K.G._ i. p. 148. p. 148 [p. 177 ed. 3, 1838, the | edition which I have used]. | Ignatius was sent to Rome, under 'Ignatius, Bischoff von Antiochien | Trajan, A.D. 115, and was destroyed (Euseb. "H.E." iii. 36), _welcher_ | by lions in the Coliseum, A.D. 116. wegen seines standhaften | Bekenntnisses Christi _unter Trajan | 115 _nach Rom geführt, und hier 116 | im Colosseum von Löwen zerrissen | wurde_ (vgl. § 23, i.)' [where the | same statement is repeated]. | | "5. Hagenbach, K.G. i. 113 f. [I | Hagenbach, _K.G._ 1869, p. 113. f. have not been able to see the book | referred to, but in his Lectures | "He (Ignatius) may have filled his 'Die christliche Kirche der drei | office about 40 years when the ersten Jahrhunderte," [91:1] 1853 | Emperor, in the year 115 (according (pp. 122 ff.), Hagenbach mentions | to others still earlier), came to the difficulty which has been felt | Antioch. It was during his war as to the execution at Rome, while | against the Parthians." [Hagenbach an execution at Antioch might have | states some of the arguments for and been simpler and more impressive, | against the martyrdom in Antioch, and then quotes Gieseler's solution,| and the journey to Rome, the former and passes on with 'Wie dem such | of which he seems to consider more sei.'] | probable.] | "6. Davidson, _Introd. N.T._ i. | Davidson, _Introd. N.T._ i. p. 19. p. 19. 'All [the Epistles of | Ignatius] are posterior to Ignatius | The same as opposite. himself, who was not thrown to the | wild beasts in the amphitheatre at | These "peremptory statements" are Rome by command of Trajan, but at | of course based upon what is Antioch on December 20, A.D. 115. | considered satisfactory evidence, The Epistles were written after | though it may not be adduced here. 150 A.D.' [For these peremptory | statements no authority whatever is | adduced]. | | "7. Mayerhoff, _Einl. petr. Schr._ | Mayerhoff, _Einl. petr. Schr._ p. 79. '... Ignatius, _der | p. 79. spätestens 117 zu Rom den | Märtyrertod litt ..._' | Ignatius suffered martyrdom in Rome | at latest A.D. 117. | "8. Scholten, _Die ält. Zeugnisse_, | Scholten, _Die ält. Zeugnisse_, p. 40, mentions 115 as the year of | p. 40, states A.D. 115 as the date Ignatius' death: p. 50 f. The | of Ignatius' death. At p. 50 he Ignatian letters are rejected | repeats this statement, and gives partly 'weil sie eine Märtyrerreise | his support to the view that his des Ignatius nach Rom melden, deren | martyrdom took place in Antioch on schon früher erkanntes | the 20th December, A.D. 115. ungeschichtliches Wesen durch | Volkmar's nicht ungegründete | Vermuthung um so wahrscheinlicher | wird. Darnach scheint nämlich | Ignatius nicht zu Rom auf Befehl | des sanftmüthigen Trajans, sondern | zu Antiochia selbst, in Folge eines | am dreizehnten December 115 | eingetretenen Erdbebens, als Opfer | eines abergläubischen Volkswahns am | zwanzigsten December dieses Jahres | im Amphitheater den wilden Thieren | zur Beute überliefert worden zu | sein.' | | "9. Volkmar, _Der Ursprung_, p. 52 | Volkmar, _Der Ursprung_, p. 52, [p. 52 ff.] [92:1] [This book I | affirms the martyrdom at Antioch, have not been able to consult, but | 20th December, 115. from secondary references I gather | that it repeats the arguments given | under the next reference.] | | "10. Volkmar, Haindb. _Einl. Apocr._| Ibid. _Handbuch Einl. Apocr._ pp. 121 f., 136. 'Ein Haupt der | p. 121 f., affirms the martyrdom Gemeinde zu Antiochia, Ignatius, | at Antioch, 20th December, 115. wurde, während Trajan dortselbst | überwinterte, am 20. December den | Thieren vorgeworfen, in Folge der | durch das Erdbeben vom 13. December | 115 gegen die [Greek: atheoi] | erweckten Volkswuth, ein Opfer | zugleich der Siegesfeste des | Parthicus, welche die Judith- | Erzählung (i. 16) andeutet, Dio | (c. 24 f.; vgl. c. 10) voraussetzt | ...' | | "P. 136. The same statement is | Ibid. p. 136. The same repeated briefly." [93:1] | statement, with fuller | chronological evidence.

It will thus be seen that the whole of these authorities confirm the later date assigned to the martyrdom, and that Baur, in the note in which Dr. Westcott finds "nothing in any way bearing upon the history except a passing supposition," really advances a weighty argument for it and against the earlier date, and as Dr. Westcott considers, rightly, that argument should decide everything, I am surprised that he has not perceived the propriety of my referring to arguments as well as statements of evidence.

To sum up the opinions expressed, I may state that whilst all the nine writers support the later date, for which purpose they were quoted, three of them (Bleek, Guericke, and Mayerhoff) ascribe the martyrdom to Rome, one (Bretschneider) mentions no place, one (Hagenbach) is doubtful, but leans to Antioch, and the other four declare for the martyrdom in Antioch. Nothing, however, could show more conclusively the purpose of note 3, which I have explained, than this very contradiction, and the fact that I claim for the general statement in the text, regarding the martyrdom in Antioch itself in opposition to the legend of the journey to and death in Rome, only the authorities in note 4, which I shall now proceed to analyse in contrast with Dr. Westcott's statements, and here I beg the favour of the reader's attention.

NOTE 4.

DR. WESTCOTT'S STATEMENTS. | THE TRUTH.
|
1. Volkmar: see above. | Volkmar, _Handbuch Einl. Apocr._
| i. pp. 121 ff., 136 f.
|
| It will be observed on turning to
| the passage "above" (10), to which
| Dr. Westcott refers, that he quotes
| a single sentence containing merely
| a concise statement of facts, and
| that no indication is given to the
| reader that there is anything beyond
| it. At p. 136 "the same statement
| is repeated briefly." Now either
| Dr. Westcott, whilst bringing a most
| serious charge against my work, based
| upon this "one example," has actually
| not taken the trouble to examine my
| reference to "pp. 121 ff., 136 f.,"
| and p. 50 ff., to which he would
| have found himself there directed,
| or he has acted towards me with a
| want of fairness which I venture to
| say he will be the first to regret,
| when he considers the facts.
|
| Would it be divined from the words
| opposite, and the sentence "above,"
| that Volkmar enters into an elaborate
| argument, extending over a dozen
| closely printed pages, to prove that
| Ignatius was not sent to Rome at all,
| but suffered martyrdom in Antioch
| itself on the 20th December, A.D. 115,
| probably as a sacrifice to the
| superstitious fury of the people
| against the [Greek: atheoi], excited
| by the earthquake which occurred on
| the thirteenth of that month? I shall
| not here attempt to give even an
| epitome of the reasoning, as I shall
| presently reproduce some of the
| arguments of Volkmar and others in a
| more condensed and consecutive form.
|
| Ibid. _Der Ursprung_, p. 52 ff.
|
| Volkmar repeats the affirmations which
| he had fully argued in the above
| work and elsewhere.
|
2. "Baur, _Ursprung d. Episc., | Baur, _Urspr. d. Episc., Tüb.
Tüb. Zeitschr._ 1838, ii. H. 3, | Zeitschr._ 1838, H. 3, p. 149 f.
p. 149 f. |
|
"In this passage Baur discusses | Baur enters into a long and minute
generally the historical | examination of the historical
character of the martyrdom, which | character of the martyrdom of
he considers, as a whole, to be | Ignatius, and of the Ignatian
'doubtful and incredible.' To | Epistles, and pronounces the whole
establish this result he notices | to be fabulous, and more especially
the relation of Christianity to | the representation of his sentence
the Empire in the time of Trajan, | and martyr-journey to Rome. He
which he regards as inconsistent | shows that, while isolated cases of
with the condemnation of Ignatius;| condemnation to death, under
and the improbable circumstances | occurred during Trajan's reign may
of the journey. The personal | justify the mere tradition that he
characteristics, the letters, the | suffered martyrdom, there is no
history of Ignatius, are, in his | instance recorded in which a
opinion, all a mere creation of | Christian was condemned to be sent
the imagination. The utmost he | to Rome to be cast to the beasts;
allows is that he may have | that such a sentence is opposed to
suffered martyrdom." (P. 169.) | all historical data of the reign of
| Trajan, and to all that is known of
| his character and principles; and
| that the whole of the statements
| regarding the supposed journey
| directly discredit the story. The
| argument is much too long and
| elaborate to reproduce here, but I
| shall presently make use of some
| parts of it.
|
"3. Baur, _Gesch. chr. Kirche_, | "Ibid., _Gesch. chr. Kirche_, 1863,
1863, i. p. 440, Anm. 1. | i. p. 440, Anm. 1.
|
"'Die Verurtheilung _ad bestias_ | "The reality is 'wohl nur' that in
und die Abführung dazu nach Rom | the year 115, when Trajan wintered
... mag auch unter Trajan nichts | in Antioch, Ignatius suffered
zu ungewöhnliches gewesen sein, | martyrdom in Antioch itself, as a
aber ... bleibt ie Geschichte | sacrifice to popular fury
seines Märtyrerthums auch nach | consequent on the earthquake of
der Vertheidigung derselben von | that year. The rest was developed
Lipsius ... höchst | out of the reference to Trajan for
unwahrscheinlich. Das Factische | the glorification of martyrdom."
ist wohl nur dass Ignatius im J. |
115, als Trajan in Antiochien |
überwinterte, in Folge des |
Erdbebens in diesem Jahr, in |
Antiochien selbst als ein Opfer |
der Volkswuth zum Märtyrer |
wurde.' |
|
4. Davidson: see above. | Davidson, _Introd. N.T._, p. 19.
|
| "All (the Epistles) are posterior
| to Ignatius himself, who was not
| thrown to the wild beasts in the
| amphitheatre at Rome by command of
| Trajan, but at Antioch, on December
| 20th, A.D. 115."
|
5. Scholten: see above. | Scholten, _Die ält. Zeugnisse_,
| p. 51 f. The Ignatian Epistles are
| declared to be spurious for various
| reasons, but partly "because they
| mention a martyr-journey of Ignatius
| to Rome, the unhistorical character
| of which, already earlier recognised
| (see Baur, _Urspr. des Episc._ 1838,
| p. 147 ff., _Die Ign. Briefe_, 1848;
| Schwegler, _Nachap. Zeitalt._ ii.
| p. 159 ff.; Hilgenfeld, _Apost.
| Väter_, p. 210 ff.; Réville,
| _Le Lien_, 1856, Nos. 18-22), is
| made all the more probable by
| Volkmar's not groundless conjecture.
| According to it Ignatius is reported
| to have become the prey of wild beasts
| on the 20th December, 115, not in the
| amphitheatre in Rome by the order of
| the mild Trajan, but in Antioch
| itself, as the victim of superstitious
| popular fury consequent on an
| earthquake which occurred on the
| 13th December of that year."
|
6. "Francke, _Zur Gesch. | "Cf. Francke, _Zur Gesch. Trajan's_,
Trajan's_, 1840 [1837], p. 253 f. | 1840. This is a mere comparative
[A discussion of the date of the | reference to establish the important
beginning of Trajan's Parthian | point of the date of the Parthian
war, which he fixes in A.D. 115, | war and Trajan's visit to Antioch.
but he decides nothing directly | Dr. Westcott omits the "Cf."
as to the time of Ignatius' |
martyrdom.] |
|
7. "Hilgenfeld, _Die ap. Väter_, | Hilgenfeld, _Die ap. Väter_, p. 214 ff.
p. 214 [pp. 210 ff.] Hilgenfeld | Hilgenfeld strongly supports Baur's
points out the objections to the | argument which is referred to
narrative in the Acts of the | above, and while declaring the
Martyrdom, the origin of which he | whole story of Ignatius, and more
refers to the period between | especially the journey to Rome,
Eusebius and Jerome: setting | incredible, he considers the mere
aside this detailed narrative he | fact that Ignatius suffered
considers the historical character| martyrdom the only point regarding
of the general statements in the | which the possibility has been made
letters. The mode of punishment | out. He shows [97:1] that the
by a provincial governor causes | martyrology states the 20th
some difficulty: 'bedenklicher,' | December as the day of Ignatius'
he continues, 'ist jedenfalls der | death, and that his remains were
andre Punct, die Versendung nach | buried at Antioch, where they still
Rom.' Why was the punishment not | were in the days of Chrysostom and
carried out at Antioch? Would it | Jerome. He argues from all that is
be likely that under an Emperor | known of the reign and character of
like Trajan a prisoner like | Trajan, that such a sentence from
Ignatius would be sent to Rome to | the Emperor himself is quite
fight in the amphitheatre? The | unsupported and inconceivable. A
circumstances of the journey as | provincial Governor might have
described are most improbable. | condemned him ad bestias, but in
The account of the persecution | any case the transmission to Rome
itself is beset by difficulties. | is more doubtful. He shows,
Having set out these objections | however, that the whole story is
he leaves the question, casting | inconsistent with historical facts,
doubt (like Baur) upon the whole | and the circumstances of the
history, and gives no support to | journey incredible. It is
the bold affirmation of a | impossible to give even a sketch of
martyrdom 'at Antioch on the 20th | this argument, which extends over
December, A.D. 115.'" | five long pages, but although
| Hilgenfeld does not directly refer
| to the theory of the martyrdom in
| Antioch itself, his reasoning
| forcibly points to that conclusion,
| and forms part of the converging
| trains of reasoning which result in
| that "demonstration" which I
| assert. I will presently make use
| of some of his arguments.

At the close of this analysis Dr. Westcott sums up the result as follows:

"In this case, therefore, again, Volkmar alone offers any arguments
in support of the statement in the text; and the final result of the
references is, that the alleged 'demonstration' is, at the most,
what Scholten calls 'a not groundless conjecture.'" [98:1]

It is scarcely possible to imagine a more complete misrepresentation of the fact than the assertion that "Volkmar alone offers any arguments in support of the statement in the text," and it is incomprehensible upon any ordinary theory. My mere sketch cannot possibly convey an adequate idea of the elaborate arguments of Volkmar, Baur, and Hilgenfeld, but I hope to state their main features, a few pages on. With regard to Dr. Westcott's remark on the "alleged 'demonstration,'" it must be evident that when a writer states anything to be "demonstrated" he expresses his own belief. It is impossible to secure absolute unanimity of opinion, and the only question in such a case is whether I refer to writers, in connection with the circumstances which I affirm to be demonstrated, who advance arguments and evidence bearing upon it. A critic is quite at liberty to say that the arguments are insufficient, but he is not at liberty to deny that there are any arguments at all when the elaborate reasoning of men like Volkmar, Baur, and Hilgenfeld is referred to. Therefore, when he goes on to say:

"It seems quite needless to multiply comments on these results.
Anyone who will candidly consider this analysis will, I believe,
agree with me in thinking that such a style of annotation, which
runs through the whole work, is justly characterised as frivolous
and misleading"--[99:1]

Dr. Westcott must excuse my retorting that, not my annotation, but his own criticism of it, endorsed by Professor Lightfoot, is "frivolous and misleading," and I venture to hope that this analysis, tedious as it has been, may once for all establish the propriety and substantial accuracy of my references.

As Dr. Westcott does not advance any further arguments of his own in regard to the Ignatian controversy, I may now return to Dr. Lightfoot, and complete my reply to his objections; but I must do so with extreme brevity, as I have already devoted too much space to this subject, and must now come to a close. To the argument that it is impossible to suppose that soldiers such as the "ten leopards" described in the Epistles would allow a prisoner, condemned to wild beasts for professing Christianity, deliberately to write long epistles at every stage of his journey, promulgating the very doctrines for which he was condemned, as well as to hold the freest intercourse with deputations from the various Churches, Dr. Lightfoot advances arguments, derived from Zahn, regarding the Roman procedure in cases that are said to be "known." These cases, however, are neither analogous, nor have they the force which is assumed. That Christians imprisoned for their religious belief should receive their nourishment, while in prison, from friends, is anything but extraordinary, and that bribes should secure access to them in many cases, and some mitigation of suffering, is possible. The case of Ignatius, however, is very different. If the meaning of [Greek: oi kai euergetoumenoi cheirous ginontai] be that, although receiving bribes, the "ten leopards" only became more cruel, the very reverse of the leniency and mild treatment ascribed to the Roman procedure is described by the writer himself as actually taking place, and certainly nothing approaching a parallel to the correspondence of pseudo-Ignatius can be pointed out in any known instance. The case of Saturus and Perpetua, even if true, is no confirmation, the circumstances being very different; [100:1] but in fact there is no evidence whatever that the extant history was written by either of them, [100:2] but on the contrary, I maintain, every reason to believe that it was not.

Dr. Lightfoot advances the instance of Paul as a case in point of a Christian prisoner treated with great consideration, and who "writes letters freely, receives visits from his friends, communicates with Churches and individuals as he desires." [101:1] It is scarcely possible to imagine two cases more dissimilar than those of pseudo-Ignatius and Paul, as narrated in the "Acts of the Apostles," although doubtless the story of the former has been framed upon some of the lines of the latter. Whilst Ignatius is condemned to be cast to the wild beasts as a Christian, Paul is not condemned at all, but stands in the position of a Roman citizen, rescued from infuriated Jews (xxiii. 27), repeatedly declared by his judges to have done nothing worthy of death or of bonds (xxv. 25, xxvi. 31), and who might have been set at liberty but that he had appealed to Caesar (xxv. 11 f., xxvi. 32). His position was one which secured the sympathy of the Roman soldiers. Ignatius "fights with beasts from Syria even unto Rome," and is cruelly treated by his "ten leopards," but Paul is represented as receiving very different treatment. Felix commands that his own people should be allowed to come and minister to him (xxiv. 23), and when the voyage is commenced it is said that Julius, who had charge of Paul, treated him courteously, and, gave him liberty to go to see his friends at Sidon (xxvii. 3). At Rome he was allowed to live by himself with a single soldier to guard him (xxviii. 16), and he continued for two years in his own hired house (xxviii. 28). These circumstances are totally different from those under which the Epistles of Ignatius are said to have been written.

"But the most powerful testimony," Dr. Lightfoot goes on to say, "is derived from the representations of a heathen writer." [101:2] The case of Peregrinus, to which he refers, seems to me even more unfortunate than that of Paul. Of Peregrinus himself, historically, we really know little or nothing, for the account of Lucian is scarcely received as serious by anyone. [102:1] Lucian narrates that this Peregrinus Proteus, a cynic philosopher, having been guilty of parricide and other crimes, found it convenient to leave his own country. In the course of his travels he fell in with Christians and learnt their doctrines, and, according to Lucian, the Christians soon were mere children in his hands, so that he became in his own person "prophet, high-priest, and ruler of a synagogue," and further "they spoke of him as a god, used him as a lawgiver, and elected him their chief man." [102:2] After a time he was put in prison for his new faith, which Lucian says was a real service to him afterwards in his impostures. During the time he was in prison he is said to have received those services from Christians which Dr. Lightfoot quotes. Peregrinus was afterwards set at liberty by the Governor of Syria, who loved philosophy, [102:3] and travelled about, living in great comfort at the expense of the Christians, until at last they quarrelled in consequence, Lucian thinks, of his eating some forbidden food. Finally, Peregrinus ended his career by throwing himself into the flames of a funeral pile during the Olympian games. An earthquake is said to have taken place at the time; a vulture flew out from the pile crying out with a human voice; and, shortly after, Peregrinus rose again and appeared clothed in white raiment, unhurt by the fire.

Now this writing, of which I have given the barest sketch, is a direct satire upon Christians, or even, as Baur affirms, "a parody of the history of Jesus." [102:4] There are no means of ascertaining that any of the events of the Christian career of Peregrinus were true, but it is obvious that Lucian's policy was to exaggerate the facility of access to prisoners, as well as the assiduity and attention of the Christians to Peregrinus, the ease with which they were duped being the chief point of the satire.

There is another circumstance which must be mentioned. Lucian's account of Peregrinus is claimed by supporters of the Ignatian Epistles as evidence for them. [103:1] "The singular correspondence in this narrative with the account of Ignatius, combined with some striking coincidences of expression," they argue, show "that Lucian was acquainted with the Ignatian history, if not with the Ignatian letters." These are the words of Dr. Lightfoot, although he guards himself, in referring to this argument, by the words "if it be true," and does not express his own opinion; but he goes on to say: "At all events it is conclusive for the matter in hand, as showing that Christian prisoners were treated in the very way described in these epistles." [103:2] On the contrary, it is in no case conclusive of anything. If it were true that Lucian employed, as the basis of his satire, the Ignatian Epistles and Martyrology, it is clear that his narrative cannot be used as independent testimony for the truth of the statements regarding the treatment of Christian prisoners. On the other hand, as this cannot be shown, his story remains a mere satire with very little historical value. Apart from all this, however, the case of Peregrinus, a man confined in prison for a short time, under a favourable governor, and not pursued with any severity, is no parallel to that of Ignatius condemned _ad bestias_ and, according to his own express statement, cruelly treated by the "ten leopards;" and further the liberty of pseudo-Ignatius must greatly have exceeded all that is said of Peregrinus, if he was able to write such epistles, and hold such free intercourse as they represent.

I will now, in the briefest manner possible, indicate the arguments of the writers referred to in the note [104:1] attacked by Dr. Westcott, in which he cannot find any relevancy, but which, in my opinion, demonstrate that Ignatius was not sent to Rome at all, but suffered martyrdom in Antioch itself. The reader who wishes to go minutely into the matter must be good enough to consult the writers there cited, and I will only sketch the case here, without specifically indicating the source of each argument. Where I add any particulars I will, when necessary, give my authorities. The Ignatian Epistles and martyrologies set forth that, during a general persecution of Christians, in Syria at least, Ignatius was condemned by Trajan, when he wintered in Antioch during the Parthian War, to be taken to Rome and cast to wild beasts in the amphitheatre. Instead of being sent to Rome by the short sea voyage, he is represented as taken thither by the long and incomparably more difficult land route. The ten soldiers who guard him are described by himself as only rendered more cruel by the presents made to them to secure kind treatment for him, so that not in the amphitheatre only, but all the way from Syria to Rome, by night and day, by sea and land, he "fights with beasts." Notwithstanding this severity, the martyr freely receives deputations from the various Churches, who, far from being molested, are able to have constant intercourse with him, and even to accompany him on his journey. He not only converses with these freely, but he is represented as writing long epistles to the various Churches, which, instead of containing the last exhortations and farewell words which might be considered natural from the expectant martyr, are filled with advanced views of Church government, and the dignity of the episcopate. These circumstances, at the outset, excite grave suspicions of the truth of the documents and of the story which they set forth.

When we enquire whether the alleged facts of the case are supported by historical data, the reply is emphatically adverse. All that is known of the treatment of Christians during the reign of Trajan, as well as of the character of the Emperor, is opposed to the supposition that Ignatius could have been condemned by Trajan himself, or even by a provincial governor, to be taken to Rome and there cast to the beasts. It is well known that under Trajan there was no general persecution of Christians, although there may have been instances in which prominent members of the body were either punished or fell victims to popular fury and superstition. [105:1] An instance of this kind was the martyrdom of Simeon, Bishop of Jerusalem, reported by Hegesippus. He was not condemned _ad bestias_, however, and much less deported to Rome for the purpose. Why should Ignatius have been so exceptionally treated? In fact, even during the persecutions under Marcus Aurelius, although Christians in Syria were frequently enough cast to the beasts, there is no instance recorded in which anyone condemned to this fate was sent to Rome. Such a sentence is quite at variance with the clement character of Trajan and his principles of government. Neander, in a passage quoted by Baur, says: "As he (Trajan), like Pliny, considered Christianity mere fanaticism, he also probably thought that if severity were combined with clemency, if too much noise were not made about it, the open demonstration not left unpunished but also minds not stirred up by persecution, the fanatical enthusiasm would most easily cool down, and the matter by degrees come to an end." [106:1] This was certainly the policy which mainly characterised his reign. Now not only would this severe sentence have been contrary to such principles, but the agitation excited would have been enormously increased by sending the martyr a long journey by land through Asia, and allowing him to pass through some of the principal cities, hold constant intercourse with the various Christian communities, and address long epistles to them. With the fervid desire for martyrdom then prevalent, such a journey would have been a triumphal progress, spreading everywhere excitement and enthusiasm. It may not be out of place, as an indication of the results of impartial examination, to point out that Neander's inability to accept the Ignatian Epistles largely rests on his disbelief of the whole tradition of this sentence and martyr-journey. "We do not recognise the Emperor Trajan in this narrative" (the martyrology), he says, "therefore cannot but doubt everything which is related by this document, as well as that, during this reign, Christians can have been cast to the wild beasts." [106:2]

If, for a moment, we suppose that, instead of being condemned by Trajan himself, Ignatius received his sentence from a provincial governor, the story does not gain greater probability. It is not credible that such an official would have ventured to act so much in opposition to the spirit of the Emperor's government. Besides, if such a governor did pronounce so severe a sentence, why did he not execute it in Antioch? Why send the prisoner to Rome? By doing so he made all the more conspicuous a severity which was not likely to be pleasing to the clement Trajan. The cruelty which dictated a condemnation _ad bestias_ would have been more gratified by execution on the spot, and there is besides no instance known, even during the following general persecution, of Christians being sent for execution in Rome. The transport to Rome is in no case credible, and the utmost that can be admitted is, that Ignatius, like Simeon of Jerusalem, may have been condemned to death during this reign, more especially if the event be associated with some sudden outbreak of superstitious fury against the Christians, to which the martyr may at once have fallen a victim. We are not without indications of such a cause operating in the case of Ignatius.

It is generally admitted that the date of Trajan's visit to Antioch is A.D. 115, when he wintered there during the Parthian War. An earthquake occurred on the 13th December of that year, which was well calculated to excite popular superstition. It may not be out of place to quote here the account of the earthquake given by Dean Milman, who, although he mentions a different date, and adheres to the martyrdom in Rome, still associates the condemnation of Ignatius with the earthquake. He says: "Nevertheless, at that time there were circumstances which account with singular likelihood for that sudden outburst of persecution in Antioch ... At this very time an earthquake, more than usually terrible and destructive, shook the cities of the East. Antioch suffered its most appalling ravages--Antioch, crowded with the legionaries prepared for the Emperor's invasion of the East, with ambassadors and tributary kings from all parts of the East. The city shook through all its streets; houses, palaces, theatres, temples fell crashing down. Many were killed: the Consul Pedo died of his hurts. The Emperor himself hardly escaped through a window, and took refuge in the Circus, where he passed some days in the open air. Whence this terrible blow but from the wrath of the Gods, who must be appeased by unusual sacrifices? This was towards the end of January; early in February the Christian Bishop, Ignatius, was arrested. We know how, during this century, at every period of public calamity, whatever that calamity might be, the cry of the panic-stricken Heathens was, 'The Christians to the lions!' It maybe that, in Trajan's humanity, in order to prevent a general massacre by the infuriated populace, or to give greater solemnity to the sacrifice, the execution was ordered to take place, not in Antioch, but in Rome." [108:1] I contend that these reasons, on the contrary, render execution in Antioch infinitely more probable. To continue, however: the earthquake occurred on the 13th, and the martyrdom of Ignatius took place on the 20th December, just a week after the earthquake. His remains, as we know from Chrysostom and others, were, as an actual fact, interred at Antioch. The natural inference is that the martyrdom, the only part of the Ignatian story which is credible, occurred not in Rome but in Antioch itself, in consequence of the superstitious fury against the [Greek: atheoi] aroused by the earthquake.

I will now go more into the details of the brief statements I have just made, and here we come for the first time to John Malalas. In the first place he mentions the occurrence of the earthquake on the 13th December. I will quote Dr. Lightfoot's own rendering of his further important statement. He says:--

"The words of John Malalas are: The same king Trajan was residing
in the same city (Antioch) when the visitation of God (_i.e._ the
earthquake) occurred. And at that time the holy Ignatius, the bishop
of the city of Antioch, was martyred (or bore testimony, [Greek:
emarturêse]) before him ([Greek: epi autou]); for he was
exasperated against him, because he reviled him.'" [109:1]

Dr. Lightfoot endeavours in every way to discredit this statement. He argues that Malalas tells foolish stories about other matters, and, therefore, is not to be believed here; but so simple a piece of information may well be correctly conveyed by a writer who elsewhere may record stupid traditions. [109:2] If the narrative of foolish stories and fabulous traditions is to exclude belief in everything else stated by those who relate them, the whole of the Fathers are disposed of at one fell swoop, for they all do so. Dr. Lightfoot also assert that the theory of the cause of the martyrdom advanced by Volkmar "receives no countenance from the story of Malalas, who gives a wholly different reason--the irritating language used to the Emperor." [109:3] On the other hand, it in no way contradicts it, for Ignatius can only have "reviled" Trajan when brought before him, and his being taken before him may well have been caused by the fury excited by the earthquake, even if the language of the Bishop influenced his condemnation; the whole statement of Malalas is in perfect harmony with the theory in its details, and in the main, of course, directly supports it. Then Dr. Lightfoot actually makes use of the following extraordinary argument:--

"But it may be worth while adding that the error of Malalas is
capable of easy explanation. He has probably misinterpreted some
earlier authority, whose language lent itself to misinterpretation.
The words [Greek: marturein, marturia], which were afterwards used
especially of martyrdom, had in the earlier ages a wider sense,
including other modes of witnessing to the faith: the expression
[Greek: epi Traianou] again is ambiguous and might denote either
'during the reign of Trajan,' or 'in the presence of Trajan.' A
blundering writer like Malalas might have stumbled over either
expression." [110:1]

This is a favourite device. In case his abuse of poor Malalas should not sufficiently discredit him, Dr. Lightfoot attempts to explain away his language. It would be difficult indeed to show that the words [Greek: marturein, marturia], already used in that sense in the New Testament, were not, at the date at which any record of the martyrdom of Ignatius which Malalas could have had before him was written, employed to express martyrdom, when applied to such a case, as Dr. Lightfoot indeed has in the first instance rendered the phrase. Even Zahn, whom Dr. Lightfoot so implicitly follows, emphatically decides against him on both points. "The [Greek: epi autou] together with [Greek: tote] can only signify 'coram Trajano' ('in the presence of Trajan'), and [Greek: emarturaese] only the execution." [110:2] Let anyone simply read over Dr. Lightfoot's own rendering, which I have quoted above, and he will see that such quibbles are excluded, and that, on the contrary, Malalas seems excellently well and directly to have interpreted his earlier authority.

That the statement of Malalas does not agree with the reports of the Fathers is no real objection, for we have good reason to believe that none of them had information from any other source than the Ignatian Epistles themselves, or tradition. Eusebius evidently had not. Irenaeus, Origen, and some later Fathers tell us nothing about him. Jerome and Chrysostom clearly take their accounts from these sources. Malalas is the first who, by his variation, proves that he had another and different authority before him, and in abandoning the martyr-journey to Rome, his account has infinitely greater apparent probability. Malalas lived at Antioch, which adds some weight to his statement. It is objected that so also did Chrysostom, and at an earlier period, and yet he repeats the Roman story. This, however, is no valid argument against Malalas. Chrysostom was too good a churchman to doubt the story of Epistles so much tending to edification, which were in wide circulation, and had been quoted by earlier Fathers. It is in no way surprising that, some two centuries and a half after the martyrdom, he should quietly have accepted the representations of the Epistles purporting to have been written by the martyr himself, and that their story should have shaped the prevailing tradition.

The remains of Ignatius, as we are informed by Chrysostom and Jerome, long remained interred in the cemetery of Antioch, but finally--in the time of Theodosius, it is said--were translated with great pomp and ceremony to a building which--such is the irony of events--had previously been a Temple of Fortune. The story told, of course, is that the relics of the martyr had been carefully collected in the Coliseum and carried from Rome to Antioch. After reposing there for some centuries, the relics, which are said to have been transported from Rome to Antioch, were, about the seventh century, carried back from Antioch to Rome. [111:1] The natural and more simple conclusion is that, instead of this double translation, the bones of Ignatius had always remained in Antioch, where he had suffered martyrdom, and the tradition that they had been brought back from Rome was merely the explanation which reconciled the fact of their actually being in Antioch with the legend of the Ignatian Epistles.

The 20th of December is the date assigned to the death of Ignatius in the Martyrology, [112:1] and Zahn admits that this interpretation is undeniable [112:2] Moreover, the anniversary of his death was celebrated on that day in the Greek Churches and throughout the East. In the Latin Church it is kept on the 1st of February. There can be little doubt that this was the day of the translation of the relics to Rome, and this was evidently the view of Ruinart, who, although he could not positively contradict the views of his own Church, says: "Ignatii festum Graeci vigesima die mensis Decembris celebrant, quo ipsum passum, fuisse Acta testantur; Latini vero die prima Februarii, an ob aliquam sacrarum ejus reliquiarum translationem? plures enim fuisse constat." [112:3] Zahn [112:4] states that the Feast of the translation in later calendars was celebrated on the 29th January, and he points out the evident ignorance which prevailed in the West regarding Ignatius. [112:5]

On the one hand, therefore, all the historical data which we possess regarding the reign and character of Trajan discredit the story that Ignatius was sent to Rome to be exposed to beasts in the Coliseum; and all the positive evidence which exists, independent of the Epistles themselves, tends to establish the fact that he suffered martyrdom in Antioch. On the other hand, all the evidence which is offered for the statement that Ignatius was sent to Rome is more or less directly based upon the representations of the letters, the authenticity of which is in discussion, and it is surrounded with improbabilities of every kind. And what is the value of any evidence emanating from the Ignatian Epistles and martyrologies? There are three martyrologies which, as Ewald says, are "the one more fabulous than the other." There are fifteen Epistles all equally purporting to be by Ignatius, and most of them handed down together in MSS., without any distinction. Three of these, in Latin only, are universally rejected, as are also other five Epistles, of which there are Greek, Latin, and other versions. Of the remaining seven there are two forms, one called the Long Recension and another shorter, known as the Vossian Epistles. The former is almost unanimously rejected as shamefully interpolated and falsified; and a majority of critics assert that the text of the Vossian Epistles is likewise very impure. Besides these there is a still shorter version of three Epistles only, the Curetonian, which many able critics declare to be the only genuine letters of Ignatius, whilst a still greater number, both from internal and external reasons, deny the authenticity of the Epistles in any form. The second and third centuries teem with pseudonymic literature, but I venture to say that pious fraud has never been more busy and conspicuous than in dealing with the Martyr of Antioch. The mere statement of the simple and acknowledged facts regarding the Ignatian Epistles is ample justification of the assertion, which so mightily offends Dr. Lightfoot, that "the whole of the Ignatian literature is a mass of falsification and fraud." Even my indignant critic himself has not ventured to use as genuine more than the three short Syriac letters [114:1] out of this mass of forgery, which he rebukes me for holding so cheap. Documents which lie under such grave and permanent suspicion cannot prove anything. As I have shown, however, the Vossian Epistles, whatever the value of their testimony, so far from supporting the claims advanced in favour of our Gospels, rather discredit them.

I have now minutely followed Dr. Lightfoot and Dr. Westcott in their attacks upon me in connection with Eusebius and the Ignatian Epistles, and I trust that I have shown once for all that the charges of "misrepresentation" and "misstatement," so lightly and liberally advanced, far from being well-founded, recoil upon themselves. It is impossible in a work like this, dealing with such voluminous materials, to escape errors of detail, as both of these gentlemen bear witness, but I have at least conscientiously endeavoured to be fair, and I venture to think that few writers have ever more fully laid before readers the actual means of judging of the accuracy of every statement which has been made.

III.

_POLYCARP OF SMYRNA._

In my chapter on Polycarp I state the various opinions expressed by critics regarding the authenticity of the Epistle ascribed to him, and I more particularly point out the reasons which have led many to decide that it is either spurious or interpolated.

That an Epistle of Polycarp did really exist at one time no one doubts, but the proof that the Epistle which is now extant was the actual Epistle written by Polycarp is not proven. Dr. Lightfoot's essay of course assumes the authenticity, and seeks to establish it. A large part of it is directed to the date which must be assigned to it on that supposition, and recent researches seem to establish that the martyrdom of Polycarp must be set some two years earlier than was formerly believed. The _Chronicon_ of Eusebius dates his death A.D. 166 or 167, and he is said to have been martyred during the proconsulship of Statius Quadratus. M. Waddington, in examining the proconsular annals of Asia Minor, with the assistance of newly-discovered inscriptions, has decided that Statius Quadratus was proconsul in A.D. 154-155, and if Polycarp was martyred during his proconsulship it would follow that his death must have taken place in one of those years.

Having said so much in support of the authenticity of the Epistle of Polycarp, and the earlier date to be assigned to it, it might have been expected that Dr. Lightfoot would have proceeded to show what bearing the epistle has upon the evidence for the existence of the Gospels and their sufficiency as testimony for the miracles which those Gospels record. He has not done so, however, for he is in such haste to find small faults with my statements, and disparage my work, that, having arrived at this point, he at once rushes off upon this side issue, and does not say one word that I can discover regarding any supposed use of Gospels in the Epistle. For a complete discussion of analogies which other apologists have pointed out I must refer to _Supernatural Religion_ itself; [116:1] but I may here state the case in the strongest form for them. It is asserted that Polycarp in this Epistle uses expressions which correspond more or less closely with some of those in our Gospels. It is not in the least pretended that the Gospels are referred to by name, or that any information is given regarding their authorship or composition. If, therefore, the use of the Gospels could be established, and the absolute authenticity of the Epistle, what could this do towards proving the actual performance of miracles or the reality of Divine Revelation? The mere existence of anonymous Gospels would be indicated, and though this might be considered a good deal in the actual evidential destitution, it would leave the chief difficulty quite untouched.

IV.

_PAPIAS OF HIERAPOLIS._

Dr. Lightfoot has devoted two long chapters to the evidence of Papias, although with a good deal of divergence to other topics in the second. I need not follow him minutely here, for I have treated the subject fully in _Supernatural Religion_, [117:1] to which I beg leave to refer any reader who is interested in the discussion; and this is merely Dr. Lightfoot's reply. I will confine myself here to a few words on the fundamental question at issue.

Papias, in the absence of other testimony, is an important witness of whom theologians are naturally very tenacious, inasmuch as he is the first writer who mentions the name of anyone who was believed to have written a Gospel. It is true that what he says is of very little weight, but, since no one else had said anything at all on the point, his remarks merit attention which they would not otherwise receive.

Eusebius states that, in his last work, [117:2] "Exposition of the Lord's Oracles" ([Greek: Logiôn kuriakôn exêgêsis]), Papias wrote as follows:

"And the elder said this also: 'Mark, having become the interpreter
of Peter, wrote down accurately everything that he remembered,
without, however, recording in order what was either said or done
by Christ. For neither did he hear the Lord, nor did he follow Him;
but afterwards, as I said, [attended] Peter, who adapted his
instructions to the needs [of his hearers], but had no design of
giving a connected account of the Lord's oracles [or discourses]
([Greek: all' ouch hôsper suntaxin tôn kuriakôn poioumenos logiôn]
or [Greek: logôn).' So, then, Mark made no mistake while he thus
wrote down some things as he remembered them; for he made it his
one care not to omit anything that he heard, or to set down any
false statement therein." [118:1]

The first question which suggests itself is: Does the description here given correspond with the Gospel "according to Mark" which we now possess? Can our second Gospel be considered a work composed "without recording in order what was either said or done by Christ"? A negative answer has been given by many eminent critics to these and similar enquiries, and the application of the Presbyter's words to it has consequently been denied by them. It does not follow from this that there has been any refusal to accept the words of Papias as referring to a work which may have been the basis of the second Gospel as we have it. However, I propose to waive all this objection, for the sake of argument, on the present occasion, and to consider what might be the value of the evidence before us, if it be taken as referring to our second Gospel.

In the first place, the tradition distinctly states that Mark, who is said to have been its author, was neither an eye-witness of the circumstances recorded, nor a hearer of the words of Jesus, but that he merely recorded what he remembered of the casual teaching of Peter. It is true that an assurance is added as to the general care and accuracy of Mark in recording all that he heard and not making any false statement, but this does not add much value to his record. No one supposes that the writer of the second Gospel deliberately invented what he has embodied in his work, and the certificate of character can be received for nothing more than a general estimate of the speaker. The testimony of the second Gospel is, according to this tradition, confessedly at second hand, and consequently utterly inadequate to attest miraculous pretensions. The tradition that Mark derived his information from the preaching of Peter is not supported by internal evidence, and has nothing extraneous to strengthen its probability. Because some person, whose very identity is far from established, says so, is not strong evidence of the fact. It was the earnest desire of the early Christians to connect Apostles with the authorship of the Gospels, and as Mark is represented as the interpreter of Peter, so Luke, or the third evangelist, is connected more or less closely with Paul, in forgetfulness of the circumstance that we have no reason whatever for believing that Paul ever saw Jesus. Comparison of the contents of the first three Gospels, moreover, not only does not render more probable this account of the composition of the second synoptic as it lies before us, but is really opposed to it. Into this I shall not here go.

Setting aside, therefore, all the reasons for doubting the applicability of the tradition recorded by Papias regarding the Gospel said to have been written by Mark, I simply appeal to those who have rightly appreciated the nature of the allegations for which evidence is required as to the value of such a work, compiled by one who had neither himself seen nor heard Jesus. It is quite unnecessary to proceed to the closer examination of the supposed evidence.

"But concerning Matthew the following statement is made [by Papias]:
'So then Matthew ([Greek: Matthaios men oun]) composed the Oracles
in the Hebrew language, and each one interpreted them as he could.'"
[119:1]