Chapter IX: Part 9

According to Ibn Khallikan, Hakim went out late in the night of 27th Shawal 411, and spent the whole night going about on the Mokattam hill. At daybreak he was near the tomb of Fokkai, and thence went east to Hulwan, about five miles from Cairo, accompanied by two attendants. He then met a company of Arabs, nine in number, who had a request to make of him. He told them to go to the palace, and sent one of his attendants with them. For some time he continued with the second attendant, then told him to go back also. At that time he was still near the tomb of Fokkai. The second attendant returned to the palace and left the Khalif alone on Mokattam. Next morning he did not return, and for three days no sign of him was seen; then, on Sunday, the 2nd of Dhu l-Zaʿda, the eunuch Nesim, who was the chamberlain, and a number of other officials, went out on the hills to make a search. At length they reached the monastery known as Dayr al-Kosayr, and near there they found Hakim’s ass with its saddle on but its legs hacked off. Following the footsteps of the ass, which were accompanied by the footprints of two men they came to a hollow where they found the Khalif’s clothes with marks of cuts, but the buttons not undone. No body was ever found. It was assumed that Hakim had been murdered, and that his arms had been cut off before the clothes were removed. After the discovery of the ass and of the clothes had been reported, the Princess considered it expedient to have Hakim’s infant son proclaimed Khalif, thus avoiding the claims of ʿAbdu r-Rahim, the heir designated by Hakim, and it seems that the main evidence for her supposed complicity with the murder rests on this act which assumed that he must be dead, though it is difficult to see how she could have acted differently under the circumstances.

Al-Mahsin is reported as saying that Hakim went out, and that after sending back Nesim and his squire, he had as companions only a page and a young slave: at the time he was filled with apprehensions as he knew from his horoscope that the night was one of great peril to him. When he was on Mokattam he said: “We belong to God and return to him”: then clapping his hands together he added, “Thou hast appeared then, O dismal sign,” referring to the star whose appearance he took as the warning of his death. Going along the hillside he met ten men of the B. Qorra who had a request to make to him, and said that they had often waited in vain at his palace door. Hakim orders them to be paid 10,000 pieces of silver from the treasury, and directs his page to go with them and draw the money for them. They objected that it might be that the Khalif was angry with them for interrupting his walk, and that perhaps the order in the page’s hand might privately direct that they were to be put to punishment, so they requested that he would also give them a safe conduct, and this the Khalif gave. Hakim and the young slave then go on and enter a valley where the two men sent by Yusuf are lying in ambush. They came out and fell upon him just as the day was dawning. At their appearance he cried out, “Wretches, what do you want?” They cut off his two arms, open his stomach, and tear out the entrails, and wrap the body in a robe. They then slew the slave, cut the traces of the ass, and carried off the body to Yusuf. He took it to the Princess, who made presents to him and to the two murderers. She then sent for the wazir, revealed to him what had happened, and made him promise secrecy. She persuaded him to write to ʿAbdu r-Rahim at Damascus, and at the same time sent an officer named ʿAli b. Dawud to Ferma to seize ʿAbdu r-Rahim on his way to Egypt and carry him to Tannis; and also she sent instructions to the governor of Tannis. Next day it was observed that Hakim did not return. Abu Arus would not allow the gates of Kahira to be opened, stating that the Khalif had ordered them to be closed the day before, and no search was made until the following day. The Princess had conferences with the chiefs of the Katama tribe and other leading persons and, with the help of lavish presents, induced them to recognise Hakim’s son as his successor, although they had already given formal recognition to ʿAbdu r-Rahim. On the seventh day she dressed the child in rich robes and sent for Yusuf, whom she declared to be ustad or guardian. Then the child was taken out in state, the wazir proclaimed him as Khalif, and he was generally recognised.

The facts of Hakim’s disappearance were never fully known. One report, as we have seen, was that he was murdered. Of the murder Maqrizi gives another account which exculpates the Princess. He says: “Masihi relates that in the year 415 a man of the family of Husayn was arrested after raising up rebellion in the southern part of Upper Egypt. This man confessed that it was he who had killed Hakim. He said that there were four accomplices of the crime, and that they afterwards fled to different parts. He showed a piece of the skin of Hakim’s head and a fragment of the piece of cotton with which he had been clothed. He was asked why he had killed him. He replied: “Out of zeal for the glory of God and of Islam.” Further questioned as to the way in which he had committed the crime, he drew out a dagger and striking it to his breast he cried, as he fell dead, “That is the way I killed him.” His head was cut off and sent to the Khalif with all that was found in him” (Maq. ii. 290).

The Druses of course believe that he disappeared like others of the Imams before him, going away in sorrow from a world which was not worthy of his pure doctrine and that he lives still in concealment to reveal himself in due time when the world is ready for him. Other persons believed that he had hidden himself because he was disgusted at the state of affairs and weary of the throne, and was living contentedly in obscurity. Bar Hebraeus tells us of a widespread belief in Egypt that Hakim had been recognised as a Christian monk at Sketis. Severus says that for sixteen years there were constant rumours of his return. A certain proselyte from Christianity named Sherut claimed to be the Khalif and called himself Abu l-ʿArab. In voice and appearance he very closely resembled Hakim and had many followers. About 427 he was in Lower Egypt, and a certain Arab who believed in him provided him with a tent where he lived for some time. Very often he used to give the Arab rich presents of clothes and arms, but himself lived in the strictest simplicity. At last the government heard of him and he fled, after some twenty years’ personation of the ex-Khalif. Abu l-Feda tells us of a pretender named Sikkin who revolted in 434, and was seized and hanged (_Annal. Moslem_ iii. 119). De Sacy thinks that this Sikkin was the same as the Sherut of Severus. Strangely enough every one of these claimants found enthusiastic supporters, as though Hakim had been the most popular of all the Khalifs of Egypt.

XI

THE SEVENTH FATIMID KHALIF, AZ-ZAHIR

(A.H. 411-427 = A.D. 1021-1035)

On the “Day of Sacrifice,” 411, seven days after Hakim’s disappearance, his son Abu l-Hasan ʿAli az-Zahir li-ʿizazi-dini-llah (“the triumphant in strengthening God’s religion”), then a boy of sixteen years of age, was recognised as Khalif. The heir designated by Hakim, ʿAbdu r-Rahim, was still in Damascus, but the Princess wrote to him ordering his immediate return to Egypt. Instead of obeying this summons he declared himself the independent ruler of Damascus, and made himself popular amongst the citizens by repealing the many vexatious regulations which Hakim had put in force. But this popularity did not last long: he soon made himself odious by his avarice and grasping extortions, and craftily utilising this, and the discontent of the soldiers who did not receive the gratuities which they expected, the Princess contrived to gain a party of supporters, and by their help had him arrested and sent in chains to Egypt where he was imprisoned for some four years, then fell ill and died, perhaps poisoned, three days before the Princess herself died.

For the first four years of az-Zahir’s reign the whole power was in the hands of his aunt, the Princess Royal. According to Ibn Khallikan the Princess sent for Yusuf b. Dawwas, the noble who the Syrian writers describe as having conspired with her to arrange the murder of Hakim, and made him a present of a hundred slaves. After the wazir had gone home she sent the eunuch Nesim after these slaves, and conveyed her orders to them that it was their duty to slay Yusuf, as he was the person responsible for the late Khalif’s assassination. In consequence of this Yusuf was put to death. Soon afterwards the Princess contrived the death of two of the wazirs who succeeded him, and throughout the whole four years of her rule she showed herself cruel and vindictive. She died in 416, and the chief control then passed into the hands of a committee of three sheikhs who paid a daily visit to the Khalif, but excluded him from all participation in the administration.

The year of the Princess’ death saw the beginning of a terrible famine in Egypt as the result of a series of bad Niles, and the resultant distress lasted all through 416 and 417. In many cases the starving villages took to brigandage, an evil to which the country is always more or less exposed. Sometimes outbreaks are due, as in this case, to dire distress and consequent recklessness; sometimes it means the revival of ancient feuds between village and village, or family and family, so that it is no more than an outlet for intermittent inter-tribal feuds and private quarrels between villages or families; but in time of distress these become more acrimonious and turn against strangers and travellers. Even the pilgrims on their way through Egypt were attacked. Regulations were passed to prevent the slaughter of cattle for fear that they would be exterminated altogether; camels were scarce as many were killed because it was impossible to provide them with food, and poultry could hardly be procured. Crowds assembled before the palace crying, “Hunger, hunger. O Commander of the faithful, it was not thus under thy father and grandfather.” Then the slaves, starving and miserable, revolted and swelled the numbers of brigands on the roads. In many places the citizens formed themselves into “Committees of safety,” and the government allowed them to arm and slay revolted slaves in self defence. The state treasury was practically empty, for it was impossible to collect taxes, and even the palace slaves and officials were in a starving condition. The misery reached its height in 418 when ʿAli b. Ahmad al-Jarjarai, the same whose hands had been cut off by Hakim, was appointed wazir. As the year began (in the early part of February) the conditions were such that barricades were erected across the streets of Cairo to keep out the brigands and slaves, and the wazir himself was for some time a prisoner in his official palace. Later in the year, however, there was a good inundation, and this restored plenty, so that in 419 the country was once more under normal conditions and order was restored.

A curious event of 416 was a persecution of the Malikite school of jurists. At that time the Maliki system was the prevailing school of thought in orthodox Egypt, though now it is for the most part confined to Upper Egypt, the Shafiʿi system replacing it in Lower Egypt. Neither of these, of course, was acceptable to the Shiʿites, who demanded that the problems of canon law should be treated according to the teaching of Jaʿfar as-Sadiq (cf. p. 96 above). Hakim had, in 400, founded and endowed a college for instruction in the Malikite system, but in 404 it was suppressed and its head was put to death. Nothing of this sort was attempted now, but all the canonists of the Maliki school were banished from Egypt. No doubt they were regarded as leaders of the Sunni element as against the Shiʿite Khalifate.

In 418 when there was every prospect of a return to prosperity as the result of an abundant Nile, the Khalif was able to make a satisfactory treaty with the Greek Emperor, Constantine III. It was agreed that the Fatimid Khalif should be prayed for in the _khutba_ in every mosque in the Byzantine dominions, and permission was given for the restoration of the mosque at Constantinople, which had been destroyed in retaliation for the destruction of the Church of the Resurrection in Jerusalem; whilst, on the other side, the Khalif agreed to permit the rebuilding of the Church at Jerusalem. This freed the Khalifate from one source of anxiety.

At the time of az-Zahir’s accession the authority of the Fatimids was hardly recognised in Syria, but this was soon altered by the ability and enterprise of Anushtegin ad-Dizbiri, who was the governor of Caesarea. His first important action was against Salih b. Mirdas, the Arab chieftain who had taken Aleppo from Murtada and had now established himself as an independent prince. In 420 Anushtakin met him at al-Ochuwana, a village near Tiberias, and defeated and killed him. He had next to deal with Hasan b. Mufarraj, who was once more in revolt. This he did so effectually that Hasan was obliged to flee and take refuge amongst the Greeks. It is worth noting that the old mischief maker, Husayn al-Maghrabi, who had fled from Egypt in 400, ended a career of great vicissitudes in 418. After the failure of the revolt under Hakim he had gone to the court of the Daylamite prince Baha ad-Dawla, and stayed with his wazir Fakhr al-Mulk. But the Khalif of Baghdad suspected him of being a Fatimite spy, and ordered Fakhr to get rid of him. Fakhr, however, pleaded on his behalf, and at length obtained the Khalif’s favour for the fugitive who was kindly received in Baghdad.

During the latter part of az-Zahir’s reign Fatimid influence had become supreme in Palestine and Syria, save only in the few northern districts which remained subject to the Greek Empire. It seemed indeed to be the triumph of the Fatimids, but the appearance was fallacious. The Fatimid Empire in Asia was held together only by the genius of Anushtegin, who was able to avail himself of the favourable conditions which preceded the great Turkish storm, which was even then gathering in the east.

It was the policy of the Princess Royal and of the committee which held supreme power after her death to keep the Khalif in the background, and exclude him from all real part in the work of government. It was as well, perhaps, that his freedom was rather circumscribed for, as he grew up, he gave signs of a cruel temperament which in some directions surpassed that of his father. He was wholly occupied with the pursuit of pleasure, finding his interest in the company of singing girls, buffoons, and others of like kind, and showed no desire to take part in public affairs. In 424 he invited the palace girls to the number of some 2,660 to a festival: when they came to the feast they were led to one of the mosques and taken inside; the doors were then bricked up and the unfortunate girls were left to starve. For six months the mosque was left unopened and the bodies unburied. Many other instances of wanton cruelty are related of him.

In 427 az-Zahir fell sick of the plague, and as he grew worse he was taken to the “Garden of the Strand” at Maqs, then the port of Cairo, where he died on the 15th of Shaban, leaving the Khalifate to his son al-Mustansir, then a child seven years of age.

XII

THE EIGHTH FATIMID KHALIF, AL-MUSTANSIR

(A.H. 427-487 = A.D. 1035-1095)

Abu Tamin al-Mustansir bi-llah (“the seeker of aid from God”) was proclaimed Khalif at his father’s death on Sunday, the 15th Shaban, 427 (14 June, 1035). His reign has the distinction of being the longest of all the Khalifates either in Egypt or elsewhere.

Again we find the influence of a woman of the royal family predominant in the state, this time of a black ex-slave woman. In Cairo there were two Jewish merchants, Abu Saʿd Abrahim and his brother Abu Nasr Saʿd ad-Dahir, sons of Sahl. The Khalif az-Zahir had bought a black Sudani slave girl from Saʿd ad-Dahir, and she was the mother of al-Mustansir. During the earlier years of the reign the influence behind the throne was in the hands of the Sudani Queen Mother and her former master, the Jewish slave merchant. This influence was restrained so long as the wazir al-Jarjarai lived, but all check upon it came to an end at his death in 436.

The old faction fights between Turks and Berbers had now long passed away. Under Hakim we have seen the formation of new parties, Turks and negroes, rival groups of mercenaries in the Khalif’s employ; the Arabs and Berbers, so far as they were not absorbed in the mass of the population, joining with the Turks in opposition to the negro regiments. The Queen Mother, herself a Sudani negress, threw the whole weight of her influence on the side of the black troops.

The period of al-Jarjarai’s administration was one of prosperity in Egypt and, for the most part, of success in Syria. Syrian affairs mainly centre round Aleppo where Hakim had appointed ʿAziz ad-Dawla governor in 406, but his subsequent conduct was far from pleasing to the Khalif. After renewing the fortifications and making his own treaty with the Greeks, he commenced striking an independent coinage and then ceased to pay tribute to Egypt. Indeed, at the time of his disappearance Hakim was actually preparing an army to send against Aleppo. ʿAziz ad-Dawla, however, managed to make peace with az-Zahir and the Princess Royal, and nothing of importance transpired until his murder in 413 which popular opinion ascribed to Badr the governor of the citadel. No doubt Badr expected that getting rid of ad-Dawla would leave him supreme in the city, but next year he was expelled by the Fatimid government and two entirely independent governors were appointed, one for the city, the other for the citadel.

Within the next few months a formidable rising took place in which all the Arab tribes of Syria joined. They acted in three bodies, one led by Salih b. Mirdas, who thought this a good opportunity of recovering his former fief, attacked Aleppo; a second led by the old agitator Hasan b. Mufarraj overran Palestine; and a third under Sinan moved against Damascus. The Khalif sent his general Anushtakin to deal with these revolts, but he received a serious check, and Salih, after taking possession of Aleppo, passed on to Hims, Baʿalbak, and Sidon, so that in 416 the Fatimid power in Syria had almost passed away. In 420 Anushtakin reinforcements had recovered possession of Damascus. Advancing against Salih he had an engagement at Uqhuwana in which Salih fell, although Asushtakin was not able to press on to Aleppo. The government of the city was now divided between Salih’s two sons, Muʿizz ad-Dawla taking the citadel, his brother Shibl ad-Dawla holding the city. After a short time, however, Shibl ad-Dawla took command of the citadel as well, compensating his brother with possessions outside the city. After this he commenced a series of successful raids against the Greeks, and was able to inflict a defeat upon the governor of Antioch. These raids became so serious that the Greek Emperor made an expedition against Aleppo, but was defeated by Shibl ad-Dawla and forced to retreat.

When al-Mustansir succeeded to the Fatimid throne in 427 Shibl ad-Dawla thought it prudent to conciliate him by large gifts of booty won from the Greeks, and the Khalif confirmed him as governor of Aleppo. Two years later Anushtakin considered that the time had come to make another attempt on Aleppo, and advanced against the city with a large army. Shibl ad-Dawla went out against him, and a battle took place near the Orontes in the month of Shaban 429, in which the forces of Aleppo were defeated, Shibl ad-Dawla slain, and his brother Muʿizz ad-Dawla compelled to flee. After this Muʿizz ad-Dawla went to ʿIraq, leaving deputies in charge of Aleppo under whose rule the city quickly fell into a state of anarchy, so that Anushtakin was able to take possession and appoint his own governors, and thus Aleppo once more became part of the Fatimid empire.

This was the zenith of the Fatimid power in Syria and was mainly due to the capacity of Anushtakin, and after this the Fatimid Empire began a rapid decline. Anushtakin had himself aroused the jealousy and suspicion of the wazir al-Jarjarai, and had to meet his most serious opposition from the court at Cairo. Ill-advised by his wazir, al-Muntasir granted Aleppo as a fief to Muʿizz ad-Dawla, and Anushtakin was compelled to conduct him to the city to be invested. On the way Anushtakin, already ill and much mortified by the deliberate destruction of the work he had so efficiently executed, died (_A.H._ 433), and his successor Nasir ad-Dawla, whom we shall see afterwards as a sinister character in Egypt, placed Muʿizz ad-Dawla in possession of the city.

To survey briefly the subsequent history of Aleppo which now ceased to be of primary importance to Egyptian history: Muʿizz ad-Dawla was confirmed in his appointment by the Khalif in 436, and at the same time made good terms with the Greek Empress Theodora, and with the Saljuk Tughril Beg who was Sultan at the court of the ʿAbbasid Khalif. In 449 he exchanged Aleppo for Bairut, ʿAkka, and Jubail, being replaced by two Fatimid governors at Aleppo. In 452 Mahmud, his nephew, tried to seize the city and succeeded in occupying it for a short time, after which it was re-taken by Muʿizz ad-Dawla, who then held it until his death in 453. Before he expired he appointed his brother ʿAtiya as his successor, but Mahmud made war against his uncle and, helped by the Greeks, recovered Aleppo in 457. Soon after this, as Mahmud was convinced that the Fatimid rule in Syria was in its final decay, he made his submission to the Khalif of Baghdad and his Sultan Alp Arslan. This change was unpopular in Aleppo where the people were attached to the Shiʿite sect; there was no open resistance but clearly expressed discontent. The worshippers stripped the great mosque of its prayer mats, saying that these had been bought or given for Shiʿite services; let those who wished to pray in the Sunni fashion buy others for themselves.

The wazir al-Jarjarai died in 436, the year following the death of Anushtakin. His disappearance opened the way to an increase of faction fighting and court intrigue in Cairo. The next wazir was Ibn al-Anbari, who soon provoked the enmity of the Queen Mother. It seems that Abu Nasr, Saʿd ad-Dahir’s brother, was insulted by one of the wazir’s servants, and when Abu Nasr complained he only obtained a rough answer from the wazir. By the plots of Sʿad ad-Dahir and harim influence, Ibn al-Anbari was deposed and replaced by the renegade Jew, Abu Mansur Sadaqa, in whom the Queen expected to find a docile instrument. But Abu Saʿd continued his intrigues against Ibn al-Anbari, and finally secured his execution in 440. But this proved his undoing, for Sadaqa began to fear that the same fate might lie in store for him also, so he bribed the Turkish guard to assassinate Abu Saʿd, and Abu Nasr was put to death on the same day. In retaliation the Queen Mother procured the assassination of Sadaqa. The next wazir was a mere creature of the Queen and imported more negro troops in large numbers to counterbalance the Turkish guard, whilst the Khalif and his supporters brought in more Turks and had the wazir murdered. The next wazir held office only three months and then was deposed. For the six years following (436-442) the domestic politics of Egypt centered entirely in the struggle between the Turkish mercenaries and the negro troops.

Then in 442 there came forward once more a capable wazir in the humble fisherman’s son al-Yazuri, as his name denotes a native of the coast village of Yazur, near Jaffa, and he held office more or less firmly for a period of eight years.

There can be no doubt that he was a perfectly earnest reformer, so far as his knowledge extended, and that some of his experiments were rash and unsuccessful does not detract from his personal sincerity. One of his first measures was to sell the government stores of corn at the lowest current prices, thus bringing down the price of corn throughout the country and forcing the merchants to put their stock upon the market at prices which suited the people. Incidentally this involved a severe loss to the revenue, and, a more serious result, there was nothing available when soon afterwards a bad Nile produced general scarcity, so the country had again an experience of famine and then of plague. In these circumstances he appealed to the Greek Emperor, Constantine Monomachos, and arrangements were made for a supply of some two million bushels which eased the situation. For several seasons when the Niles were bad this assistance continued until Constantine died in 447. The next Greek ruler, the Empress Theodora, tried to drive a harder bargain and stipulated for a full alliance, defensive and offensive, as the price. To this the wazir was not willing to agree, for shortage in Egypt might not happen every year, whilst such an alliance would be permanent. As a result the supplies were stopped and minor hostilities took place in the neighbourhood of Antioch. The stoppage was not of great importance as next year there was an exceptionally good Nile and Egypt was filled with abundance. Taught by experience the wazir bought freely and laid up stores for next year’s possible requirements. At the same time he took active measures to prevent money-lenders seizing the standing crops or merchants buying the unreaped corn as it stood at a low figure, and so protected the thriftless people from the wrongs which had most preyed upon them in the past.

In his dealings with the Copts he was harsh. Again as in the anti-Christian legislation of Hakim we observe the great unpopularity of those who were hereditary tax-collectors and who were suspected, no doubt with excellent reason, of defrauding the revenue. The strict organization introduced under the first Fatimid Khalif had been allowed to grow slack, its continuance meant constant effort and unceasing supervision, and this sustained effort hardly lies within the oriental character. As wazir Yazuri himself amassed great wealth, far beyond what could possibly have come to him from the regular emoluments of his office: a certain amount of perquisites, of a kind which the western would be inclined to describe as bribery, is known and tolerated in oriental administration and Yazuri, a minister who must be regarded as a good and beneficent ruler in spite of this, was not the one to take a high ground of morality in such matters. He imprisoned the Patriarch Christodoulos whom he accused of persuading the Nubian king to withhold tribute, a charge which does not seem to have had any foundation; then laid heavy fines on the whole Coptic community, no less a sum than 70,000 dinars, and closed churches until none were left in use, and imprisoned the bishops, all it would appear in the attempt to make the Copts pay up the fine or, as Yazuri would no doubt have described it, to disgorge some part of their plunder filched from the public revenue. It does not seem that there was any sectarian motive or feeling in these measures, although they are sometimes made to figure as religious persecution.

In 450 Yazuri died, poisoned by order of the Queen Mother with the consent of the Khalif. The ostensible charge was that he had been detected in treasonable correspondence with the court of Baghdad, but the real reason seems to have been that his inordinate wealth, which could only have been attained by defrauding the public revenue on a gigantic scale, had awakened jealousy and suspicion.

It is interesting to turn aside for a moment to the Persian poet Nasir-i-Khusraw, who visited Cairo in the years just preceding the ministry of Yazuri and who left a most graphic account of the wealth and splendour of the Fatimid court and the prosperity of Cairo even at that period of comparative disorder. In the eyes of this traveller, familiar with the most prosperous and cultured cities of Persia and ʿIraq, the magnificence of Cairo and its court seemed astonishing, and exactly the same impression was made years afterwards, after the Fatimids had long passed the zenith of their glory, on the Crusaders from the west. Under Fatimid rule, apparently, Cairo surpassed all the cities of the then known world in its luxury, magnificence, and wealth. As we have already noted ostentatious display was the besetting fault of the whole Fatimid dynasty, but this, it must be remembered, is usually popular in oriental circles. Nasir-i-Khusraw was a devout Ismaʿilian and regarded Cairo as the metropolis of his religion and the Khalif as the true Imam, religious beliefs which he expresses freely in his works. He was a secretary under the government in Khurasan until he experienced a conversion to the religious life and, resigning his office, became first a pilgrim and then a _daʿi_ of the Ismaʿilian sect. In his best known work the _Safarnama_ he describes how, after he had turned to religion, he set out for Mecca in 437, and relates the experiences of his journey. He reached Mecca in 439 and returned thence to Damascus, then went to Jerusalem, and then by land to Cairo where he remained two or three years, and during his stay was initiated into the higher grades of the Ismaʿilian fraternity. As his work was intended for general reading he is cautious in referring to the more intimate matters of religion, but makes it quite clear that he believes in the allegorical interpretation of the Qurʾan, that he accepts the Fatimid Khalif as the true Imam, and adheres whole-heartedly to the doctrines of the Fatimite sect. He gives a most glowing description, not only of the splendours; of the Cairene court, but of the extraordinary wealth and prosperity of the bazars and their merchants, and this at a time (circ. 440) which we generally regard as one of the less fortunate periods of Fatimid rule. It is particularly interesting to note his observations on the Egyptian army at the time when its factions were at the bottom of all the domestic troubles of Cairo. He estimates the whole army as about 215,000 men. Of the cavalry 35,000 came from North Africa, Berbers and Arabs, 50,000 were Arabs from the Hijaz, and 30,000 were of mixed composition. Of the infantry, where the racial elements are more significant, 20,000 were black troops raised in North Africa, 30,000 were Ethiopians by which we must understand Nubians, Sudanis, etc., 10,000 were Syrians, Turks and Kurds, 30,000 were slaves presumably from central Africa for the most part, and 10,000 are described as the “palace guard,” which seems to have been a kind of foreign legion of adventurers from various parts of Africa, Asia, and Europe. We shall have to return again to Nasir-i-Khusraw, for after leaving Cairo he became a _daʿi_ of the Ismaʿilians in western Asia, and indirectly played an important part in the formation of the off-shoot of the Ismaʿilians, which afterwards became notorious as the “Assassins.”

Yazuri’s wazirate saw a great limitation of Fatimid control over North Africa, where in 443 Ifrikiya definitely repudiated the Shiʿite doctrines. At that time the ruler of Ifrikiya settled now at the town of Mahadiya which had replaced Kairawan, was Muʿizz al-Himyari as-Sanhaji, the hereditary chieftain of one of the more prominent Berber tribes, and more or less hereditary governor of Ifrikiya. Hakim had conferred on him robes of state with the title _Sharaf ad-Dawla_ (“nobleness of the empire”) in 407. Up to this time the Hanifite system of canon law had prevailed through North Africa, for the Shiʿite attempt to introduce the system ascribed to Jaʿfar as-Sadiq seems to have been a failure, but Muʿizz introduced the Malikite jurisprudence throughout his governorate; this, it will be remembered, was the system banned by the Khalif az-Zahir in Egypt, and by thus acting Moʿizz showed very plainly his entire disregard of the Fatimid who claimed to be his suzerain. Now, in 433, Muʿizz formally repudiated Fatimid authority, omitting the name of Mustansir from the _khutba_, and replacing it with the name of the ʿAbbasid Khalif of Baghdad. At this Mustansir wrote: “Thou hast not trod in the steps of thy forefathers, showing us obedience and fidelity?”—but Muʿizz replied: “My father and forefathers were kings in Maghrab before thy predecessors obtained possession of that country. Our family rendered them services not to be rewarded by any rank which thou canst give. When people attempted to degrade them, they exalted themselves by means of their swords.” Thus the Fatimids lost what had been the earliest part of their dominions in Africa, although the loss was not without its benefit, for Ifrikiya had always been a course of trouble and of little real profit.

The defection of Ifrikiya was not followed in all parts of North Africa. There were still devoted Shiʿites in those parts, and they revolted from Moʿizz when the Fatimid sent the Arab tribe of Hilal to win back the country. The Arabs succeeded in recovering Barqa and Tripoli, but were unable to advance further west. At the same time various independent states, for the most part professing to be Shiʿite, arose in Maghrab.

In 448 the Turk, Tughril Beg, was recognised in Baghdad as the Sultan and lieutenant of the Khalif. The Saljuq Turks were strictly orthodox, and indeed at this time recognised themselves as the champions of orthodoxy. When, two years later, the general of the troops in Baghdad, a Turk named Arslan al-Basasiri, revolted against the Khalif al-Kaʾim and expelled him from Baghdad, he put the seal on his revolt by causing the _khutba_ to be said throughout Mesopotamia in the name of the Fatimid al-Mustansir, and sent him his protestation of allegiance. The expelled ʿAbbasir Khalif took refuge with the Emir of the Arabs and stayed with him one year, and then the Saljuq Tughril Beg came to his relief, and having attacked and slain al-Basasiri, reinstated the ʿAbbasid in Baghdad. The Khalif made his entry into the city exactly one year after his expulsion, so that Fatimid al-Mustansir had just one year’s nominal recognition in Mesopotamia, but this cannot be seriously regarded as an extension of the Fatimid dominion.

The proclamation of the Fatimid Khalifate in Baghdad and the exile of the ʿAbbasid Khalif from his capital raised unduly high expectations in Egypt. The more so as the official robe and jewelled turban of the Baghdad Khalif, as well as the iron lectern, were carried off to Cairo, and remained there until the fall of the Fatimids. Al-Mustansir was confident that these symbols would be soon followed by the ʿAbbasid in person, and laid out a large sum, stated to be no less than two million dinars, in preparing the second palace which stood facing his own dwelling across the great square in Kahira for the occupation, as he hoped, of his illustrious captive.

In fact, however, the Fatimid Khalifate had already passed its happiest hours and was rapidly approaching its decline. The Arabs still held Tripoli and Barqa as subjects of Egypt, but this was the western limit of Fatimid rule and the death of Anushtakin had practically ended its authority in Syria.

Just about this time, however, there was a temporary restoration of Fatimid authority in the Hijaz, and this not due to a rebel like al-Basasiri, but to the work of a devout and earnest Shiʿite. Abu l-Hasan ʿAli b. Muhammad b. ʿAli as-Sulaihi was the son of a Qadi of Yemen, a strict and orthodox Sunni. The son, however, came under the influence of an Ismaʿilian missionary named ʿAmir b. ʿAbdullah az-Zawwahi who, concealing his Shiʿite opinions, was received into great favour by the Qadi, but in private intercourse with the son taught him the Fatimid system of canon law and the _tawil_ or allegorical interpretation of the Qurʾan. For fifteen years as-Sulaihi acted as guide to the Meccan pilgrims along the road between as-Sarat and Taif, then in 429 he broke out in revolt against the established government and, at the head of sixty followers, whom he bound by oath, seized upon Mount Mashar. Secretly he supported the Khalifate of Mustansir, but this he concealed for fear of Najah, the Chieftain of the Tihama. In 452 he presented Najah with a beautiful female slave who, acting under his directions, poisoned Najah and then released from all need of concealment openly proclaimed the Fatimid Imamate. Three years later we find him the master of all Yemen, having his headquarters at Sanaʿa, and for nearly twenty years the _khutba_ in the cities of Yemen, and for part of that time also in the holy cities of the Hijaz made mention of the name of the Khalif al-Mustansir.

After the death of Najah he offered to give the chieftainship of the Tihama to anyone who would pay him 100,000 dinars of gold. The sum was at once paid by his wife on behalf of her brother Asaad b. Shihab. “Where didst thou get this, mistress?” asked as-Sulaih. “From God,” she replied, “God is bounteous without measure to whom he will (Qur. ii. 208).” Perceiving that the money came from his own treasury as-Sulaihi smiled and took it saying, “Here is our money returned to us” (Qur. xii. 65).

In 473 he made the pilgrimage to Mecca, taking with him his wife and all the princes whom he thought at all likely to revolt during his absence. Having appointed his son al-Malik al-Mukarram as his deputy at home he set out with 2,000 horsemen and encamped outside al-Mahjam. Whilst there he was sought out and found by Saʿid, the son of the poisoned Najah, who had been roving about the country but had managed to evade the soldiers of as-Sulaihi. At the very moment when Saʿid entered as-Sulaihi’s tent 5,000 horsemen were out in search of him. Entering his enemy’s tent Saʿid at once cut off his head and then, escaping, went out and joined himself to the horsemen who were searching for him; he announced to them as-Sulaihi’s death, declared who he was himself, claiming to be one of their own race and simply acting to avenge his father’s death. At once the horsemen placed themselves under his command, and returning to the camp fell upon as-Sulaihi’s guards and defeated them. As-Sulaihi’s head was placed on the top of his own state umbrella and carried round to the chanting of the verse, “O God, possessor of all power, thou givest power to whom thou wilt, and from whom thou wilt thou takest it away. Thou raisest up whom thou wilt, and whom thou wilt thou dost abase. In thy hand is good; for thou art over all things potent” (Qur. iii. 25). Thus as-Sulaihi’s kingdom came to an end and with it ceased the recognition of the Fatimid Khalif in Arabia (Ibn Khall. 512, etc.).

Thus, from time to time, Muntasir received temporary recognition in various unexpected quarters and seemed to bulk more prominently than any of the preceding Fatimid Khalifs in the history of Islam, but meanwhile his kingdom was on the decline and in Egypt was in evil condition, indeed the period 450 to 466 shows the nadir of their authority in Egypt itself.

The death of Yazuri in 450 was a very serious loss as it once more liberated the factions and forces of disorder, the evil influence being the Turkish general Nasir ad-Dawla, the same who had succeeded Anushtakin in Syria. After the murder of Yazuri there were forty different wazirs in the space of nine years, many of these being put to death at the end of their term of office, although about this time the more humane practice came into force of appointing the deposed minister to some minor post, very often some provincial government, from which it was quite possible for him to rise to the wazirate again. None of these was a man of any great weight or marked personality, so that the Khalif fell entirely into the hands of mere court flatterers, altogether obscure and incompetent persons, and himself developed a childish and petulant attitude. He was especially annoyed at the frequent interference of the Queen Mother in the affairs of the state, but had not the strength or courage to check her.

The faction fights between the Turkish mercenaries and the negro troops became more constant and violent under this weak and incompetent rule. At length in 454 the Turks, led by Nasir ad-Dawla the Commander-in-Chief, drove the negro regiments out of Cairo and chased them to Upper Egypt where they were kept, although for some years they made regular attempts to recover their footing in Lower Egypt. The victorious Turks dominated Cairo, held the successive wazirs in subjection, treated the Khalif with contempt, and used their power to deplete the treasury by increasing their pay to nearly twenty times its former figure. At last Nasir ad-Dawla’s tyranny made him offensive even to his own officers, and gave the Khalif the opportunity of getting rid of him in 462. Though deposed in Cairo he was able to hold his own in Alexandria where he had the support of the B. Qorra Arabs and the Lawata Berbers. Thus the Arab and Berber tribes under Nasir, helped by some of the Turkish mercenaries, were in command of Alexandria and a considerable portion of Lower Egypt, whilst the expelled negro troops were in possession of Upper Egypt, the Khalif’s authority being limited to Cairo and its immediate vicinity. Added to this was the fact that beginning with 458 there had been a series of bad Niles followed by a famine of seven years duration (459-465), whose later period was aggravated by Cairo being practically isolated by the rebel forces to the north and to the south, the Berbers in Lower Egypt deliberately aggravating the distress by ravaging the country, destroying the embankments and canals, and seeking every way to reduce the capital and the neighbouring districts by sheer starvation. In the city a house could be bought for 20 pounds of flour, an egg was sold for a dinar, a cake of bread for fifteen dinars, and even horses, mules, cats, and dogs were sold at high prices for food. In the Khalif’s own stable where there had been 10,000 animals there were now only three thin horses, and his escort fainted from hunger as it accompanied him through the streets. Many great princes and ex-officials of the court gladly filled menial offices in the few houses where food was still found, and sought employment as grooms, sweepers, and attendants in the baths. Of all the Fatimids Mustansir had at one time enjoyed the largest revenues and in 442 he had inherited the almost incredible wealth of two aged ladies descended from his ancestor Moʿizz. But most of this had long since been plundered by the Turkish guard, and now he also was reduced to dire poverty. The Queen Mother and other ladies of the Khalif’s family made good their escape and took refuge in Baghdad. At length the people of Cairo were reduced to feeding on human flesh, which was even sold publicly in the markets. Wayfarers were waylaid in the lonelier streets, or caught by hooks let down from the windows, and devoured. As an inevitable result of this protracted famine plague broke out, whole districts were absolutely denuded of population, and house after house lay empty.

Meanwhile the Turkish mercenaries had drained the treasury, the works of art and valuables of all sorts in the palace were sold to satisfy their demands; often they themselves were the purchasers at merely nominal prices and sold the articles again at a profit. Emeralds valued at 300,000 dinars were bought by one Turkish general for 500 dinars, and in one fortnight of the year 460 articles to the value of 30,000,000 dinars were sold off to provide pay for the Turks. But this selling of the valuable collections accumulated in the palace was as nothing compared to the damage done wantonly by sheer mischief or unintentionally by carelessness. The precious library which had been rendered available to the public and was one of the objects for which many visited Cairo was scattered, the books were torn up, thrown away, or used to light fires.

At length, after the Queen and her daughters had left Cairo, the Turks began fighting amongst themselves. Nasir ad-Dawla attacked the city which was defended by the rival faction of the Turkish guard and, after burning part of Fustat and defeating the defenders, entered as a conqueror. When he reached the palace he found the Khalif lodged in rooms which had been stripped bare, waited on by only three slaves, and subsisting on two loaves which were sent him daily by the charitable daughters of Ibn Babshad the grammarian.

After this victory over the unhappy city Nasir ad-Dawla became so over-bearing and tyrannical in his conduct that he provoked even his own followers, and so at length he was assassinated in 466. But this only left the city in a worse condition than ever, for it was now at the mercy of the various Turkish factions which behaved no better than troops of brigands.

At this desperate juncture al-Mustansir was roused to action and wrote to the Armenian Badr al-Jamali, who had once been purchased as a slave by Ibn ʿAmmar and was now acting as governor of Tyre, begging him to come to the rescue. Badr replied that he would do so if he were allowed to bring his own army with him and were given a free hand. This was granted, and soon Badr was on his way. With courage quickened by the approach of rescue the Khalif ventured to arrest Ildeguz, the Turkish governor of Cairo, and thus put some check on the military tyranny. At his arrival Badr was well received by the Turkish mercenaries who had no idea that he had been invited by the Khalif. His first act was to invite the Turkish leaders to a conference: each of his own chief officers was told off to deal with one of these leaders and, at a given signal, each slaughtered the man who had been designated. Badr then set himself to restore order in Cairo, and this he did efficiently but with the severity rendered necessary by the desperate condition of the city, and thus re-established the Khalif as master. The grateful prince could not do too much to show his appreciation of these services, and Badr was created wazir of the sword and of the pen, _i.e._, chief minister of affairs military and civil, Chief Qadi and Chief _Daʿi_. After reducing Cairo to complete order he proceeded with his troops through Lower Egypt, putting down brigandage and disorder until he reached Alexandria where he had some resistance to overcome, but in due course that also was reduced. The settlement of Cairo and Lower Egypt occupied the greater part of 467: then in 468 he proceeded to Upper Egypt and succeeded in disbanding the black troops which held out there, and reduced those parts also to good order. Thus, once more, Egypt was under an efficient and firm government. It is true that his efforts were greatly assisted by the fact that the year 466 saw an exceptionally good Nile, so that prosperity and abundance once more reigned through the land. It is interesting to note that the Khalif set himself to the formation of a new library at Cairo as one of his first tasks; it helps us to realize that the Shiʿites were then as always the friends of learning.

Meanwhile difficult problems had arisen in Syria. The Saljuq Turks, who were now dominant in Baghdad, were fanatically orthodox and set themselves deliberately to root out the Fatimids from Islam. In 461, during the period of disorder in Egypt, they had gained possession of Jerusalem, and in 466 they took Damascus which never again acknowledged a Fatimid ruler. The Saljuq general Atsiz then planned an expedition against Egypt itself, and as this threat came just at the moment when Badr was setting himself to the task of restoring order in Egypt he was not in a position to attempt an expedition against the Saljuk Turks. Ships were made ready to remove the court to Alexandria, and messengers were sent out to attempt to bribe the Turkish general to retire. In fact Atsiz was not well supported and felt himself not in a position to press forward, so that this danger was averted. As soon as Badr had reduced Lower Egypt he sent an expedition to recover Palestine and Syria, and his army was able to gain possession of Jerusalem, where Atsiz had been governor since 468. Hard pressed by the Egyptians Atsiz appealed for help to the Saljuq general Tutush who had entered Syria with large reinforcements, and at length evacuated from Jerusalem and marched out to join with him. He met Tutush at Damascus, but the Saljuq Commander-in-Chief severely rebuked Atsiz for quitting Jerusalem and arrested and executed him (A.H. 471), and then himself took possession of the whole of Syria. In 478 Tutush, now ʿAbbasid viceroy in Syria took Aleppo, but soon after this he found himself opposed by his nephew Barkyaruk, with whom he was compelled to wage war for some time until he was slain in battle by his nephew’s forces in 488. Taking advantage of this civil war Badr made another attempt upon Damascus, but this was unsuccessful, although the Egyptians recovered Tyre and Akka. Shortly after this success, in 487, Badr died and was succeeded as wazir by his son Abu l-Kasim Shahanshah, commonly known as al-Afdal; and the wazir’s death was soon followed by that of the Khalif Mustansir.

The rule of Badr was especially associated with a great development of building, and especially with the construction of new walls and gates round Cairo. In this work Badr employed Syrian architects who introduced Byzantine styles of architecture and of fortification, and made a greater use of stone in place of the brick which predominated in the older constructions. The existing gates known respectively as the Bab an-Nasr, the Bab al-Futuh, and the Bab az-Zuwayla, are specimens of Badr’s work, and show an almost purely Byzantine style in marked contrast to the native Egyptian work, and so the outpost tower called by the unintelligible name of the Burg adh-Dhiffir. All these formed part of the south boundary of the ancient Kahira, but are now included within the area of the modern city. To the same period belongs the restoration of the Nilometer in the island of Roda (A.H. 485).

In 483 Badr made a new assessment and return of taxation for Egypt and Syria. Under his rule the annual revenue had risen from 2,000,000 dinars to 3,100,000, and peace and prosperity reigned in all the land of Egypt, though war prevailed in Syria, the mark of the first waves of Saljuq invasion.

Before closing the narrative of the reign of Mustansir we must take note of a visit to Egypt paid by a Persian missionary in 471, closely connected with the visit of Nasir-i-Khusraw some years before, and important in its bearing upon events which followed soon after Mustansir’s death.