Chapter XIII: Section 8: , Article I., says: "Congress shall have power to establish a (3)

"In the government of the world, Providence generally produces
great changes by gradual means. There is nothing rash in the
counsels of the Almighty. May not, then, the acquisition of
Texas be the means of gradually drawing the slaves far to the
South to a climate more congenial to their nature; and may they
not finally pass off into Mexico, and THERE MINGLE WITH A RACE
WHERE NO PREJUDICE EXISTS AGAINST THEIR COLOR? The Mexican
nation is composed of Spaniards, Indians, and Negroes, blended
together in every variety, who would receive our slaves on
terms of perfect social equality. To this condition they never
can be admitted in the United States.

"That the acquisition of Texas would ere long convert Maryland,
Virginia, Kentucky, Missouri, and probably others of the more
Northern Slave States, into free States, I entertain not a
doubt....

"But should Texas be annexed to the Union, causes will be
brought into operation which must inevitably remove slavery
from what may be called the farming States. From the best
information, it is no longer profitable to raise wheat, rye,
and corn, by slave labor. Where these articles are the only
staples of agriculture, in the pointed and expressive language
of Randolph, if the slave does not run away from his master,
the master must run away from the slave. The slave will
naturally be removed from such a country, where his labor is
scarcely adequate to his own support, to a region where he can
not only maintain himself, but yield large profits to his
master. Texas will open an outlet; and slavery itself may thus
finally pass the Del Norte, and be lost in Mexico. One thing is
certain, the present number of slaves cannot be increased by
the annexation of Texas.

"I have never apprehended the preponderance of the slave States
in the councils of the nation. Such a fear has always appeared
to me visionary. But those who entertain such apprehensions
need not be alarmed by the acquisition of Texas. More than
one-half of its territory is wholly unfit for the slave labor;
and, therefore, in the nature of things must be free. Mr. Clay,
in his letter of the 17th of April last, on the subject of
annexation, states that, according to his information--

"'The Territory of Texas is susceptible of a division into five
States of convenient size and form. Of these, two only would be
adapted to those peculiar institutions (slavery) to which I
have referred; and the other three, lying west and north of San
Antonio, being only adapted to farming and grazing purposes,
from the nature of their soil, climate, and productions, would
not admit of these institutions. In the end, therefore, there
would be two slave and three free States probably added to the
Union.'

"And here permit me to observe, that there is one defect in the
treaty which ought to be amended if we all did not know that it
is destined to be rejected. The treaty itself ought to
determine how many free and how many slave States should be
made out of this territory."

On the 11th of April, 1826, James Buchanan, who is now being supported by _Southern slaveholders_, made a speech in Congress, _eleven years after_ his Fourth of July oration, from which the following is taken:

"Permit me here, Mr. Chairman, for a moment, to speak upon a
subject to which I have never before adverted upon this floor,
and to which, I trust, I may never again have occasion to
advert. I mean the subject of slavery. I BELIEVE IT TO BE A
GREAT POLITICAL AND A GREAT MORAL EVIL. I THANK GOD, MY LOT HAS
BEEN CAST IN A STATE WHERE IT DOES NOT EXIST.... IT HAS BEEN A
CURSE ENTAILED UPON US BY THAT NATION WHICH MAKES IT A SUBJECT
OF REPROACH TO OUR INSTITUTIONS." (See Gales and Seaton's
Register of Debates, page 2180, vol. ii., part 2.)

MORE BUCHANAN ANTECEDENTS.

When a "_Uniform Bankrupt Law_" was enacted by Congress, after the election of General Harrison, there were on the files of the Judiciary Committee of the Senate _fifty-one petitions_, praying for the passage of such a law. Twenty-nine of these were from New York, five from New Jersey, three from Ohio, two from Indiana, two from Massachusetts, and _one_ from each of the States of Tennessee and Mississippi. There were _twenty-five_ other petitions praying for "_A General Bankrupt Law_;" _fifteen_ of which were from New York, and eight from Pennsylvania; and how will the Democracy like to see it hereafter proven that BUCHANAN presented these petitions, and voted for the law? If it shall turn out that "Old Buck" did really go for the "odious Bankrupt Law," let his friends defend him on the ground that his _State_ desired it, and had always favored the measure!

In the House of Representatives, in Congress, January 3, 1815, _Mr. Ingersoll_, a notorious Democrat from Pennsylvania, and a _Boy Tory_ of the war of the Revolution, from the Committee on the Judiciary, reported a bill to establish _a uniform law of Bankruptcy throughout the United States_! If these facts should not turn out to be a sufficient justification of _Mr. Buchanan's course_, provided he went for this Bankrupt Law, let his friends present these facts, and show that he was in good old Federal Democratic _company_:

NUMBER 1. On the 5th of September, 1837, Mr. Van Buren's _Democratic_ Secretary of the Treasury made a report to Congress, praying the passage of a _uniform Bankrupt Law_, which was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary.

NUMBER 2. On the 13th day of January, 1840, _Mr. Norvell_, a Democratic Senator from Michigan, moved that the Judiciary be instructed to inquire into the expediency of reporting a bill for the establishment of a _General Bankrupt Law_.

NUMBER 3. On the 22d of April, 1840, _Garret D. Wall_, a flaming Democratic Senator in Congress, reported certain amendments to a Bankrupt Law, from a minority of the Committee; which were referred to the Senate's select Committee, and reported by Mr. Wall, and passed--21 to 19--and sent to the House.

NUMBER 4. In the Senate, July 23, 1841, _Mr. Nicholson_, a Democratic Senator from Tennessee, delivered an able speech in favor of a uniform system of Bankruptcy, and moved to amend the bill then pending, by inserting "BANKS AND OTHER CORPORATIONS;" which motion was lost by a vote of 34 to 16.

NUMBER 5. That great light of Democracy, _Col. Richard M. Johnson_, late Vice-President of the United States, wrote and spoke in favor of a General Bankrupt Law. In a letter of his, now before us, dated Washington, January 18, 1841, he says, speaking of such a law: "_My opinion is that it will redound to the honor of our country._"

But we will do Mr. Buchanan justice, by stating that he said he would vote _against_ the Bankrupt Law of 1840, because he did not like its features. When Mr. Webster spoke in favor of the law, and of the character of the _petitioners_, many of whom presented their petitions through Mr. Buchanan, the latter spoke on the 24th of February, 1840; and, to satisfy Mr. Webster and others that he was not opposed to the _principle_ in former days, stated, "_He came to the other House of Congress, many years since_, A FRIEND OF A BANKRUPT LAW. The subject was before the House when he entered the body twenty years ago." He added, "He was _open to conviction_, and might change his purpose!"

Thus, it will be seen that Mr. Buchanan, in this, as in every thing else, _was on both sides_! And how does it look in a Presidential candidate, to have supported a _General Bankrupt Law_ for the relief of _rich, extravagant, and aristocratic_ gentlemen, and then to turn round and advocate "ten cents per day" for poor folks and laboring men? It will look rather bad; but, then, Sag Nicht Democracy can go any thing! This old "ten cents per day" champion of Democracy advocated, in so many words, the reduction of all paper money prices to the real Cuba standard of solid money! We take extracts from his speech, which will be found in the Appendix to the Congressional Globe, page 135:

"In Germany, where the currency is purely metallic, and the
cost of every thing is REDUCED to a hard money standard, a
piece of broadcloth can be manufactured for fifty dollars; the
manufacture of which in our country, from the expansion of
paper currency, would cost one hundred dollars. What is the
consequence? The foreign French and German manufacturer imports
this cloth into our country, and sells it for a hundred. Does
not every person perceive that the redundancy of our currency
is equal to a premium of one hundred per cent. in favor of the
manufacturer?"

"No tariff of protection, unless it amounted to prohibition,
could counteract this advantage in favor of foreign
manufactures. I would to heaven that I could arouse the
attention of every manufacturer of the nation to this important
subject."

"What is the reason that, with all these advantages, and with
the protective duties which our laws afford to the domestic
manufacturer of cotton, we cannot obtain exclusive possession
of the home market, and successfully contend for the markets of
the world? It is simply because we manufacture at the nominal
prices of our inflated currency, and are compelled to sell at
the real prices of other nations. REDUCE OUR NOMINAL STANDARD
OF PRICES THROUGHOUT THE WORLD, and you cover our country with
blessings and benefits."

* * * * *

"The comparative LOW PRICES of France and Germany have afforded
such a stimulus to their manufactures, that they are now
rapidly extending themselves, and would obtain possession, in
no small degree, even of the English home market, IF IT WERE
NOT FOR THEIR PROTECTING DUTIES. While British manufactures are
now languishing, those of the continent are springing into a
healthy and vigorous existence."

How will the _Free Trade Democracy_ of the South relish these "protecting duties" of an old Federal politician? They are about as consistent in their support of the Cincinnati nominee as "Clay Whigs" are, when they know that Buchanan was the only man living who had it in his power to do Clay justice, in reference to the "bargain and intrigue" calumny, and obstinately refused!

CLAY AND BUCHANAN.

In 1825, Mr. Buchanan, then a member of the House, entered the room of Mr. Clay, who was at the time in company with his only messmate, Hon. R. P. Letcher, also a member of the House, and since Governor of Kentucky. Buchanan introduced the subject of the approaching Presidential election, Letcher witnessing what was said; and after that, when Mr. Clay was hotly assailed with the charge of "bargain, intrigue, and corruption," notified Mr. Buchanan of his intention to publish the conversation, but was induced, by the _earnest entreaties of Buchanan_, to forbear. And Mr. Clay died with a letter in his possession, from Buchanan, which, if published, as it should be, would place Buchanan without the pale of Democracy, and disgrace him in the eyes of all honorable men. _That_ letter, too, would explain why Gen. Jackson had no confidence in him, and was opposed to his taking a seat in Polk's cabinet. Let it come!

_Keep it before the People_, That it was the vote of James Buchanan which, in the Senate, in 1832, secured the passage of the "Black Tariff," so offensive to the "Free Trade" Democracy of Tennessee, South Carolina, and other Southern States, and which Gov. JONES threw up to Col. Polk with so much effect in their race of 1843!

_Keep it before the People_, That the Cincinnati Platform unblushingly affirms that "the Constitution does not confer upon the Federal government authority to assume the debts of the several States, contracted for local internal improvements, or for other State purposes;" while the Democratic members of Congress annually violate this principle by voting away hundreds of acres of public lands to the States, for purposes of railroads and other improvements.

_Keep it before the People_, That the same Platform hypocritically asserts, that "it is the duty of every branch of our Government to enforce and practice the most rigid economy in conducting our public affairs;" when the expenditures of Pierce's administration are TWENTY MILLIONS PER ANNUM over that of MILLARD FILLMORE!

_Keep it before the People_, That the 8th of the series in this Platform declares, that "the attempt to abridge the privilege of becoming citizens and owners of soil amongst us ought to be resisted with the same spirit which swept the alien and sedition laws from our statute book:" and then the hypocritical builders of the platform turned about and nominated James Buchanan, who commenced public life as the advocate of the "alien and sedition laws," and sustained, in and out of Congress, the Federal party, who passed these laws.

_Keep it before the People_, That the Cincinnati Platform, which prates so loudly about the privilege of becoming "owners of the soil," and which rebukes all efforts to amend our naturalization laws as oppressive to foreigners, nominated a man for the Presidency who spoke publicly in this language: "Above all, we ought to drive from our shores foreign influence, which has been in every age the curse of republics!"

_Keep it before the People_, That this Cincinnati Platform pledges itself to the "Acts known as the Compromise Measures," and then resolves "to resist all attempts at renewing, in Congress or out of it, the agitation of slavery;" while the second best nags before the Convention were Douglass and Pierce, who brought forward the bill repealing the Missouri Compromise line, and opening up anew the slavery agitation, while Pierce signed the bill and adopted it as an Administration measure!

_Keep it before the People_, That this same Platform asserts, as an indispensable article of the Democratic faith, that "the proceeds of the public lands ought to be sacredly applied to the national objects specified in the Constitution;" and yet a majority of the Democracy, in one branch of Congress, unhesitatingly voted for a bill introduced by Robert M. T. Hunter, a leader of "the most straitest sect" of Democratic Pharisees, which proposed to give away the whole body of the public lands to squatters, at the nominal price of ninepence an acre, and at five years' credit!

_Keep it before the People_, That this same platform deprecates a policy which legislates for the few at the expense of the many; yet its builders nominated a man for the Presidency who has avowed himself on the floor of the Senate in favor of reducing the wages of poor white men to the Cuban standard of TEN CENTS per day!

_Keep it before the People_, That this Cincinnati Platform utterly fails to come up to that high Southern standard, which the country looked for from a party so lavish of promises, and that it has deliberately and completely shirked the slavery issue, the only apology for which is found in their having nominated an old anti-slavery Federalist.

_Keep it before the People_, That JAMES BUCHANAN was opposed to the war of 1812, but is in favor of the next war--while a Federalist he was conservative in his views, but is now square upon a Filibustering Platform--his nomination, an overture to the Sumner Wing of Democracy, is the very nomination for the Nullifiers, Fire-eaters, and Disunionists of the South--that while we cry North, shout South, every faction is united.

THE CINCINNATI VICE PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE.

_John C. Breckenridge_, of Kentucky, is now the Democratic candidate for the Vice Presidency; and in our devotion to the _head_ of the ticket, we do not wish to neglect the _tail_. Mr. Breckenridge is a good speaker, and is about as good a selection as his party could make. He has not been long enough in public life to attain any experience as a statesman, nor has he been guilty of any great indiscretion in his short Congressional career. He will be unable to carry Kentucky for his party, though he has some elements of strength. Standing out in violent opposition to his relatives upon the _Know Nothing_ issues, he will be acceptable to all Foreigners, and the Catholics in particular! Being on the very best of terms with _Cassius M. Clay_, and voting with the Emancipationists of Kentucky, he will be rather acceptable to the Anti-Slavery men than otherwise! He was a zealous supporter of the bill in Congress appropriating a million or two dollars to works of Internal Improvement, which was _vetoed_ by Pierce. That bill provided $50,000 for the improvement of the Kentucky River, to which he urged an amendment insisting on $150,000. This will give him strength with the Democracy of the North and North-West, who advocated the doctrine of Internal Improvements by the General Government!

On May 20th, 1856, the _Charleston Mercury_ came out advising the South as to the selection of candidates, which advice, if adhered to, would prove ruinous alike to Buchanan and Breckenridge. A brief extract from that article is in these words:

"A man unsound on Slavery, Free Trade, and Internal
Improvements, or whose opinions are shrouded in treacherous
ambiguity--such a man, be he Black Republican or Democrat, is
unworthy of her support. To vote for either, is to give away
her influence, to be used against her. It is to stultify
principle, and be the instrument of her own undoing."

This doctrine would get very much in the way of such men as _Toombs and Stephens_, of Georgia, and other Anti-Internal Improvement Democrats, but they can excuse Breckenridge on the ground that he acquiesced in the veto of Pierce, and was possibly only trying to make a little capital at home, which is common with Democracy. Besides, Mr. Breckenridge being raised a _Clay Whig_, and representing the Ashland District as a Democrat, should be allowed to pass over the _Jordan_ of Democracy by degrees!

His name can be used advantageously in this contest in another respect. While Mr. Buchanan was Mr. Clay's most vindictive enemy, traducer, and calumniator, Mr. Breckenridge can be held up to the Clay Whigs, as having announced to the House of Representatives the death of Mr. Clay, in language and sentiments branding Buchanan as a malignant slanderer, without mentioning his name, by the character he gave to Clay! Closing his eulogy upon Mr. Clay in these words, Mr. Breckenridge evidently looked with the eye of prophecy at the slanders of Buchanan, the recollection of which would "cluster" around his grave:--

"Every memorial of such a man will possess a meaning and value
to his countrymen. His tomb will be a hallowed spot. Great
memories will cluster there, and his countrymen as they visit
it may well exclaim:

"Such graves as his are pilgrim shrines--
Shrines to no creed or code confined;
The Delphian vales, the Palestines,
The Meccas of the mind."

If we mistake not, this young Breckenridge is the nephew of the Rev. John Breckenridge, formerly of Baltimore, and pastor of the Presbyterian Church. If so, he is the nephew of the Rev. Robert Breckenridge, the talented and staunch advocate of the American party. The venerable uncle of this young man, whilst pastor of the Church in Baltimore, was a most formidable opponent of the Roman Catholic religion, and is the man who conducted the debate with Archbishop Hughes, in 1836, which we now have before us, in a large volume of 550 pages. Of course _Bishop Hughes_ will require the young man to repudiate his uncle's views and charges in opposition to the Papal religion; and this, we should think, he will do for the sake of the Catholic vote in America!

From the Knoxville Whig of June 14, 1856.

PROGRESSIVE DEMOCRACY--ITS LEGITIMATE FRUITS.

The following important document we take from the National Intelligencer, of January 22, 1851. It was signed and published by gentlemen irrespective of parties--FORTY-FOUR Senators and Representatives in Congress. It will be a _curiosity_ to those of our readers who may have forgotten its well-timed and patriotic pledges. How unfortunate it has been for the country, and especially the public tranquillity, that the determination and counsels of these men were, in an evil hour, departed from, and flagrantly violated by the demagogues of the self-styled Democratic party! To the violation of this solemn pledge by the repeal of the Missouri Compromise line, and the reöpening of the Slavery agitation by the introduction of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, intended to elevate that miserable little demagogue, _Stephen A. Douglass_, to the Presidency, we are indebted for all the scenes of bloodshed in Kansas, to the angry slavery discussions in Congress, and the disgraceful scenes of riot being almost daily enacted there!

Several copies of the following Declaration were circulated in Congress, and obtained a number of signatures in both halls; but no other list was ever published, that we know of, besides this, which, it will be seen, was headed by the illustrious HENRY CLAY:

"The undersigned, members of the thirty-first Congress of the
United States, believing that a renewal of sectional
controversy upon the subject of slavery would be both dangerous
to the Union and destructive of its objects; and seeing no mode
by which such controversy can be avoided, except by a strict
adherence to the settlement thereof effected by the Compromise
Acts passed at the last session of Congress, do hereby declare
their intention to maintain the said settlement inviolate, and
to resist all attempts to repeal or alter the acts aforesaid,
unless by the general consent of the friends of the measure,
and to remedy such evils, if any, as time and experience may
develop. And, for the purpose of making this resolution
effective, they further declare that they will not support for
the office of President, Vice-President, Senator, or
Representative in Congress, or as a member of a State
Legislature, any man, of whatever party, who is not known to be
opposed to the disturbance of the settlement aforesaid, and to
the renewal, in any form, of agitation upon the subject of
slavery.

"Henry Clay,
C. S. Morehead,
Robt. L. Rose,
W. C. Dawson,
Thos. J. Rusk,
Jere. Clemens,
James Cooper,
Thos. C. Pratt,
Wm. M. Gwin,
Samuel A. Elliot,
David Outlaw,
O. H. Williams,
J. Philips Phoenix,
A. M. Schemerhorn,
Jno. R. Thurman,
D. A. Bokee,
Geo. R. Andrews,
W. P. Mangum,
Jeremiah Morton,
R. I. Bowie,
E. C. Cabell,
Alex. Evans,
Howell Cobb,
H. S. Foote,
Wm. Duer,
Jas. Brooks,
A. H. Stephens,
R. Toombs,
M. P. Gentry,
H. W. Hilliard,
F. E. McLean,
A. G. Watkins,
H. A. Bullard,
T. S. Haywood,
A. H. Shephard,
Daniel Breck,
Jas. L. Johnson,
J. B. Thompson,
J. M. Anderson,
John B. Kerr,
J. P. Caldwell,
Ed. Deberry,
H. Marshall,
Allen F. Owen."

The _rowdyism_ and _treachery_ of Democracy never intended to abide by this pledge--and hence their "disturbance of the settlement aforesaid," by opening up anew this villainous "agitation upon the subject of slavery." This violation of a solemn pledge has introduced into Kansas civil war, caused bloodshed, the shooting down of men in cold blood, and overrun that country with contending parties, called "_Friends of Freedom_" and "_Border Ruffians_," armed with Sharpe's rifles, Colt's revolvers, bowie-knives, and clubs, mixed with Bibles!

All this really affords an illustration of the domineering insolence of Democratic Abolitionism--an element in our Federal Government which will stop at no extremity of violence, in order to subdue the people of the Slave States, and force them into a miserable subservience to its fanatical dominion. And it is worthy of note, that the shooting of Sheriff Jones and others in Kansas, occurred immediately after the arrival of the _New Haven Emigrant Rifle Company_! This, too, calls to mind forcibly the very delectable _conversational speechifying_ that took place at the New Haven Rifle Meeting, among the pious villains who figured most conspicuously. As it is short, we give it entire:

Rev. Mr. Dutton (pastor of the church.)--One of the deacons of
this church, Mr. Harvey Hall, is going out with the company to
Kansas, and I, as his pastor, desire to present him a Bible and
a Sharpe's rifle. (Great applause.)

E. P. Pie.--I will give one.

Stephen D. Purdee.--I will give one for myself, and also
another one for my wife.

Mr. Beecher.--I like to see that--it is a bold stroke both
right and left. (Great laughter.)

Charles Ives.--Put me down for three.

Thomas R. Trowbridge.--Put me down for four. (Continued
laughter.) Dr. J. I. Howe.--I will subscribe for one.

A gentleman said that Miss Mary Dutton would give one.

Dr. Stephen G. Hubbard.--One.

Mr. Beecher here stated that if twenty-five could be raised on
the spot, he would pledge twenty-five more from the church at
Plymouth--fifty being a sufficient number for the whole supply.
(Clapping of hands all over the house.)

Prof. Silliman now left Mr. Beecher to speak for the bid, and
sat down to enjoy the occasion.

Mr. Killem.--I give one.

Mr. Beecher.--_Killem_--that's a significant name in connection
with a good Sharpe's rifle. (Laughter.)

After this, this clerical vagabond, Beecher, blessed the weapons, and encouraged the party to go forth and "do or die" in the sublime "cause of nigger freedom!" In all human probability, sweet Mary Dutton's rifle may have sped the ball that pierced the side of Sheriff Jones, the officer of the law, while in the honest discharge of a sworn duty! Subsequent murders, where pro-slavery men were shot down with these rifles, we attribute to the _omen_ that Beecher found in his name "_Killem_"--it is a significant name in connection with Sharpe's rifle. The real assassins shoot down their men, and with their _rifles_ and _Bibles_ flee; but _she_ who unfrocked herself by furnishing a rifle, and _he_ who gave and blessed the weapon of death, are here to accept the thanks of their admirers and partisans. Let sweet Mary and her _beloved_ pastor be crowned with wreaths of deadly night-shade, and consigned to one cell in Sing Sing prison!

But the success of Ruffianism in Kansas, in the hands of those vile Abolition Democrats, has emboldened members of the same party to introduce it in the Federal Capital. But the other day, MR. SUMNER, of Massachusetts, made, in his place in the U. S. Senate, one of the most incendiary and inflammatory speeches ever uttered on the floor of either House of Congress! The vocabulary of Billingsgate was exhausted in denouncing all who dared to justify the institution of slavery--using, over and over again, such terms as "hireling, picked from the drunken spew of an uneasy civilization in the form of men," &c. The language made use of was disgraceful to the vile Abolitionist himself, and to the Senate, of which he never ought to have been a member. There was no limit to the personal abuse in which the villainous Senator indulged, no restraint to the vile epithets coined in his insane head; and the very natural consequence was, a personal chastisement of Mr. Sumner, in the Senate chamber, by Mr. Brooks, a Representative from South Carolina, and a relative of Judge Butler, the gentleman abused in his absence, which, for its severity, never was equalled in Washington. Mr. Sumner was the aggressor, because he poured out the vials of his wrath upon not only Judge Butler, a distinguished Senator, but upon the whole State of South Carolina.

We do not justify the selection of a _time_ and _place_ by _Mr. Brooks_, for punishing this Massachusetts Abolitionist; but we should despise the son of South Carolina who could hear his native State arraigned in such temper and language, without feeling intensely, and _manifesting_ that feeling at a proper time and place. Indeed, it would be strange if a South Carolinian did not resent the arrogant, insulting, and contemptuous tone which Mr. Sumner saw fit to indulge in towards South Carolina in general, and her Senator in particular! We know Judge Butler--we have seen him on the Bench, in the discharge of the duties of a Circuit-Judge--we have seen and heard him in the Senate Chamber, where he has served for years, with credit to himself and honor to his State. He is an accomplished man, and a most amiable and honorable gentleman. His character is unblemished; he stands deservedly high; he is a gentleman of urbane and courteous demeanor, and is beloved, esteemed, and respected, by all _gentlemen_ who know him or associate with him. Besides, he is an old man, gray-haired, and palsied; and, whether present or absent, deserved to be treated as a gentleman.

Northern men may not expect to vilify the South in this way, without having to atone for it. Men who profess to belong to the peace party, ought not to employ language that will provoke a fight, and then shield themselves behind their non-resistant defences. They voluntarily put themselves upon the platform of _resistance_--they pass insults, and they must submit to the consequences. We have just finished the perusal of a case in Æsop's Fables, exactly in point. It is the case of a _trumpeter_ taken prisoner in battle. He claimed exemption from the common fate of prisoners of war, in ancient times, on the ground that he carried no weapons, and was, in fact, a non-combatant, belonging to the peace party! "Non-combatant, the Devil!" exclaimed the opposing party, pointing to his trumpet, as preparations were being made to put him to death, "Why, Sir, you hold in your hands the very instrument which incites our foes to tenfold furies against us!"

But this fight between the parties has to come, and it should begin at Washington, and if not in the halls of Congress, at least in the _streets_ of the Federal city. Let the battle be fought there, and not in _Kansas_, and let it fall upon the villainous agitators of the Slavery question, and the _Democratic_ disturbers of the Compromises of the Constitution. Let it come _now_, that it may be fought out and settled, and not left to _posterity_, to curse and crush the rising generation!

Mr. Brooks is a Democrat, and an anti-Know Nothing. Mr. Sumner is a Democrat--was elected by the votes of the Democrats, over that noble and dignified Whig, Mr. Winthrop, and his election was hailed throughout the Union as a Democratic triumph!

Massachusetts, irrespective of parties, seems to have taken great offence at this occurrence, and to have held indignation meetings, and was to have had _Legislative_ action upon the subject. We tell Massachusetts that she is alone to blame, for sending such a man to the United States Senate. There was a great debate in the Senate twenty-five years ago, in which Daniel Webster and Gov. Hayne met each other and grappled like giants, as they were. The State of South Carolina, in that day, though represented by an able, patriotic, and great man, came off _second best_. The Senator from Massachusetts, of that day, was an able statesman, a Constitutional lawyer of unsurpassed abilities, and, withal, a cautious gentleman, and rose above the low blackguardism of a Sumner and a Wilson. When _taunted_ by the Senator from South Carolina with _Federalism_, and opposition to some of the features of the War of 1812, the great Webster presented Massachusetts before the Senate and the Union, in such a manner that men of all sections bowed down and worshipped her. Standing erect with the flash of his eagle eye, he exclaimed, "There is Boston, and Concord, and Lexington, and Bunker Hill"--let them testify to the loyalty of Massachusetts to this glorious Union! Not only did Mr. Webster come out of that controversy with South Carolina with the admiration of every man in the country, but with the respect and admiration of Calhoun, Hayne, McDuffie, and all the high-toned statesmen of the South. And why? Because he was not a Sumner, a Wilson, or an _Abolition Blackguard_. Times have changed--a different man takes the place of a Webster, with only the memory of an insulting speech and a broken head! Let Massachusetts send men to the United States Senate who can and will demean themselves like gentlemen, and gentlemen from the South will appreciate them, while they differ honestly with them on great questions.

What wonderful _progress_ Democracy is making in the country! _First_, Democracy quarrelled and jowered over the election of a Speaker two months, and finally, by the introduction of the _Plurality Rule_, caused Banks, a Black Republican, to be elected. And as if determined to atone for this wear of time and money, they have brought about a series of fights, which, before they are disposed of, will cost the government half a million of dollars!

_First_ then, William Smith, an ex-Governor of the State of Virginia, and member of the House of Representatives, assailed and beat the editor of the _Evening Star_, in December last, in the street.

_Second_, Albert Rusk, a member of the House of Representatives from Arkansas, assailed and beat the editor of the New York _Tribune_ in the grounds of the capitol, immediately after leaving the House of Representatives.

_Third_, Philip T. Herbert, of Alabama, a member of Congress from California, shot down and killed an Irish Catholic waiter at Willard's, and is now under bonds to appear before the Court and await his trial for such crime as they may adjudge him to have committed.

_Fourth_, Preston S. Brooks, a member of the House of Representatives from South Carolina, assails and beats unmercifully a Senator from Massachusetts, when occupying his seat in the Senate of the United States.

_Fifth_, Mr. Bright knocked down the doorkeeper, for an inconsiderable offence. Here, then, we have five breaches of the peace in five months, by Democrats upon Democrats, although the "Boston Pilot," a Catholic organ, falsely charges that some of the parties making these assaults are "Know Nothings." We congratulate the Democratic party upon the progress of its leading members! They are sinking by swift descent into barbarism, and bringing the country to ruin. And in keeping with all this, they have tried to nominate for the Vice-Presidency a man who openly proposed in Congress the repeal of our neutrality laws, so as to bring a general fight!

It will not do to say that _Sumner_ is not of the Democratic party, because he is a regular-built Free-Soiler and Black Republican: the Washington _Union_ settled this point in 1852, when it uttered these memorable words:

"The Free-soil Democratic leaders of the North are a regular
portion of the Democratic party, and General Pierce, if
elected, will make no distinction between them and the rest of
the Democracy in the distribution of official patronage, and in
the selection of agents for administering the government."

The rules of the Senate forbid personalities in debate, and it was the sworn duty of its Locofoco President, Mr. Bright, to have called Mr. Sumner to order for his abuse of Judge Butler. But as far back as thirty years ago, under the auspices of JOHN C. CALHOUN as presiding officer, a decision was made to the effect that the presiding officer of the Senate was neither bound nor had he the power to call Senators to order! That power, according to his decision, belonged wholly to the Senate itself----thus delivering over the minority of that body to "the tender mercies" of the majority! The object of Mr. CALHOUN at the time was to play into the hands of a combination which had been formed to break down the Administration of John Quincy Adams, and to cripple Henry Clay. The instrument used was the sarcastic, irritating, and personal rhetoric of John Randolph, then a member of the Senate. To this end, Randolph was suffered to deliver in the Senate a long succession of tirades, disgraceful to the Senate, abusive of New England and of Henry Clay. Here is a specimen of Randolph's abuse, which led to a duel between him and Mr. Clay:

"This man, (mankind, I crave pardon,) this worm, (little
animals, forgive the insult,) was raised to a higher life than
he was born to, for he was raised to the society of
blackguards. Some fortune--kind to him, cruel to us--has tossed
him to the Secretaryship of State. Contempt has the property of
descending, but stops far short of him. She would die before
she would reach him: he dwells below her fall. I would hate
him, if I did not despise him. It is not WHAT he is, but WHERE
he is, that puts my thoughts into action. The alphabet which
writes the name of Thersites, blackguard, squalidity, refuses
her letters for him. That mind which thinks on what it cannot
express, can scarcely think on him. An hyperbole for MEANNESS
would be an ellipsis for CLAY."

This was pleasing to Mr. Calhoun and the dominant party in the Senate, and his decision which tolerated it never was questioned by any authoritative precedent, until MILLARD FILLMORE was elected Vice-President. With characteristic independence, he determined that a precedent so unreasonable and absurd should not be binding on him as the presiding officer of the Senate. He therefore, on assuming the duties of his office, delivered an address to the Senate, in which he informed that body that he considered it his sworn duty to preserve decorum, and would _reverse_ the rule which had so long prevailed, that Senators were not to be called to order for words spoken in debate! The Senate ordered this address to be entered at large on their journals, as an evidence of their endorsement of its doctrines; and there it is now, recorded evidence of the patriotism, high sense of decorum, and senatorial dignity of that great and good man, MILLARD FILLMORE.

STRENGTH OF PARTIES IN TENNESSEE.

OFFICIAL VOTES OF THE STATE.

The following tables exhibit the official vote of Tennessee for President in 1852, for Governor in 1853, and for Governor in 1855, as compared at the capital of the State, and will be valuable as a table for reference. In the last contest, when the _Know Nothing issues_ were fully made, causing all the _latent blackguardism in the Democratic ranks to be fully developed_, it will be seen that _Andrew Johnson_ received 67,499 votes, and _Meredith P. Gentry_ 65,342, leaving Johnson a majority of 2,157, a falling off of 104 votes from his majority over _Maj. Henry_ two years before that. It will also be perceived that the vote of the State at this last election is an increase of 8,260 over the vote two years previous. Of this increase, _Col. Gentry_ gets 4,182, his vote exceeding _Maj. Henry's_ by that much, while Johnson's increase upon his own vote two years previous was 4,078.

It is a moderate calculation to say that Johnson received at least two thousand _foreign and illegal votes_; while we are within bounds when we say that at least 5,000 old-line Whigs refused to vote for _Col. Gentry_--demonstrating beyond all doubt that a majority of the legal voters of the State were opposed to Johnson and his party.

In the contest now being waged, _Fillmore and Donelson_ will carry the State by a majority ranging from _three_ to _five_ thousand votes, despite the low Billingsgate slang and vile blackguardism that may be heaped upon them and their supporters. And as this calculation is made in _June_, five months in advance of the election, we must ask those into whose hands this work shall fall without the limits of Tennessee, to bear it in mind, and when they get the returns in November, to give us credit for our sagacity or our want of sagacity!

The contest will be fierce and bitter, exceeding any former political battle witnessed in the State. If the orators and editors of the self-styled Democratic party have not greatly reformed in the space of one year, but little argument will be adduced, but little gentlemanly courtesy manifested; and instead of facts, figures and arguments, bitter invective, low blackguardism, and Billingsgate abuse of secret organizations, dark lanterns, and Protestant clergymen, will be the order of the day. In this _congenial_ work, all the conglomeration of ignorant men, foreign paupers, and fag-ends and factions, styling themselves _Democrats_, will engage!

But to the official vote of the State:

_Popular Vote of Tennessee--Official._

EAST TENNESSEE.

1852. 1853. 1855.

Counties. Scott. Pierce. Henry. Johnson. Gentry. Johnson.

Anderson 602 267 648 379 772 333 Bledsoe 464 209 469 303 404 361 Blount 827 566 1146 734 1069 789 Bradley 547 778 562 1085 644 1021 Campbell 313 251 356 445 507 383 Carter 585 139 721 294 768 238 Claiborne 503 519 620 707 756 744 Cooke 743 196 867 383 929 422 Grainger 852 477 998 767 1327 621 Greene 780 1301 902 1915 989 1985 Hawkins 778 831 805 1180 887 1158 Hamilton 774 648 786 972 966 1044 Hancock 241 336 221 532 264 589 Jefferson 1168 307 1396 639 1697 444 Johnson 365 93 392 184 400 215 Knox 1863 565 2279 770 2560 695 McMinn 796 866 799 965 909 953 Meigs 141 442 118 561 97 588 Marion 453 292 476 357 554 468 Monroe 805 847 739 900 851 1005 Morgan 240 222 229 260 219 358 Polk 272 470 249 527 385 676 Rhea 300 307 270 358 298 415 Roane 820 678 912 755 1002 769 Sevier 621 80 824 133 964 120 Scott 199 127 186 182 121 259 Sullivan 260 1114 361 1407 601 1403 Washington 565 853 967 1069 847 1338 ------ ------ ------ ------ 19,298 18,763 21,787 19,394

MIDDLE TENNESSEE.

Counties. Scott. Pierce. Henry. Johnson. Gentry. Johnson.

Bedford 1390 1356 1359 1257 1630 1293 Cannon 453 727 445 803 458 859 Coffee 205 722 274 824 294 880 Davidson 2617 2058 2597 1963 3132 1783 De Kalb 559 588 632 610 560 738 Dickson 323 607 357 743 388 745 Fentress 153 411 166 504 129 616 Franklin 330 1133 356 1224 394 1302 Giles 1303 1447 1301 1468 1312 1439 Grundy 44 327 58 374 22 425 Hardin 643 808 671 827 745 775 Hickman 241 839 263 812 223 1053 Humphreys 263 471 341 501 354 543 Jackson 1170 803 1154 995 1122 1131 Lawrence 547 583 523 731 524 845 Lewis 43 186 66 182 34 243 Lincoln 606 2297 617 2322 402 2521 Maury 1324 1799 1238 1731 1444 1793 Montgomery 1260 993 1309 1004 1502 881 Marshall 666 1340 671 1282 678 1310 Macon 617 374 553 341 540 424 Overton 345 1039 431 1282 290 1528 Robertson 1013 769 1183 763 1256 804 Rutherford 1495 1313 1407 1243 1435 1288 Smith 1742 520 1735 546 1572 644 Stewart 533 725 479 718 563 785 Sumner 825 1563 806 1425 780 1740 Van Buren 107 165 110 205 90 228 Warren 344 922 402 1093 393 1153 Wayne 666 380 709 430 687 535 White 949 518 974 634 978 694 Williamson 1583 763 1502 710 1621 688 Wilson 2248 923 2241 995 2290 937 ------ ------ ------ ------ 26,930 30,550 27,842 32,623

WEST TENNESSEE.

Counties. Scott. Pierce. Henry. Johnson. Gentry. Johnson.

Benton 340 485 393 465 475 453 Carroll 1498 649 1469 663 1567 694 Decatur 400 315 408 285 353 429 Dyer 508 411 476 373 442 483 Fayette 1006 1034 1011 1006 1151 940 Gibson 1570 901 1514 1024 1618 1213 Hardeman 717 1024 651 1025 619 1123 Henderson 1193 511 1301 593 1230 734 Henry 899 1516 891 1496 871 1738 Haywood 790 732 726 785 803 762 Lauderdale 330 277 319 252 354 297 McNairy 921 872 1016 984 915 1059 Madison 1426 819 1261 795 1448 788 Obion 431 644 547 792 407 865 Perry 325 314 387 329 320 450 Shelby 1824 1628 1545 1435 1831 1477 Tipton 357 565 284 527 424 566 Weakley 783 1149 733 1279 885 1411 ------ ------ ------ ------ ------ ------ 58,802 57,123 14,932 14,108 15,713 15,482 57,123 ------ Scott's majority, 1,679

East Tennessee, 19,298 18,763 21,787 19,394
Middle Tennessee, 26,930 30,550 27,842 32,623
------ ------ ------ ------
61,160 63,421 65,342 67,499
61,160 65,342
------ ------
Johnson's majority 2,261 2,157

_Fillmore and Donelson Electoral Ticket._

As a matter of reference, and that none may mistake the American Ticket on the day of the election, we give it as agreed upon and matured by our party:

FOR THE STATE.

HON. NEILL S. BROWN, of Davidson. HORACE MAYNARD, of Knox.

FOR THE DISTRICTS.

1st District--N. G. TAYLOR, of Carter. 2d " MOSES WHITE, of Knox. 3d " REESE B. BRABSON, of Hamilton. 4th " W. P. HICKERSON, of Coffee. 5th " ROBERT HATTON, of Wilson. 6th " W. H. WISENER, of Bedford. 7th " C. C. CROWE, of Giles. 8th " J. M. QUARLES, of Montgomery. 9th " ISAAC R. HAWKINS, of Carroll. 10th " JOSEPH R. MOSBY, of Fayette.

This is an able ticket, and greatly superior to the opposing ticket, as our readers will bear us witness when they hear the parties in debate. Most of these gentlemen have consented to serve on the ticket at great personal sacrifices; and like their chief, Mr. FILLMORE, they have undertaken to serve their party and country "without waiting to inquire of its prospects of success or defeat." And all the reward they seek is to be able to conduct the struggle to a victorious consummation in Tennessee, and this we feel confident they will do. The battle in Tennessee will be hotly contested, but it is by no means doubtful. Tennessee for the last twenty years, and in five preceding presidential contests, has refused to range herself under the black banner of Locofocoism; and now that that banner is doubly infamous by being raised and cheered by Catholics, foreigners, and paupers of every clime, it is fair to presume she will spurn the flag!

THE BLACK REPUBLICAN NOMINEES.

The Black Republican Party, in their recent Convention at Philadelphia, have nominated JOHN CHARLES FREMONT, of California, for the Presidency, and Ex-Senator WILLIAM L. DAYTON, of New Jersey, for the Vice Presidency!

This man Fremont is no statesman--has no experience in political life--has not the first qualification for this eminent and responsible station--and his nomination has not been made upon any plausible pretext whatever. He is an Engineer by profession--once penetrated with his companions to the Pacific coast, across the Rocky Mountains--is the son-in-law of _Tom Benton_--is a Free Trade Locofoco, and an avowed Free Soiler.

The following letter addressed by Fremont to the great Tabernacle Abolition meeting in New York, last spring, is full and explicit, and defines his position on the slavery question:

"NEW YORK, April 29, 1856.

"GENTLEMEN: I have to thank you for the honor of an invitation
to a meeting this evening at the Broadway Tabernacle, and
regret that other engagements have interfered to prevent my
being present.

"I heartily concur in all movements which have for their object
'to repair the mischiefs arising from the violation of good
faith in the repeal of the Missouri Compromise.' I am opposed
to slavery in the abstract and upon principle, sustained and
made habitual by long-settled convictions.

"While I feel inflexible in the belief that it ought not to be
interfered with where it exists under the shield of State
sovereignty, I am as inflexibly opposed to its extension on
this continent beyond its present limits.

"With the assurance of regard for yourselves,

"I am very respectfully yours,

"J. C. FREMONT."

"Messrs. J. D. Morgan and others."

In addition to this, Fremont is the representative of _aggression_: he is a _Filibuster_, and the exponent of a civilization above all constitutions, and all laws. The fact that Seward, Chase, Giddings, and such men--able anti-slavery men, and experienced politicians, were passed over, is proof that they were not governed by _principle_, but seek to shift the issue, and to make it personal and sectional. Take into the account, moreover, the fact that Dayton, a man of moderate talents, is a sort of _Protective Tariff Locofoco_, the advocate of Foreign Pauper labor, and the largest liberty for _Catholics_, and it gives to the ticket a considerable degree of interest.

The leading men in the Convention were reckless and unprincipled demagogues, of the Locofoco school of politics, including the British Free Trade policy, Filibusterism, etc., whose only aim is place and plunder. Their Free-soil principles, outside of their radical purposes, are scarcely skin deep!

By many well-informed men, no doubts are entertained now, that the nomination of Fremont and Dayton has been the result of an intrigue between Seward and Archbishop Hughes; and from a resolution of their platform, as reported by the Committee on Resolutions, we attach credit to this inference. It will bring the Buchanan party at the North to terms, as they are likely to be the only sufferers from this ticket. It will be managed in future alone with an eye to the _aid_ of Buchanan!

We take the following notice of Fremont from the Charleston (S. C.) Standard, and consider it every way reliable:

"Mr. Fremont will be destined to play a distinguished part in
the drama, and his history and character therefore will,
doubtless, become subjects of considerable importance. He is
generally regarded as a native of Charleston, but of this we
have occasion to doubt. Many gentlemen here, who knew him in
early life, concur in saying that he was born in Savannah. Up
to within a short time prior to his birth, his mother was a
resident of Norfolk, in Virginia, and it is generally asserted
that his parents resided in Savannah before they became settled
in Charleston; however this may have been, it is at least
conceded that he first came into notice in this city. His
prospects here were not particularly promising, but he
attracted the attention of some philanthropic gentlemen, who
provided the means for his entrance and instruction in the
Charleston College. His progress there was not remarkable, and
when his class graduated he was not considered entitled to a
diploma. He was afterwards recommended as a proper person to
take charge of the night-school of the Apprentices' Library
Association; but, though his attainments were sufficient, and
his address particularly acceptable to the Directors of that
Institution, he was not as attentive as he might have been, and
the school fell through. He afterwards procured, through Mr.
Poinsett, a situation as instructor of junior officers on board
a vessel of war bound to the Pacific, and in this condition is
said to have acquitted himself well. He afterwards acquired
some knowledge of civil engineering, and filling unimportant
positions in connection with one and another public work, was
at length brought to notice and distinction by his connection
with Mr. Nicholet in his Survey of the Mississippi Valley, and
from that marched steadily on to the Rocky Mountains, and a
renown that has placed his name before the country.

"From the records of his early life, it would seem that he had
talent, and was quite addicted to naval reading, but was
wayward, and if not indolent, was inefficient in the tasks
undertaken at the instance of other people, and up to the time
of his entrance upon his duties as instructor in the naval
school, had hardly made up his mind whether he would be a man
of character or a blackguard. He was fond of dress, however,
and the records of the court still show that he wore a suit of
clothes which he was afterwards compelled to declare on oath
his inability to pay for, in order to avoid inconvenient
restrictions upon his personal liberty; but chance gave a
proper direction to his abilities; he had the latent energy of
character to act up to his opportunities, and he has really
presented a career which any one might regard with
satisfaction. It is certainly to be regretted that he should
lend himself to the uses of a party so reckless and subversive,
not only of the Union but of the rights of that section to
which, if capable of sentiments of patriotism, he might be
supposed to feel attachment; but the prospect of the Presidency
would be a sore trial to the probity of most men, and we find
nothing in the antecedents of Mr. Fremont to cause a feeling of
disappointment that he should yield to the allurements of
power.

"He is commended for his attentions to his mother, and they
were certainly exemplary. She was poor, and after he determined
to behave himself and work like a man, he made her as entirely
comfortable as there was the reason to believe his
circumstances permitted."

POSTSCRIPT.--Mr. Fremont turns out to be a Roman Catholic, and to have been raised one, and this explains the readiness of Bishop Hughes to abandon Buchanan, and go over to Fremont. It also explains why it is that so many _German Catholic papers_ are coming out for Fremont, in the large cities, and in the North-Western States.

In 1850, Fremont held a seat in the United States Senate, for the space of about three months, and during that time sought to introduce a Catholic Priest to open their services with prayers, and was successful to some extent. He also attended service at the Catholic Church. The _Washington Star_, of the 19th June, 1856, gives the following exposition of facts, in reference to Fremont and his religion: