Chapter XI: Section 8: , Article I., says: "Congress shall have power to establish a (1)

uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States."

But let us notice the matter of foreign emigration to this country. In that fragment of a nation, composed of three and a quarter millions, which accomplished the American Revolution, there were in the United Colonies, in the year 1775, just 20,000 more foreigners than now come into this country in six months!

The progress of emigration into this country, as shown from the State Department at Washington, is after this fashion:

In the year 1852, 375,000 In the year 1853, 368,000 In the year 1854, the returns of the first six months warrant the estimate for the entire year of 500,000 --------- The aggregate, for the first four and a half years of this decennial term, is 1,801,000

There is no reason for believing that the vast immigration of this year will diminish. In fact, there is no limit to its rate of progress but the means of conveyance. Now, then, we have upon this basis an aggregate for the six years and a half intervening between this period and 1860, of 3,250,000 --------- Making for the current ten years, the astounding aggregate of 5,051,000

Let Americans charge continually that the righteous ground upon which it plants itself is, THAT AMERICANS SHALL RULE AMERICA. Let them point the voters of the country to solid facts, from which there is no escape. Tell them that the emigration to this country, according to the Census records at Washington, was:

From 1790 to 1810 120,000
" 1810 to 1820 114,000
" 1820 to 1830 203,979
" 1830 to 1840 778,500
" 1840 to 1850 1,542,850

--and that statistics show that during the present decade, from 1850 to 1860, in regularly increasing ratio, nearly four millions of aliens will probably be poured in upon us.

Point to the fact, that from this immigration spring nearly four-fifths of the beggary, two-thirds of the pauperism, and more than three-fifths of the crime of our country; that more than half the public charities, more than half the prisons and alms-houses, more than half the police and the cost of administering criminal justice, are for foreigners,--and let the demand be made, that national and State legislation shall interfere, to direct, ameliorate, and control these elements, so far as it may be done within the limits of the Constitution.

Let Americans everywhere, and at all times, charge home and force upon the attention of the people the alarming fact that if immigration continues at the above rates, in thirty years from this time the population of this country will exceed that of France, England, Spain, Portugal, Sweden, and Switzerland, all combined; that in fifteen years the foreign will outnumber the native population; that in 1854 the number of foreign immigrants was 500,000, of which 307,639 arrived at the port of New York; that the white population of North Carolina is only a little over 500,000--so that enough come to settle a State as populous as North Carolina in a year. Set forth the statistical facts, as shown by the last Census, that the immigration of 1854 was more than equal to the white population of either one of eighteen States of this Union; and in proof, point them to the following startling facts:

A. Table comparing the white population of the States therein enumerated, with the foreign immigration of 1854, and showing the excess of foreign immigrants for this year above the respective population of the several States.

White population. Excess of States. immigrants. Arkansas 162,189 337,811 Alabama 426,514 73,486 California 91,635 418,365 South Carolina 274,563 226,437 Connecticut 363,099 136,901 Delaware 71,169 328,831 Florida 47,203 452,717 Iowa 191,881 308,119 Louisiana 225,491 374,509 Maryland 417,943 82,057 Michigan 395,071 104,929 Mississippi 295,718 204,282 New Hampshire 317,456 182,514 New Jersey 465,509 34,491 Rhode Island 143,875 356,125 Texas 154,034 345,946 Vermont 213,402 186,598 Wisconsin 304,756 195,244

Analyze this table, and show from it that the foreign immigration of 1854 was sufficient to have settled three States equal to Arkansas, three equal to Iowa, three equal to Texas, two to Louisiana, four to Rhode Island, five to California, seven to Delaware, or ten to Florida; so that under the principle of the Kansas and Nebraska act, while immigrants continue pouring in upon us at the present rate, we may have within one year ten new States applying for admission into the Union, entitled to their twenty Senators in the United States Senate; and yet this would be but the Senatorial representation of 500,000 foreigners.

Let the light of truth be heard upon the great question of immigration, and let the people see that if the ratio of immigration continues as it has been since 1850, during the ten years from 1850 to 1860 there will have come four millions of foreigners into this country--enough to settle eighty States equal to Florida, thirty-two equal to Rhode Island, sixteen equal to Louisiana, or eight equal to Maryland, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Michigan, Mississippi, Vermont, Alabama, New Hampshire, or New Jersey. So the Senatorial representation of foreigners may reach one hundred and sixty members in the United States Senate, and cannot be less than twenty in a body composed of but sixty-two members representing thirty-one States.

UNITED STATES COAST SURVEY--FOREIGNISM AND NATIVEISM.

The reader will find below a list of the names of the employees in the Coast Survey, classified according to birth, and their respective salaries:

Natives. Salary. | Foreigners. Salary. | E. Nutty $1,200 | J. E. Hilgard $2,200 J. T. Hoover 600 | S. E. Werner 1,419 J. H. Toomer 519 | C. A. Schott 1,500 J. E. Blackenship 500 | J. Main 1,100 R. Freeman 350 | G. Rumpf 1,000 H. Mitchell 1,000 | J. Weisner 900 H. Heaton 700 | L. F. Pourtales 1,500 R. S. Avery 660 | S. Hein 2,500 J. Kincheloe 339 | J. Welch 1,565 G. C. Blanchard 339 | A. Brschke 1,408 R. E. Evans 339 | ---- Balback 639 R. L. Hawkins 1,200 | ---- Lendenkehl 782 W. McPherson 700 | W. P. Schultz 704 W. M. C. Fairfax 1,800 | G. McCoy 2,000 M. J. McClery 1,600 | A. Rolle 1,700 ---- Poterfield 1,000 | G. B. Metzenroth 1,095 L. Williams 860 | J. C. Koudnip 939 John Key 782 | J. Rutherdall 526 ---- Martin 751 | J. Barrett 375 B. Hooe 419 | J. Vierbunchen 1,095 F. Fairfax 500 | P. Vierbunchen 281 H. McCormick 156 | T. Hunt 704 E. Wharton 1,100 | J. Missenson 626 J. Knight 1,700 | R. Schelpass 469 F. Dankworth 1,700 | C. Ramkin 313 J. V. N. Throop 1,252 | F. White 960 R. Knight 939 | D. Flyn 600 C. A. Knight 626 | T. Kinney 525 G. Mathiot 1,800 | C. Kraft 420 S. Harris 519 | B. Neff 526 S. D. O'Brien 1,059 | A. Maedell 1,095 A. Geatman 704 | ------- H. Tine 626 | $31,867 C. B. Snow 1,000 | J. Smith 593 | G. Hitz 313 | J. Cronion 519 | A. W. Russell 1,300 | ---- Tansill 660 | V. E. King 720 | F. Holden 500 | J. Mitchell 331 | W. Bright 216 | ------- | $24,429 |

The whole number of natives, 43; number of foreigners, 31. Amount paid natives, $24,429; amount paid foreigners, $31,867. The average salary of the natives is $568 12 per year; of the foreigners, $1,029 98 per year--nearly double that of the natives. Is not this _favoritism_ to the foreigner, and _discrimination_ against the native? The disbursing officer, S. Hein, receives $2,500.

The result of the last Presidential election was controlled by _foreign votes_, beyond all question. Look at the figures--see how they foot up--and see that the country is controlled by foreigners:

Electoral
Foreign Foreign Pierce's vote for
States. population. vote. majority. Pierce.

New York, 655,224 93,317 27,201 35 Pennsylvania, 303,105 43,300 19,446 27 Maryland, 51,011 7,287 4,945 8 Louisiana, 67,308 9,615 1,392 6 Missouri, 76,570 10,938 7,698 9 Illinois, 111,860 15,980 15,653 11 Ohio, 218,099 31,157 16,694 23 Wisconsin, 110,471 15,781 11,418 5 Iowa, 20,968 2,995 1,180 4 Rhode Island, 23,832 3,404 1,109 4 Connecticut, 38,374 5,482 2,870 6 Delaware, 5,243 749 25 3 New Jersey, 59,804 8,543 5,749 7 California, 21,628 10,000 5,694 4 -------- ------- ------- ---- 258,548 120,094 152

RECAPITULATION.

Pierce's vote, 1,602,663
Scott's vote, 1,385,990
---------
216,673
Foreign vote, 367,320
Pierce's majority, 216,673
---------
150,647

The foreign vote exceeded Pierce's majority over Scott, 150,647 votes.

It is thus demonstrated that in each of these fourteen States the foreign vote was larger than the majority given for General Pierce; and it is also demonstrated that the aggregate foreign vote of these fourteen States is more than twice the whole number of General Pierce's majorities in said States. If even one-half of the foreign vote had been given to General Scott, he would have been elected instead of General Pierce!

The following New York City statistics set forth the amount of _crime_ committed in that city for six months ending in June, 1855:

"It appears that the number of arrests made during that time
were 25,110. Of these, no less than 9,755 were for intoxication
and disorderly conduct combined; and 7,025 for crimes that had
their origin in the dram-shops, to wit:

"Assault and battery, disorderly conduct, vagrancy, &c. The
greatest number of arrests were in June, showing that during
the hot weather, as is generally the case, more liquor was
drank. The birth-place of the criminals, for two months, was as
follows:

United States, 1,750
Ireland, 5,117
Germany, 1,010
All other places, 4,847

"It needs no argument to prove if there had been no
intoxicating liquor sold in that city, a large portion of the
crimes and the misery resulting therefrom would have been
prevented."

MORE INSTRUCTIVE STATISTICS.--The Jersey City Sentinel of the 22d ult. publishes statistics of crime and pauperism in Jersey City and Hudson County, as follows:

"Number of inhabitants in Jersey City, 21,000, viz.: natives,
13,000; Irish, 5,000; other foreigners, 4,000. Number of
persons who have been confined in the city prison, 4,100, viz.:
natives, 75; Irish, 3,550; other foreigners, 475. Number of
persons confined in the county jail at present, 68, viz.:
natives, 2; Irish, 58: other foreigners, 8. Of 188 persons who
have been inmates of the Almshouse, none have been natives, and
no foreigners except Irish. Of 723 who received aid from the
Poor-master, 2 were natives, and 721 were Irish."

We will now submit, as authorities, some names which ought to have weight with the American people, and which demonstrate, beyond all contradiction, that we have had "Know Nothings" in our country in former days, if they were not called by that name! Here are the words and sentiments of these "dark-lantern patriots:"

"Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, (I conjure
you to believe me, fellow-citizens,) the jealousy of a free
people ought to be constantly awake. It is one of the most
baneful foes of a Republican government."--WASHINGTON.

"I hope we may find some hope in future of shielding ourselves
from foreign influence, in whatever form it may be attempted. I
wish there were an ocean of fire between this and the old
world."--JEFFERSON.

"Foreign influence is a Grecian horse to the republic: we
cannot be too careful to exclude its entrance."--MADISON.

"There is an imperative necessity for reforming the
Naturalization Laws of the United States."--DANIEL WEBSTER.

"It is high time we should become a little more Americanized,
and instead of feeding the paupers and laborers of England,
feed our own; or else, in a short time, by our present policy,
we shall become paupers ourselves."--ANDREW JACKSON.

"I agree with the father of his country, that we should guard
with a jealousy becoming a free people, our institutions,
against the insidious wiles of foreign influence."--HENRY CLAY.

"Our naturalization laws are unquestionably defective, or our
alms-houses would not now be filled with paupers. Of the
134,000 paupers in the United States, 68,000 are foreigners,
and 66,000 natives. The annals of crime have swelled as the
jails of Europe have poured their contents into the country,
and the felon convict, reeking from a murder in Europe, or who
has had the fortune to escape punishment for any other crime
abroad, easily gains naturalization here, by spending a part of
five years within the limits of the United States. Our country
has become a Botany Bay, into which Europe annually discharges
her criminals of every description."--JOHN M. CLAYTON, United
States Senator.

Forty years ago, this subject came up in the Congress of the United States, and that far-seeing statesman and patriot, JOHN RANDOLPH, of Virginia, made a speech, from which we take the following extract:

"How long the country would endure this foreign yoke in its
most odious and disgusting form he could not tell, but this he
would say, that if we were to be dictated to and ruled by
foreigners, he would much rather be ruled by a British
Parliament than by British subjects here. Should he be told
that those men fought in the war of the Revolution, he would
answer, that those who did so were not included by him in the
class he adverted to. That was a civil war, and they and we
were at its commencement alike British subjects. Native
Britons, therefore, then taking arms on our side, gave them the
same rights as those who were born in this country, and his
motion could be easily modified so as to provide for any that
might be of this description, but no such modification, he was
sure, would be found necessary, for this plain reason, to wit:

"Where were the soldiers of the Revolution who were not
natives? They were either already retired or else retiring to
that great reckoning where discounts were not allowed. If the
honorable gentleman (opposing the proposition) would point his
finger to any such kind of person now living, he would agree to
his being made an exception to the amendment. It was time that
the American people should have a character of their own, and
where would they find it? In New England and in Virginia only,
because they were a homogeneous race--a peculiar people. They
never yet appointed foreigners to sit in that house (of
Congress) for them, or to fill their high offices. In both
States this was their policy: it was not found in, nor was it
owing to their paper constitutions, but what was better, it was
interwoven in the frame of their thoughts and sentiments, in
their steady habits, in their principles from the cradle--a
much more solid security than could be found in any abracadabra
which constitution-mongers could scrawl upon paper.

"It might be indiscreet in him to say it, for, to say the
truth, he had as little of that rascally virtue, prudence, he
apprehended, as any man, and could as little conceal what he
felt as affect what he did not feel. He knew it was not the way
for him to conciliate the manufacturing body, yet he would say
that he wished with all his heart that his bootmaker, his
hatter, and other manufacturers, would rather stay in Great
Britain, under their own laws, than come here to make laws for
us, and leave us to import our covering. We must have our
clothing home-made, (said he,) but I would much rather have my
workmen home-made, and import my clothing. Was it best to have
our own unpolluted republic peopled with its own pure _native_
republicans, or erect another Sheffield, another Manchester,
and another Birmingham, upon the banks of the Schuylkill, the
Delaware, and the Brandywine, or have a host of Luddites
amongst us--wretches from whom every vestige of the human
creation seemed to be effaced? Would they wish to have their
elections on that floor decided by a rabble? What was the ruin
of old Rome? Why, their opening their gates and letting in the
rabble of the whole world to be their legislators!"

"If (said he) you wish to preserve among your fellow-citizens
that exalted sense of freedom which gave birth to the
Revolution--if you wish to keep alive among them the spirit of
'76, you must endeavor to stop this flood of immigration! You
must teach the people of Europe that if they do come here, all
they must hope to receive is protection--but that they must
have no share in the government. From such men a temporary
party may receive precarious aid, but the country cannot be
safe nor the people happy where they are introduced into
government, or meddle with public concerns in any great
degree."

* * * * *

"This (said Mr. Randolph) is a favorable time to make a stand
against this evil (immigration,) and if not _this_ session, he
hoped that in the _next_ there would be a revisal of the
naturalization laws."

A few short epistles from the pen of Gen. WASHINGTON, and we will close this chapter. These we take from the "Papers of Washington by Sparks." George Washington, justly styled the "father of his country," was a great and good man--a primitive Know Nothing--a praying Protestant--and withal, the man who was "first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen." Here are the honest sentiments of this man:

TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.

"MORRISTOWN, May 17, 1777.

"DEAR SIR:--I take the liberty to ask you what Congress expects
I am to do with the many foreigners they have at different
times promoted to the rank of field-officers, and, by the last
resolve, two to that of colonels.... These men have no
attachment nor ties to the country, further than interest binds
them. Our officers think it exceedingly hard, after they have
toiled in this service and have sustained many losses, to have
strangers put over them, whose merit, perhaps, is not equal to
their own, but whose effrontery will take no denial.... It is
by the zeal and activity of our own people that the cause must
be supported, and not by a few hungry adventurers....

"I am, &c.,

"G. WASHINGTON."

[Vol. IV., p. 423.]

* * * * *

TO THE SAME.

"MIDDLEBROOK, June 1, 1777.

"You will, before this can reach you, have seen Monsieur
Ducoudray. What his real expectations are, I do not know; but I
fear, if his appointment is equal to what I have been told is
his expectation, it will be attended with unhappy consequences.
_To say nothing of the policy of intrusting a department, on
the execution of which the salvation of the army depends, to a
foreigner who has no other tie to bind him to the interests of
this country than honor_, I would beg leave to observe that by
putting Mr. D. at the head of the artillery, you will lose a
very valuable officer in General Knox, who is a man of great
military reading, sound judgment, and clear conceptions, who
will resign if any one is put over him.... I am, &c.,

"G. WASHINGTON."

[Vol. IV., p. 446.]

* * * * *

TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS, ESQ.

"WHITE PLAINS, July 24, 1778.

"DEAR SIR:--The design of this is to touch cursorily upon a
subject of very great importance to the well-being of these
States: much more so than will appear at first view. I mean
_the appointment of so many foreigners to offices of high rank
and trust in our service_.

"The lavish manner in which rank has hitherto been bestowed on
these gentlemen, will certainly be productive of one or the
other of these two evils--_either to make us despicable in the
eyes of Europe, or become a means of pouring them in upon us
like a torrent, and adding to our present burden_.

"But it is neither the expense nor trouble of them that I
dread: there is an evil more extensive in its nature and fatal
in its consequences to be apprehended, and that is the driving
of all our own officers out of the service, and throwing not
only our army but our military councils entirely into the hands
of foreigners.

"The officers, my dear sir, on whom you must depend for the
defence of this cause, distinguished by length of service,
their connections, property, and military merit, will not
submit much, if any longer, to the unnatural promotion of men
over them who have nothing more than a little plausibility,
unbounded pride and ambition, and a perseverance in application
not to be resisted but by uncommon firmness, to support their
pretensions: men who, in the first instance, tell you they wish
for nothing more than the honor of serving in so glorious a
cause as volunteers, the next day solicit rank without pay, the
day following want money advanced to them, and in the course of
a week want further promotion, and are not satisfied with any
thing you can do for them. The expediency and the policy of the
measure remain to be considered, and whether it is consistent
with justice or prudence to promote these military
fortune-hunters at the hazard of your army.

"Baron Steuben, I now find, is also wanting to quit his
inspectorship for a command in the line. This will be
productive of much discontent to the brigadiers. In a word,
although I think the Baron an excellent officer, _I do most
devoutly wish that we had not a single foreigner among us,
except the Marquis de Lafayette_, who acts upon very different
principles from those which govern the rest. Adieu.

"I am most sincerely yours,

"G. WASHINGTON."

[Vol. VI., p. 13.]

* * * * *

TO JOHN ADAMS, VICE-PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

"PHILADELPHIA, Nov. 27, 1794.

"DEAR SIR:--... My opinion with respect to immigration is, that
except of useful mechanics and some particular description of
men or professions, there is no need of encouragement. I am,
&c.,

"G. WASHINGTON."

[Vol. XI., p. 1.]

* * * * *

TO J. Q. ADAMS, AMERICAN MINISTER AT BERLIN.

"MOUNT VERNON, Jan. 20, 1799.

"SIR:--... You know, my good sir, that it is not the policy of
this country to employ aliens where it can well be avoided,
either in the civil or military walks of life.... There is a
species of self-importance in all foreign officers that cannot
be gratified without doing injustice to meritorious characters
among our own countrymen, who conceive, and justly, where there
is no great preponderancy of experience or merit, that they are
entitled to the occupancy of all offices in the gift of their
government.

"I am, &c.,

"G. WASHINGTON."

[Vol. XI., p. 392.]

* * * * *

SAME DATE, TO A FOREIGNER APPLYING FOR OFFICE.

"DEAR SIR:--... It does not accord with the policy of this
government to bestow offices, civil or military, upon
foreigners, to the exclusion of our own citizens. Yours, &c.,

"G. WASHINGTON."

[Vol. XI., p. 392.]

* * * * *

INSTRUCTIONS OF THE SECRETARY OF WAR TO THE INSPECTOR-GENERAL.

"WAR DEPARTMENT, Feb. 4, 1799.

"... For the cavalry, for the regulations restrict the
recruiting officers to engage none _except natives_ for this
corps, and those only as from their known character and
fidelity may be trusted."

[From the Knoxville Whig for March, 1856.]

WHO IS MILLARD FILLMORE?

A Brief history of the American nominee for the Presidency is this: He was born in the year 1800, in Cayuga county, New York, and is now fifty-six years of age. His father was then, as he now is, a farmer, in moderate circumstances; and now lives in the county of Erie, a short distance from Buffalo. The limited means of the family prevented the old gentleman from giving his son Millard any other or better education than was obtained in the imperfect common schools of that age.

In his sixteenth year, Mr. Fillmore was placed with a merchant tailor near his home to learn that business. He remained four years in his apprenticeship, during which time he had access to a small library, improving the advantages it offered by perusing all the books therein contained. Judge Wood, of Cayuga county, pleased with his intellectual advancement, urged him to study the profession of the law; and as his poverty was the only obstacle in his way, Judge Wood advanced him the necessary means, relying upon his making a lawyer, and being able by the practice of the profession to refund the money again. With a portion of this money young Fillmore bought his unexpired time, which was for the winter, and he pursued his legal studies with energy and success, in the office of the noble Judge.

In 1822, he removed to Buffalo, where he was admitted to the bar. His object in removing to Buffalo was to complete his studies and to obtain a license. This accomplished, he removed to Aurora, not far from where his parents resided, and there commenced the practice of his profession. The confidence of his neighbors in his integrity and abilities was such that he found himself in the midst of a lucrative practice at once. In 1826, he was married to Miss Powers, the daughter of a clergyman in the village of Aurora, and this excellent woman lived to see him elected Vice-President of the United States.

In 1829, Mr. Fillmore was elected from the county in which he married and where his parents lived to the General Assembly of New York, and for three years continued a member of this body, distinguishing himself by his energy, tact, and wisdom in legislation. Through his energy and speeches, _Imprisonment for Debt_ was abolished, and this so increased his popularity throughout the State, that it was apparent that he could be elected to any office in the gift of the people of that State.

In 1829, he was admitted a counsellor in the Supreme Court of New York, and in 1832 he removed to Buffalo, where he settled permanently and enlarged his practice as an attorney. In 1832, he was elected a representative in the 23d Congress, in which he served with industry and credit to himself and his district. At the end of his term he renewed the practice of the law, of choice, but, in 1836, was prevailed on to again serve his district in Congress; and in the celebrated New Jersey contested elections, distinguished himself. He was chosen to the next Congress by the largest majority ever given to any man in the district; and as Chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means, acquired a reputation that any man might be proud of.

At the close of the 27th Congress, his friends were anxious for his continuance in public life, but he declined. And in his address to his constituents, dated at Washington, July 11th, 1842, he says:

"Pardon the personal vanity, though it be a weakness, that
induces me to recur for a moment to the cherished recollections
of your early friendship and abiding confidence. I cannot give
vent to the feelings of my heart without it. It is now nearly
fourteen years since you did me the unsolicited honor to
nominate me to represent you in the State Legislature. Seven
times have I received renewed evidence of your confidence by as
many elections, and, at the expiration of my present term, I
shall have served you three years in the State and eight years
in the National Councils. I cannot recall the thousand acts of
generous devotion from so many friends, without feeling the
deepest emotions of gratitude. I came among you a poor and
friendless boy. You kindly took me by the hand and gave me your
confidence and support. You have conferred upon me distinction
and honors, for which I could make no adequate return, but by
honest and untiring effort faithfully to discharge the high
trust which you confided to my keeping. If my humble efforts
have met your approbation, I freely admit, next to the approval
of my own conscience, it is the highest reward which I could
receive for days of unceasing toil and nights of sleepless
anxiety. I profess not to be above or below the common
frailties of our nature. I will therefore not disguise the
fact, that I was highly gratified at my first election to
Congress; yet I can truly say that my utmost ambition has been
gratified. I aspire to nothing more, and shall retire from the
exciting scenes of political strife to the quiet employments of
my family and fireside, with still more satisfaction than I
felt when first elevated to distinguished station."

During this same year he returned to the practice of his profession, and, in 1844, the Whig State Convention of New York put him in nomination for the office of Governor, in opposition to Silas Wright. This was the only conflict in which he ever suffered defeat, and the race was close. In 1847, without seeking or desiring the highly responsible office, he was elected Comptroller of the Finances of the State, and removed to Albany, where he discharged the duties of the office with great credit to himself and usefulness to the State, resigning the office in February, 1849, to enter upon the duties of the office of Vice-President, to which he had been called by the election in 1848. Gen. Taylor dying, he became President, and every patriot in the land remembers and admires the history of his administration. Gen. Cass and other distinguished Democrats said his career had been one of genuine patriotism, honor, and usefulness; and Gov. Wise, upon the stump in Virginia, characterized it as "Washington-like;" while the Democratic papers and orators, from Maine to California, declared that he ought to have been nominated in lieu of Gen. Scott, because he was one of the best men in America.

He is now in Europe, familiarizing himself with the workings of the despotic governments of that country. Before leaving, almost one year ago, he told his friends, in answer to questions relating to the presidency, not to start any newspapers for his benefit--not to publish any documents--not to make any speeches, or even electioneer--and added, that if the American people nominated him, of their own free will and accord, he would accept their nomination, and if elected, he would serve them to the best of his abilities. His nomination, therefore, under the circumstances, is a great honor, and shows the implicit confidence the real people have in the integrity, patriotism, and qualifications of the man. That he will go into the presidential chair almost by acclamation, we have not the shadow of doubt.

As to Mr. Fillmore's chances, we consider them excellent, and growing brighter every day. The indications are now very clear that he will obtain a _plurality_, if not a _majority_ vote, in most of the Northern States; and under the most unfavorable circumstances, he will be sure to divide the electoral vote of the South, so as to carry more States than MR. BUCHANAN. Virginia, South Carolina, Mississippi, and Alabama, are the only four States we concede to the Cincinnati nominee and _one_ of these, we confidently expect to carry. Georgia and Arkansas we set down as doubtful, and we contend that Buchanan can't get either of them without a severe struggle.

We then make this estimate, and claim as certain for FILLMORE and DONELSON the following States, viz.:

Massachusetts 13
Rhode Island 4
New York 35
New Jersey 7
Pennsylvania 27
Maryland 8
Kentucky 12
Tennessee 12
North Carolina 10
Louisiana 6
Missouri 9
California 4
Delaware 3
Florida 3

This makes a total of 157--_eleven,_ more than is necessary to an election. This is not an extravagant, but a very fair estimate. The friends of the American ticket have a right to feel encouraged. With proper exertions our ticket will carry. Let every American consider himself a sentinel upon the watch-tower--let every friend of the party do his duty, and the result will not be doubtful. And let all who believe that "Americans ought to rule America," take courage--"the skies are bright and brightening."

As it regards MR. FILLMORE'S Americanism, _that_ is settled--he has been a Protestant American _fifteen years in advance_ of the party, as it now exists. The Hon. J. T. HEADLEY, Secretary of State of New York, delivered a speech at the Capital of his State, March 7th, 1856, in which he spoke of Mr. Fillmore in the following language:

"Now, in the first place, he was an American years before those
who denounce him ever thought of Americanism. The Police
constable of Newburg elected last year on the American ticket,
told me, that years ago, when that well-known conflict occurred
between the citizens of Buffalo and the foreign population,
that a combination was formed called the "_American League_."
The members of this League entered into _a solemn compact to
stand together and fight together for the rights of Americans_.
This constable was at the time an humble mechanic in Buffalo,
and he said that _he constantly met Mr. Fillmore (who was a
member of that League with him) at the Council Room_. Thus you
see that those who would arrogate to themselves the title of
Americans, and yet carp at Mr. Fillmore as wanting in American
sentiment, are really recent volunteers compared with him. Mr.
Fillmore carried his American principles still farther and
became (so an officer in the same order informs me) _a member
of the United Americans_. He has always been a true American,
_he is now, and ever will be_, and is worthy to move at the
head of the glorious column over which floats the flag bearing
the inscription, 'Americans shall rule America.'"

After the defeat of MR. CLAY, in 1844, MR. FILLMORE addressed him this noble _American_ letter:

"BUFFALO, Nov. 14, 1844.

"MY DEAR SIR:--I have thought for three or four days that I
would write to you, but really I am unmanned. I have no courage
or resolution. All is gone. The last hope, which hung first
upon the city of New York, and then upon Virginia, is finally
dissipated, and I see nothing but despair depicted upon every
countenance.

"For myself, I have no regrets. I was nominated for Governor
much against my will, and though not insensible to the pride of
success, yet I feel a kind of relief at being defeated. But not
so for you or the nation. Every consideration of justice, every
feeling of gratitude conspired in the minds of honest men to
insure your election, and though always doubtful of my own
success, I could never doubt yours, till the painful conviction
was forced upon me.

"The Abolitionists and _Foreign Catholics have defeated us in
this State_. I will not trust myself to speak of the vile
hypocrisy of the leading Abolitionists now. Doubtless many
acted honestly and ignorantly in what they did. But it is clear
that Birney and his associates sold themselves to Locofocoism,
and they will doubtless receive their reward.

"_Our opponents, by pointing to the Native Americans and to Mr.
Frelinghuysen, drove the Foreign Catholics from us and defeated
us in this State._

"But it is vain to look at the causes by which this infamous
result has been produced. It is enough to say that all is gone.
I must confess that nothing has happened to shake my confidence
in our ability to sustain a free government so much as this.

"MILLARD FILLMORE."

But here is one other letter, written to ISAAC NEWTON, just before MR. FILLMORE left the United States for Europe. A more patriotic letter, breathing more of the genuine American spirit, we have never met with:

"BUFFALO, N. Y., Jan. 3, 1855.

"RESPECTED FRIEND ISAAC NEWTON:--It would give me great
pleasure to accept your kind invitation to visit Philadelphia,
if it were possible to make my visit private, and limit it to a
few personal friends whom I should be most happy to see; but I
know that this would be out of my power, and I am therefore
reluctantly compelled to decline your invitation, as I have
done others to New York and Boston, for the same reason.

"I return you many thanks for your information on the subject
of politics. I am always happy to hear what is going forward,
but, independent of the fact that I feel myself withdrawn from
the political arena, I have been too much depressed in spirit
to take an active part in the late elections. I contented
myself with giving a silent vote for Mr. Ullman, for Governor.

"While, however, I am an inactive observer of public events, I
am by no means an indifferent one, and I may say to you in the
frankness of private friendship, that I have for a long time
looked with dread and apprehension at the corrupting influence
which the contest for the foreign vote is exerting upon our
elections. This seems to result from its being banded together,
and subject to the control of a few interested and selfish
leaders. Hence it has been a subject of bargain and sale, and
each of the great political parties of the country have been
bidding to obtain it, and, as usual in all such contests, the
party which is most corrupt is most successful. The consequence
is, that it is fast demoralizing the whole country; corrupting
the very fountains of political power; and converting the
ballot-box--that great palladium of our liberty--into an
unmeaning mockery, where the rights of native-born citizens are
voted away by those who blindly follow their mercenary and
selfish leaders. The evidence of this is found not merely in
the shameless chaffering for the foreign vote at every
election, but in the large disproportion of offices which are
now held by foreigners at home and abroad, as compared with our
native citizens. Where is the true-hearted American whose cheek
does not tingle with shame and mortification to see our highest
and most coveted foreign missions filled by men of foreign
birth to the exclusion of native-born? Such appointments are a
humiliating confession to the crowned heads of Europe that a
Republican soil does not produce sufficient talent to represent
a Republican nation at a monarchical court. I confess that it
seems to me--with all due respect to others--that, as a general
rule, our country should be governed by American-born citizens.
Let us give to the oppressed of every country an asylum and a
home in our happy land, give to all the benefits of equal laws,
and equal protection; but let us at the same time cherish, as
the apple of our eye, the great principles of constitutional
liberty, which few who have not had the good fortune to be
reared in a free country know how to appreciate and still less
how to preserve.

"Washington, in that inestimable legacy which he left to his
country--his farewell address--has wisely warned us to beware
of foreign influence as the most baneful foe of a republican
government. He saw it to be sure in a different light from that
in which it now presents itself; but he knew it would approach
us in all forms, and hence he cautioned us against the
_insidious wiles of its influence_. Therefore, as well for our
own sakes, to whom this invaluable inheritance of
self-government has been left by our forefathers, as for the
sake of unborn millions who are to inherit this land--foreign
and native--let us take warning of the Father of his Country,
and do what we can justly to preserve our institutions from
corruption and our country from dishonor, but let this be done
by the people themselves in their sovereign capacity by making
a proper discrimination in the selection of officers, and not
by depriving any individual--native or foreign-born--of any
constitutional or legal right to which he is entitled.

"These are my sentiments in brief; and although I have
sometimes almost despaired of my country when I have witnessed
the rapid strides of corruption, yet I think I perceive a gleam
of hope in the future, and I now feel confident, that when the
great mass of intelligence in this enlightened country is once
fully aroused, and the danger manifested, it will fearlessly
apply the remedy, and bring back the government to the pure
days of Washington's administration. Finally, let us adopt the
old Roman motto, '_Never despair of the Republic._' Let us do
our duty, and trust in that Providence which has so signally
watched over and preserved us for the result. But I have said
more than I intended, and much more than I should have said to
any one but a trusted friend, as I have no desire to mingle in
political strife.

"Remember me kindly to your family, and believe me truly your
friend,

"MILLARD FILLMORE."

In March, 1851, LEWIS CASS, than whom there is not a more devoted partisan in the Democratic ranks, delivered a speech on the floor of the United States Senate, in the course of which he paid the following just compliment to Mr. Fillmore's integrity, and to his efficiency in "_pacifying the country_," while he was President. We quote from the Congressional Globe, and hold it up as a withering rebuke to those "lesser lights" of Democracy, who are now defaming this pure and patriotic statesman:

"The Administration has placed itself high in the great work of
_pacifying the country_, and they received the meed of
approbation from political friends and political foes. _I
partake of the same sentiment._ I do them justice. But I am a
Democrat, and, God willing, I mean to die one. This is a Whig
administration, but there is no reason I should not do them
justice; and I do it with pleasure, in this great matter of
_the salvation of this country_--if I may say so. I have done
so; shall continue to do so, whatever sneers their papers may
contain; for I do it not for their sake, but _for the sake of
their country_."

The _Democratic Review_--the highest Democratic authority in the United States--for December, 1855, commenting upon the Compromise Measures of 1850, thus spoke of Mr. Fillmore, in a moment of candor, long before Mr. Fillmore was nominated by the American party for the Presidency:

"Momentous events were transpiring. The agitation of the
question of slavery was paramount in the public mind. In this
crisis, it was well that so reliable a man as Mr. Fillmore was
found in the Presidential chair. The safety and perpetuity of
the Union were threatened. Already had fanaticism raised its
hydra-head. Schemes and 'isms' leaped from a thousand
ambuscades. The enemies of the Union started forth on every
side--Abolitionism here; secessionism there; acquisition and
filibusterism elsewhere. These were the formidable elements of
misrule with which the Executive had to cope. How well he met,
and how entirely he for the time overcame these enemies of the
peace of the republic, we leave the historian to relate; but
our retrospect would be incomplete and disingenuous, did we not
accord the meed of praise justly due to high moral excellence
and intellectual and administrative honesty and talent, as
developed in the administration of Mr. Fillmore."

Since the foregoing was prepared for the press, Mr. Fillmore's letter of acceptance has come to hand, greatly to the annoyance of the Democratic and anti-American fuglemen and politicians. We congratulate the country upon the patriotic, national, and _truly American_ spirit which pervades this chaste and well-written document. It is just what we expected from _one of the very first men in the Nation_. His reference to his past course as a guaranty for the future is well-timed. _Sectional_ legislation he is opposed to; and sectional agitation he will use his influence to suppress. We ask every man into whose hands this work shall fall, to read this admirable letter for himself: it is worthy of the man and the times; nay, it is the letter of a patriot and a statesman--

"Who for his country feels alone,
And loves her weal, beyond his own."

[COPY.]

PHILADELPHIA, Feb. 26th, 1856.

_To the Hon. Millard Fillmore_:

SIR:--The National Convention of the American party, which has
just closed its session in this city, has unanimously chosen
you as the candidate for the Presidency of the United States in
the election to be held in November next. It has associated
with you Andrew Jackson Donelson, Esq., of Tennessee, as the
candidate for the Vice-Presidency.

The Convention has charged the undersigned with the agreeable
duty of communicating these proceedings to you, and of asking
your acceptance of a nomination which will receive not only the
cordial support of the great national party in whose name it is
made, but the approbation also of large numbers of other
enlightened friends of the Constitution and the Union, who will
rejoice in the opportunity to testify their grateful
appreciation of your faithful service in the past, and their
confidence in your experience and integrity for the guidance of
the future.

The undersigned take advantage of this occasion to tender to
you the expression of their own gratification in the
proceedings of the Convention, and to assure you of the high
consideration with which they are yours, &c.

ALEXANDER H. H. STUART,
ANDREW STEWART,
ERASTUS BROOKS,
E. B. BARTLETT,
WM. J. EAMES,
EPHRAIM MARSH.

_Committee, &c._

PARIS, May 21st, 1856.

GENTLEMEN:--I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your
letter informing me that the National Convention of the
American party, which had just closed its session at
Philadelphia, had unanimously presented my name for the
Presidency of the United States, and associated with it that of
Andrew Jackson Donelson for the Vice-Presidency. This
unexpected communication met me at Venice on my return from
Italy, and the duplicate, mailed thirteen days later, was
received on my arrival in this city last evening. This must
account for my apparent neglect in giving a more prompt reply.

You will pardon me for saying that when my administration
closed in 1853, I considered my political life as a public man
at an end, and thenceforth I was only anxious to discharge my
duty as a private citizen. Hence I have taken no active part in
politics. But I have by no means been an indifferent spectator
of passing events; nor have I hesitated to express my opinion
on all political subjects when asked; nor to give my vote and
private influence for those men and measures I thought best
calculated to promote the prosperity and glory of our common
country. Beyond this I deemed it improper for me to interfere.
But this unsolicited and unexpected nomination has imposed upon
me a new duty, from which I cannot shrink; and therefore,
approving, as I do, of the general objects of the party which
has honored me with its confidence, I cheerfully accept its
nomination, without waiting to inquire of its prospects of
success or defeat. It is sufficient for me to know that by so
doing I yield to the wishes of a large portion of my
fellow-citizens in every part of the Union, who, like myself,
are sincerely anxious to see the administration of our
government restored to that original simplicity and purity
which marked the first years of its existence; and, if
possible, to quiet that alarming sectional agitation, which,
while it delights the Monarchists of Europe, causes every true
friend of our own country to mourn.

Having the experience of past service in the administration of
the Government, I may be permitted to refer to that as the
exponent of the future, and to say, should the choice of the
Convention be sanctioned by the people, I shall, with the same
scrupulous regard for the rights of every section of the Union
which then influenced my conduct, endeavor to perform every
duty confided by the Constitution and laws to the Executive.

As the proceedings of this Convention have marked a new era in
the history of the country, by bringing a new political
organization into the approaching Presidential canvass, I take
the occasion to reaffirm my full confidence in the patriotic
purposes of that organization, which I regard as springing out
of a public necessity, forced upon the country, to a large
extent, by unfortunate sectional divisions, and the dangerous
tendency of those divisions towards disunion. It alone, in my
opinion, of all the political agencies now existing, is
possessed of the power to silence this violent and disastrous
agitation, and to restore harmony by its own example of
moderation and forbearance. It has a claim, therefore, in my
judgment, upon every earnest friend of the integrity of the
Union.

So estimating this party, both in its present position and
future destiny, I freely adopt its great leading principles as
announced in the recent declaration of the National Council at
Philadelphia, a copy of which you were so kind as to enclose
me, holding them to be just and liberal to every true interest
of the country, and wisely adapted to the establishment and
support of an enlightened, safe, and effective American policy,
in full accord with the ideas and the hopes of the fathers of
our Republic.

I expect shortly to sail for America; and, with the blessings
of Divine Providence, hope soon to tread my native soil. My
opportunity of comparing my own country and the condition of
its people with those of Europe, has only served to increase my
admiration and love for our own blessed land of liberty, and I
shall return to it without even a desire ever to cross the
Atlantic again.

I beg of you, gentlemen, to accept my thanks for the very
flattering manner in which you have been pleased to communicate
the results of the action of that enlightened and patriotic
body of men who composed the late Convention, and to be assured
that

I am, with profound respect and esteem,

Your friend and fellow-citizen,

MILLARD FILLMORE.

Messrs. Alex. H. H. Stuart, Andrew Stewart, Erastus Brooks, E.
B. Bartlett, Wm. J. Eames, Ephraim Marsh, _Committee_.

WHO IS ANDREW J. DONELSON?

This gentleman being now the nominee of the American party for the office of Vice-President, naturally attracts much of public attention; and as a matter to be looked for, and not at all to be regretted, draws down upon him great abuse and slander from the hireling editors of the corrupt party opposing him. We will let a neighbor of Major Donelson, who has had access to his papers, and who has prepared and published in the _Nashville Banner_ a sketch of his life, answer the question propounded at the head of this chapter:

"MR. DONELSON is the second son of Samuel Donelson, deceased,
who was the brother of the late Mrs. Jackson. His eldest
brother died in 1817, soon after the Creek War, in which he
participated as a soldier under General Jackson. His death was
announced to Mr. Donelson by General Jackson in the following
terms: 'Whilst we regret his loss, he has left us the endearing
recollection that there was not a stain upon his character. He
has performed his duty here below, and has taken his flight to
realms above, as unspotted as an angel. What a lesson he has
given us! How delightful to dwell upon the idea that he has
walked in the paths of virtue during his whole life, without a
blemish on his character, and that all his friends may recount
his acts with pride and pleasure!' The younger brother is still
living in the paternal mansion, and was a member of the last
Legislature of Tennessee. The mother of these children
afterwards married Mr. James Sanders, of Sumner county,
Tennessee, and is still enjoying good health. She is the only
daughter of Gen. Daniel Smith, who was one of the surveyors of
the line between Virginia and North Carolina, and succeeded
Gen. Jackson in the Senate of the United States.

"General Smith had an important agency in shaping the early
history of Tennessee--having represented a portion of the
people in the North Carolina Legislature, and in the Convention
which ratified the Constitution of the United States. He was
also Secretary of the Territory, and a member of the Convention
of 1796. He was a native of Virginia, and emigrated to
Tennessee soon after he had surveyed the line between that
State and North Carolina, having, while in the execution of
that service, seen the fine lands in Middle Tennessee. He
settled the lands upon which his grandson, Henry Smith, now
resides; and built the mansion, which is still there, at a
period when the men engaged in quarrying the rock had to be
guarded from the attacks of the Indians.