Chapter IV: Part 4

I have often been asked, why the herb of Paraguay is never exported to Europe, and I have answered, on many accounts. In the first place, very little more is prepared than suffices the Americans. If, moreover, the Spaniards of Paraguay gasped after commerce and gain, they might export not only this herb, but many other profitable commodities. Their ships, especially in time of war, are few; their security none. Add to this, that in a few years it spoils, and losing its original fragrance smells like Russian shoe-leather; when in this state, it is used by the Paraguayrians to die cloth black. The Europeans, moreover, having never so much as tasted the herb, have no desire to fetch it from America, which they would certainly do, if acquainted with its virtues. Oh! how I burn with resentment whenever I read that the Jesuits monopolize the herb of Paraguay! It has ever been free to all, without distinction, to sell as well as to drink this much spoken of herb. There is no part of the year that the Spaniards do not despatch to the cities of Corrientes, Santa Fé, and Buenos-Ayres, many thousand pounds of it, thence to be transported, in huge vessels, to the different ports of Tucuman, Peru, and Chili, not one of the Jesuits daring to arrogate the right of opposing them. The Indian Guaranies, inhabitants of the thirty-two Reductions which were under our administration, only make the herb _caà-miri_, selling it for the use of the higher orders. As the preparation of it is much more laborious, it is entirely neglected by the Spaniards, who confine themselves to the coarser herb _caà de palos_; and the quantity of herb annually sold by the Spaniards exceeds that disposed of by the Indians as much as the whole hand does the little finger. For the Guarany towns are not permitted by the laws to sell above a certain quantity; but the Spaniards are under no such restriction. In most parts of Paraguay there is no currency of money, and the herb is the usual medium of exchange. But of this trade we pay an annual poll-tax in the Guarany towns, and are besides obliged to fit out our churches, which are highly ornamented, and procure for our Indians the necessary iron implements. Nor can the superintendents of colleges, who exchange the cattle of their estates, and other natural productions for the herb, and that again for implements, instead of money, be justly accounted herb-merchants. For the founders of the colleges did not leave estates paying rent, nor sums of money put out at interest, as is usual in Europe, but plains and cattle of various kinds, for the support of the members and the repairing of the dwellings and churches. The productions of the estates and plains are there in the place of money, with which necessaries are to be procured. This exchange, which, unless we preferred dying of want, was absolutely necessary, either ignorance or malice has designated trafficking. How many and how ridiculous are the clamours that have been raised against the Portugueze Jesuits by these lying pamphlets, because they sold sugar brought them from Brazil, when, in fact, they had received no other means of subsistence from the founders of their college!

We must now say something of the tobacco plant, in which the soil of Paraguay is very fertile. This is sown both in the plains and woods, and succeeds equally well in either, though some prefer the tobacco grown in woods. Its leaves, when dried a little in the air, and fastened into bundles with a twig, are chewed by some, smoked by others, and by a very few taken in the form of snuff. For the higher ranks use the snuff made at Seville only, though the price of a pound is at least four Spanish crowns, and often still more in Paraguay. Certain it is that the Paraguayrian tobacco in fragrance falls short of that brought from Virginia, or the island of Cuba. The first leaves that ripen, in Paraguay, are very large, often exceeding an ell in length; those which are plucked afterwards decrease more and more. The smoke of the tobacco is generally inhaled without any tube or vessel, in the following manner:—A leaf, not perforated in any part, is squared, to the length and breadth of the middle finger. In the middle of this is laid another little leaf compressed by the finger, and rolled up, together with the exterior and larger one. Light one end of this, put the other into your mouth, and draw in the smoke. The Spaniards smoke their tobacco with more cleanness and less cost, carrying about with them a deposit of several of those folds, called _zigarros_, and lighting them at their pleasure. The common people roll up the tobacco, cut small, in a paper, or in a maize leaf, and light it; but that this smoke injures the human head is beyond a doubt. Not only the soldiers and sailors, and the common people, as in Germany, but even the higher orders, often smoke tobacco.

In Brazil the Portugueze twist the tobacco leaf into ropes, which, prepared in different ways, are either used as snuff, or chewed or smoked. It is incredible how highly this Brazilian tobacco is extolled by medical men, and how eagerly it is sought by Europeans. The Spaniards themselves every year consume an astonishing quantity to provoke saliva. By the traffic in tobacco alone, many millions have been lost by the Spaniards to the Portugueze, the sole venders of an article in such demand. To restrain so great an annual exportation of money to foreigners, it was provided by the Catholic King Charles III. in the year 1765, that the Spanish and Indian Paraguayrians should henceforth prepare their tobacco in the manner of the Portugueze, as being no wise inferior to the Brazilian, and that it should be sold at the price fixed by the royal governours, the whole profits accruing to the royal treasury. The king's order was universally, though unwillingly complied with, the new manufacture costing them much labour, with little or no gain to the labourers. I will give you an account of the whole process:—The tobacco leaves are accounted ripe when their ends turn yellow, and wither, and are plucked before noon, as being moister at that time. They are then suspended from reeds that they may dry a little, and remain some hours under the shade of a roof. The stem which runs through the middle of the leaf is either beaten down with a bat or removed entirely. The leaves thus prepared are twisted into ropes, by means of a wheel, and then rolled upon a cylindrical piece of wood. This cylinder, with its tobacco, is placed under the shade of a roof in such a manner that it may receive the heat of the sun, and yet not be touched by any of its rays. The tobacco, thus compressed spirally upon the cylinder, exudes a black, glutinous juice, which falls drop by drop into a hide placed underneath. This juice flows daily through, and in like manner is daily poured again upon the folds; and when the whole mass is thoroughly penetrated by the liquor, it will be necessary to roll the spiral folds daily back again from one cylinder to another. By this method, the lowest part of the tobacco nearest the first cylinder is transferred on the next to the surface, imbibes the juice equally, blackens, and grows rich like lard. To effect this, the translation from one cylinder to another, and the sprinkling of the tobacco, must be diligently continued for many weeks. The sweetness of the smell will mark the completion of the process. To prevent its drying, it must be kept in a moist place, apart from every thing which might taint it with any other smell. Tobacco prepared in this manner is chopped by the Portugueze into small pieces, which they roast in a new pot placed on the hot coals, and stirring them with a round stick, reduce them to the finest powder—the future delight of every nose in Portugal.

Thus, though the trade in the herb of Paraguay, in tobacco, cotton, and sugar, and the abundance of different fruits, might offer to the colonists of Paraguay manifold opportunities of acquiring wealth, yet very few opulent men are to be found. They have many means of wealth, but still more impediments. From the very infancy of this province to the present time, bloody seditions, civil wars, contentions, and pernicious enmities to the royal governours and bishops, have miserably diminished the riches of the Spaniards. Add to this, that the savage Guaycurus, Lenguas, Mocobios, Tobas, Abipones, and Mbayas, wretchedly wasted the province with massacres and pillage, without leaving the miserable inhabitants a place to breathe in, or the means of resistance. To elude their designs, little fortlets are every where erected on the banks of the Paraguay, fitted up with a single cannon, which, being discharged whenever the savages come in sight, admonishes the neighbours to fight or fly, according to circumstances. The fortlets not being very far distant from one another, the repeated explosions of guns quickly signifies the approach of an enemy descried from afar, to the metropolis itself. As this province is destitute of a regular soldiery, the settlers themselves are ordered sometimes to watch in these fortlets, sometimes to march against the savages. Being every year pressed for some months with the burdens of the militia, they are forced, during frequent and long absences, to neglect their substance, their families, their agriculture, and their commerce. In this you may see the chief origin of their poverty. Besides the equestrian savages, who is ignorant of the calamities brought upon this province by the barbarous Payaguas? These atrocious pirates, infesting the rivers Paraguay and Parana, had for many years been in the habit of intercepting Spanish vessels freighted with wares for the port of Buenos-Ayres, or conveying them from thence, and of massacring the crews. At length Raphael de la Moneda, the royal governour, repressed the audacity of these pirates, and after repeated successful excursions along the river, obliged them to crave a peace, of which their living quietly on the shore of the Paraguay within sight of the city of Asumpcion, was a principal condition. For many years they have kept to the convention; but no persuasions of the bishops, the governours, or the priests, could ever prevail upon them to embrace our religion. They are tall, and extremely muscular. The frightful appearance which nature has given them they increase with adscititious ornaments. In the under lip, which is perforated, they fix a long tube, sometimes of wood, sometimes of shining copper, reaching down to the breast. To the flap of one of their ears they tie the wing of a huge vulture. Their hair is stained with a purple juice, or with the blood of oxen. On their neck, their arms, and the calves of their legs, they wear strings of glass beads. They paint the whole body from head to foot with a variety of colours. The females, of every age, are decently covered with woollen garments woven by themselves. The males think themselves handsomely arrayed if they be elegantly painted; and formerly frequented both their own settlement, and the Spanish city and houses, in a state of complete nakedness; which being considered offensive to Christian decency by the governour Raphael de la Moneda, he provided that a quantity of coarse cotton should be distributed amongst the adult savages, with this edict, that if any of them thenceforth entered the city naked, he should be punished at the pillory in the market-place with fifty strokes. One of them had brought fish to the house of a Spanish matron to sell, in exchange for which he received a fruit called _mandubi_. Having no sack to put them in, he held them in the bottom of his garment lifted up as high as the loins. On departing, when he had reached the door of the room, he began to think within himself that this mode of proceeding would be punished by the governour with a public whipping, if he should hear of it. Alarmed by this consideration, he returns to the matron, repeats the word _Moneda_, with his finger in a threatening attitude, and having let down the fore part of his garment, pours the fruit on the ground, puts them into the hind part, and joyfully carries them off; thinking that by this method he might walk through the market-place decently and unpunished. They use their own language, though, from their constant intercourse with the Spaniards, the majority can stammer a little Spanish and Guarany. They abound in nuptial, funeral, natal, and military rites, and in the absurdest superstitions. Their weapons are a bow and arrows, long spears, and a club; but their craft is more formidable than their arms. Each family has its canoe, a narrow one indeed, but very long. They are managed with a single oar, pointed at the end like a sword, and fly at the slightest impulse in any direction. Their velocity is owing to their structure. The keel touches the water for little more than three palms in the middle; the remainder, towards the prow and poop, is curved like a bow, and rises out of the water. Both ends of the canoe are sharp alike, and either serves for poop or prow, as seems good. When the river is stormiest, they trust themselves and their families, without fear, to its waves. If ever the boat is upset by an unusually strong wave, which happens but seldom, the Payagua gets astride the boat, and thus pursues his way. How often, from the shore, have I beheld the Payagua struggling and laughing amid the foaming waves of the tumultuous river, and expected every moment to see him swallowed up by the eddying waters! They plunge into the lowest depths of the water, and after remaining under a surprising time, emerge at an immense distance, loaden with fish. They have two sorts of canoes; the lesser for fishing and daily voyages, the larger for the uses of war. These latter will hold forty warriors. If their designs be against the Spaniards, many of them join together in one fleet, and are the more dangerous from their drawing so little water, which enables them to lurk within the shelter of the lesser rivers, or islands, till a favourable opportunity presents itself of pillaging loaden vessels, or of disembarking and attacking the colonies. These savages, though more like beasts than men in their outward appearance, do nevertheless in the contrivance of their designs discover amazing subtlety. For many years they continued to pillage the Spanish colonies, and all the ships that came in their way, from the city of Asumpcion, forty leagues southwards. To the cities of Asumpcion and Corrientes, to the vicinity of Buenos-Ayres, and to the Guarany and Spanish towns, I appeal as witnesses. Heaps of dead bodies, crowds of boys and girls driven away, houses reduced to ashes, wares, and all kinds of precious furniture carried off, and churches laid waste—these are the monuments of the barbarous ferocity of these pirates: documents of their deceit yet fresh in the memory of man, on my coming into Paraguay. Many tribes of Payaguas yet remain, who, though bound by no tie of friendship to the Spaniards, cause them no apprehension, because they live remote from the city of Asumpcion, on the northern parts of the Paraguay, and on the shores of the rivers flowing into it, which the Spaniards seldom visit. But the Portugueze who dwell in Cayaba are sometimes taken, and sometimes slain by Payaguas still practising piracy.

To the royal jurisdictions of Buenos-Ayres and Rio de la Plata, of Tucuman and Asumpcion, must be added a region named Chaco. Its length is 300 leagues, its breadth 100. Tucuman, the region De las Charcas, Santa Cruz de la Sierra, and the rivers De la Plata and Paraguay surround Chaco; on both sides it is bounded by the mountains which stretch from Cordoba to the Peruvian silver mines at the cities of Lipes and Potosi, thence to Santa Cruz de la Sierra, and lastly to the lake Mamore, where they terminate. This territory, throughout its whole extent, enjoys a salubrious climate, and a rich fertile soil. Here it gently swells into pleasant hillocks, there sinks into fertile vallies, affording rich pasturage to horses and cattle of all kinds. It is adorned with woods, and a variety of excellent trees. On the Peruvian side, stones and rocks that seem to threaten the skies, cover immense tracts of land. Towards the south, it is utterly destitute of stones, pebbles, or sand, though you dig to the depth of fourteen feet. Incredible multitudes of strange beasts, birds, amphibious animals, and fishes present themselves to the eye. Besides lakes and rivulets, the ground is watered by noble rivers, which overflow the banks and inundate the sloping plains to a great extent. The most considerable stream in Chaco is the Rio Grande, or Vermejo, which has its source in the Peruvian mountains, and is increased by the accession of many rivers, till it shortly becomes navigable for small ships. It flows down in a very deep channel, with the most rapid course; washes the cities of Guadalcazar and Concepcion, long since devastated by the savages, and at about thirty leagues distance from thence, mingles its waters with the Paraguay, a little before its junction with the Parana. The waters of the Rio Grande, which abound in fish, are pronounced by authors to be salubrious, especially to those who labour under a difficulty of urine, or any disease of the bladder. The second place to this river is occupied by the Pilcomayo, which also flows from the Peruvian mountains. The distance between it and the Rio Grande is reckoned at thirty leagues. It is not navigable at all times, nor in all places. Nearly eighty leagues from its junction with the Paraguay, it splits into two arms, forming an island of as many leagues in length. The first of these arms which flows into the Paraguay, within sight of Asumpcion, is called by the Guaranies _Araguaaỹ_, or the wise river; possibly because the greatest sagacity is requisite to effect its navigation. The whole island is annually flooded, so that both branches of the river coalescing into one channel, it must be attributed to fortune, rather than to skill, if any pilot pass over the opposing shallows, and the meanders of its waters in safety. The other arm, which retains the name of _Pilcomayo_, unites with the Paraguay at about the distance of nine leagues to the south of Asumpcion. The waters of the Pilcomayo are, for the most part, extremely foul.

The Rio Salado derives its origin from the mountains of Salta. In sundry places it changes both its channel and its name. At first it is called Rio Arias, presently Rio Passage, and afterwards, in the neighbourhood of the castle de Val Buena, Rio Salado. Beyond the city of Santa Fè, it assumes the name of Coronda, and finally, under this name, loses itself in the mighty waters of the Parana. For a length of way, its waters are not only sweet, but very famous for their salubrity, which, however, tributary lakes and rivers corrupt with such filth and saltness, that, for the space of many leagues, the very beasts refuse to touch it. It may be worth while to notice the origin of its saltness. The neighbouring plains abound in the shrub _vidriera_, the ashes of which reduced to a calx are employed in the making of glass. The _vidriera_ resembles the juniper; the berries are small and cylindrical, green, nearly transparent, and joined one with another, being in place both of boughs and leaves. If I remember rightly, it bears no fruit. The rain falling upon these shrubs, contracts a saltness, and flowing down the country, communicates it to the lakes and streams, which enter rivers sweet at their source, and miserably taint them. The palm tree (_carandaỹ_) under which salt-petre is produced, has the same effect as the _vidriera_. But though the waters of the Rio Salado be salt, they are pellucid, and in the deepest parts the excellent fish, with which this river abounds, are perceptible at the bottom. Its channel is deep, and contained within narrow, though lofty and precipitous banks, through which it quietly flows, unnavigable, except near Santa Fè. Between the Salado and Dulce flows the rivulet Turugon, which, being girt with woods, even in the driest weather, affords plentiful and sweet waters to the traveller, as it is neither interrupted by shallows, nor tainted with salt. It is not far distant from the little Indian town Salabina. The Rio Dulce, which is the Nile of the territory of St. Iago, after proceeding a little southerly, overflows its banks, and is finally received by the lake of gourds (Laguna de los Porrongos) between Cordoba and Santa Fè. Not many leagues distant is the white lake, (Laguna Blanca,) where the Indians and Spaniards affirm that howlings, as of bulls, are heard in the dead of the night.

The rivers and streams of lesser note which belong to Chaco, are the Centa, the Ocloyas, the Jujuy, the Sinancas, the Rio Negro, the Rio Verde, the Atopehenra Lauate, the Rio Rey or Ychimaye, the Malabrigo or Neboque Latèl, the Inespin or Naraheguem, the Eleya, &c.; who shall number them all, when they are almost innumerable, and often unnamed? Most of these, after a long drought, become almost dry, a no uncommon occurrence in Chaco. You may often travel many leagues where not even a bird could discover a drop of water. On the other hand, when the sky is prodigal of its hoard, the brooks seem rivers, and the rivers seas, whole plains being inundated. During many journies of many weeks, when we had to contend with water, mud, and deep marshes, there was often not a palm of dry land where we could rest at night. The Spanish soldiers who were with me sometimes ascended high trees, and perching there, like birds, enjoyed some portion of rest during the night. Several of them lighted a fire there to heat their water. But the calamity was far more intolerable when we had to ride, without resting day or night, for many leagues, under a burning sun, before we reached a situation where we could obtain water for ourselves and our horses. At other places, you might traverse immense plains without seeing a twig to light a fire with. Wherever you turn, you meet with an army of gnats, serpents, and noxious insects, besides lions, tigers, and other formidable wild beasts.

This is the face of the province called Chaco! which the Spanish soldiers look upon as a theatre of misery, and the savages as their Palestine and Elysium. Hither the Indians fled, when the Spaniards first laid the yoke on the inhabitants of Peru. To escape the dreadful hands, nay the very sight of the Europeans, they betook themselves to the coverts of Chaco. For there they had mountains for observatories, trackless woods for fortifications, rivers and marshes for ditches, and plantations of fruit trees for storehouses; and there a numerous population still eludes the attempts of the Spaniards. It appears very probable, that these lurking-places in Chaco were tenanted by indigenous tribes, prior to the arrival of the Spaniards; and if so, it is indubitable that the new arrivers joined themselves to the natives, in the hope of security. Several tribes formerly existed in Chaco, but of these the names alone, or very slender relics remain. Of this number were the Calchaquis, formerly very numerous, famous for military ferocity, and hostile to the Spaniards. At present, a very few survive in a corner of the territory of Santa Fè, the rest having long since fallen victims to war, or the small-pox. Nearly the same fate has swept away the equestrian tribes of the Malbalaes, Mataras, Palomos, Mogosnas, Orejones, Aquilotes, Churumates, Ojotades, Tanos, Quamalcas, &c. The equestrian nations remaining in Chaco, and still formidable to the Spaniards, are the Abipones, Natekebits, Tobas, Amokebits, Mocobios, Yapitalakas, or Zapitalakas, and Oekakakalots, Guaycurus, or Lenguas. The Mbayas dwelling on the eastern shore of the Paraguay call themselves Eyiguayegis, those on the western Quetiadegodis. The pedestrian tribes are the Lules, the Ysistines Foxistines, who speak the same language, to wit the Tonocotè, and have been, for the most part, converted by us, and settled in towns: the Homoampas, Vilelas, Chunipies, Yooks, Ocoles, and Pazaines, who are in great part Christians: the Mataguayos, whom we have so often attempted to civilize, but who always proved indocile: the Payaguas, the Guanas, and the Chiquitos. By the annual excursions of men of our order to the woods, savages speaking various languages, as the Zamucos, Caypotades, Ygaronos, &c. were added to the colonies of the Chiquitos.

The Chiriguanos, a nation very famous for number, fierceness and obstinacy, can scarcely, I think, be referred to Chaco, as the majority of them inhabit the territories of Tarija and Peru. Their language, which is somewhat remarkable, is a dialect of the Guarany, very little corrupted. Tradition reports, that they formerly migrated from the southern shores of the Parana and the Paraguay, to these northern tracts of Peru, through fear of the vengeance which threatened them from the Portugueze, for having murdered their countryman Alexo Garzia. This cause of their migration some reject, and contend that near a hundred years before the murder of Alexo Garzia, they had been attacked, but not vanquished, by the Inca Yupangui. This is, at any rate, most certain, that the Chiriguanos, except a few who now profess Christianity, are, at this day, hostile to the Spaniards, and formidable to the whole neighbourhood far and wide.

I shall here cursorily mention the other nations yet remaining in Paraguay, without the limits of Chaco: the Guaranies, by far the most numerous of all, inhabiting thirty-two large towns, on the shores of the Parana, Paraguay, and Uruguay, and all of them sincerely attached to the King, and the Catholic Faith; as also the Ytatinguas, who occupy two colonies in the woods of Taruma. Other little towns, also, administered by secular Presbyters, or Franciscans, are inhabited by Christian Guaranies. The Tobatinguas, Tapes, and Caayguas, still hidden in the coverts of woods, have assumed these names from the mountains, rivers, or forests which they tenant, but are in reality Guaranies, and use the Guarany tongue. The Guayaguis are a populous nation, entirely different from the Guaranies in language, customs, and fairness of complexion. They wander over the remote forests on the banks of the Mondaỹ-guazù. They leap from tree to tree, like monkies, in search of honey, little birds, and other provision. Destitute of clothing and settled habitations, a timid race, they pass their lives without injuring any one. On the craggy rocks overhanging the river Tebiguarỹ Miri, and the little city Villa Rica, dwells a race of savages, called by the Spaniards Guaycuruti, from the fairness of their faces; men tall of stature, and armed with a club, and arrows. Troops of these occasionally descend into the plain beneath their mountains, and with their missiles or clubs kill the mules and horses of the Spaniards, and cutting them into pieces, transport them on their shoulders, and feast most luxuriously upon them at home. When, therefore, this carnage of horses and mules had brought devastation on the Spanish estates, it was unanimously agreed to examine the lurking-places of the savages, and either lead them away captive, or cut them off by massacre. The expedition was weighty, but brief. For on the very first day, some unaccountable panic induced them to return. To these horse-eaters I join the Indian man-eaters, who wander in the woods between the rivers Parana and Uruguay, as also on the shores of the Mondaỹ-guazù, and Acaraỹ, constantly intent on the chase of men, whose flesh they infinitely prefer to that of any beast. They have been sought after by men of our order, often with great hardships, often at the peril of their lives, but always in vain. The extensive plains, the forest labyrinths, the difficult recesses of the Yguazu, Ygatimi, Carema, Curyi, Acaraỹ, Monday, &c. abound in hives of wood Indians, who, though differently named, according to the places where they reside, may in general be referred to the Guarany nation.

Among the equestrian nations out of Chaco, the first place is held by the Guenoas, who reside between the rivers Uruguay and Plata, and the Pacific Ocean, without, however, having any fixed settlements. This very numerous nation comprehends the Charruas, the Yaros, Bohanes, Minoanes, and Costeros, all horsemen, and of the most barbarous manners. These savages, as dwelling nearest the Rio de la Plata, and being, as it were, the door-keepers of all Paraguay, have ever given the most trouble to the new arrivers from Spain, to whom they are hostile in the highest degree. In 1750, the soldiers of Santa Fè, to revenge their frequent violation of the stipulated peace, surprized the perfidious Charruas, about morning, as they were sleeping in their tents. Many were slain, and the rest led into captivity with their families. On the western shore of the Parana, a village was built for them, about twenty leagues distant from the city, a priest given them to instruct them in religion and humanity, and a guard of soldiers added to secure his personal safety, and prevent their flight. The savages were chiefly supported by the flesh of wild horses, with which the neighbouring plains are overrun. Tamed by hunger and misery, the Charruas applied themselves to agriculture, and yielded conformity to their priest, who, fearing nothing farther for his own security, and that of the colony, desired that the soldiers might be removed, as he found their presence totally useless to himself, and extremely prejudicial to his proselytes. This good man, who was a Franciscan, knew that he should lose both cost and labour, if the Indians observed the manners and discourse of the soldiers incongruous with the precepts issued from the church. On the fear of hostile aggression, soldiers are sometimes sent from the city for the defence of a new colony; but we dreaded the coming of the soldiers, more than that of the savages. For the former by their licentiousness do more harm to the women, than the savages could do to the colony with all their weapons. About the end of the last century, men of our order, by their eloquence and kindness, so far brought over the barbarous Yaros, who form a large part of the Quenoas, that, collected in a little town dedicated to St. Andrew, they suffered themselves, for some time, to be instructed in religion; but at the instigation of a certain famous juggler, they returned to their old haunts. Being asked the cause of their flight, "We don't like," said they, "to have a God who knows and sees all we do in secret. It is our fixed resolve and pleasure to enjoy our old liberty of thinking and acting as we like." The massacres committed by these worst of savages, in the territories of Corrientes, Santa Fé, and Monte-Video, alike exceed belief and calculation.

That immense plain which stretches out to the south west of Buenos-Ayres, is inhabited by equestrian savages. They have not all the same name or language. By the Spaniards they are either called Pampas,—dwellers in champaigne country; or Serranos,—mountaineers. From the Indians of Peru, they receive the general name of Aucas, to wit, enemies, or rebels. In reality, however, they are divided into Puelches, Peguenches, Thuelchùs, (whom we call Patagonians,) Sanguelches, Muluches, and Araucanos, the masters of the Chili Alps. Horrible names!—but far more horrible are the dispositions, deeds, manners and opinions of those who bear them. The country tenanted by these savages stretches an hundred leagues from north to south—from east to west full two hundred; is almost destitute of wood and water, but abounds in wild animals. Multitudes of emus wander over these solitudes. The horse supplies them with food, clothes, lodging, bed, arms, medicine, thread, and what not? Of the hide they make their couch, clothing, boots, tents, saddles, and thongs which serve alike for bridle and weapons. The sinews of the horse they use instead of thread, for the purposes of sewing. They drink melted horse-fat, and wash their heads, first with the blood of these animals, and afterwards with water, in the idea of its strengthening them. They twist horse-hair into ropes. They are terribly addicted to drunkenness, and expend their whole property in purchasing brandy from the Spaniards. When I resided in Buenos-Ayres, to sell this pestilent liquor was a crime, the absolution of which was reserved for the Bishop alone. For a single flagon of brandy, the young maid is often sold by her parents as a wife to some savage suitor. As soon as the first potation is prepared of the alfaroba mixed in water, they flock to their burying-places, not without many ceremonies, and sprinkling them with this beverage, utter the tenderest lamentations, for pity that those entombed beneath cannot enjoy their nectar. In war, these savages are extremely formidable to the neighbouring Spaniards. Fleet horses, a sword, a spear, and three stone balls covered with leather, and suspended from as many thongs, which they hurl with great dexterity, are their weapons, and weapons by no means to be despised.

The Southern savages, when wrought to the highest pitch of bitterness, leave their enemy, mutilated in both feet, and writhing on the ground, like a worm, to the tortures of a protracted death. This is their most familiar threat, when angry. Those whom they despatch at a single blow, they think kindly and humanely treated. Actuated by an irrational kind of pity, they are wont to bury their dying ere the breath has left them, to shorten their pains. At other times, when they see a man struggling in the agonies of death, they paint him with various colours, and adorn him with blue beads. They compose the corpse in such a manner, that the knees touch the face. His horses, ornamented with small copper bells, glass beads, and emu feathers, they lead round the tent of the deceased, for a certain number of times, after which they kill them. The same fate awaits his dogs. The bodies of the horses are fastened to the grave with stakes, from which are suspended many coloured garments. They believe that the souls both of men and emus inhabit subterraneous tents. See! what multitudes of nations are yet remaining in Paraguay! numerous others, moreover, whose names exist alone in histories and maps, have perished long since from various causes. Of this number are the Caracaras, Hastores, Ohomàs, Timbus, Caracoas, Napigues, Agazes, Itapurus, Urtuezes, Perabazones, Frentones, Aguilotes, &c.

In this place we may add, that within the ample confines of Paraguay, there is scarce known a single nation upon which the Jesuits have not bestowed their labours, and for which, whenever it was permitted, a colony was not founded. Above all, the nation of the Guaranies, though never to be vanquished by the arms of the Europeans, evinced such docility and obedience to the instructions of the Jesuits, and such submission to God and the Spanish monarchy, as could neither be gained nor expected from the other Americans. The Guaranies owe it to the exceeding benevolence of the Spanish Kings, that they have ever sent them Jesuits from Europe to teach them religion, that they have liberally supported them, that the annual tribute exacted from them has been lightened, and that they have protected them against envy and calumny by their royal letters. No time can erase the memory of such benefits. No one, however, will deny that the Spaniards, on the other hand, owe much to the Guaranies educated under our discipline. They have been partakers in all the wars which the Spaniards have waged in Paraguay against foreign or domestic foes, and have had a great share of all their victories. Again and again have all the Indian nations secretly conspired to the destruction of the Spaniards. And doubtless so great a number of rebels must ultimately have triumphed over so small a band as the Spaniards, had not our Guaranies, embracing the royal party, strenuously opposed the arms and purposes of its opponents. From one instance which I shall produce, you may judge of the rest.

In the years 1665 and 1666, the Indians almost universally harboured designs of expelling the Spaniards from the whole province. Already were the torches of sedition and tumult scattered in every corner of Paraguay. The royal Governour Alphonso Sarmiento, alarmed by these rumours, hastened from Asumpcion, with a little band of soldiers, to the town of Arecaya, about sixty leagues distant, situate on the banks of the Yeyuy; a place of the inhabitants of which he entertained some suspicions. The greater part of them were in a state of slavery to private Spaniards, and but little content with their lot. Pretending friendship, however, they received the Governour with honour, and he, suspecting no turbulence for the present, took up his quarters on the skirts of the town, in huts of boughs and straw. In the dead of the night the Indians surprized the Spaniards with every species of weapon, and cast fire upon their huts. Some of the Spaniards were slain and more wounded; most of their clothes were burnt, their gunpowder was exploded, and some of their guns were taken by the enemy. In the trepidation excited, the soldiers betook themselves to the neighbouring church, where they thought for a little while to remain in safety. But destitute of meat and drink they must have perished of thirst and famine. The holy water was converted into a remedy for their thirst. The enemy blockading the walls, they had no opportunity of escape, no means of obtaining provision. At last, the danger of the Governour and his comrades being told to the Guarany Ytatinguas in St. Ignacio and Nuestra Señora Santa Fè, Father Quesa, who presided over both these colonies, set out immediately with about two hundred of his Indian horsemen, in the view of assisting the Governour. After travelling incessantly for twenty-four hours, they entered Arecaya, where the Indian rebels were slain or taken prisoners by the Christian Guaranies, and the Spaniards brought forth to freedom and security. Out of the company of Guaranies three horsemen were chosen to carry the Governour's letters to Asumpcion, in which he informed them of what had happened, and what steps must be taken for his own safety and that of the province. The court of Madrid was immediately apprized of the fidelity and zeal of the Guaranies, whom the Catholic King honoured with gracious letters, which are still preserved in the register of Nuestra Señora a Santa Fè. It appears from sufficient authority that a sedition raised by factious and warlike nations, with a view to the destruction of all the Spaniards, would have broken out had they not stood in awe of the strength and immutable fidelity of the Guarany nation towards the King. On this very account they were exposed to the hatred of the savages hostile to the Catholic King. The Guaycurus for many years harassed these two towns of the Ytatinguas, and compelled them, at length, to exchange their station for one surrounded by the rivers Parana and Paraguay, where yet remain the posterity of those who aided the Spaniards endangered in Arecaya.

Concerning the ten towns of the Chiquitos I have spoken before. These Indians, formidable from their warlike courage and mortally poisoned arrows, whenever commanded by the royal Governours have uniformly proved brave and faithful fellow-soldiers to the Spaniards against the savages, and even against the Portugueze. Less in point of number, but highly consequential to the tranquillity of the whole province, have been the four cities of the Abipones, the two of Mocobios, one of Tobas, and another of Mbayas, warlike and equestrian nations. To these add the pedestrian nations, the Lules, Vilelas, Chiriguanos, Chunipies, Homoampas, &c. converted by us to the Roman rites and discipline in their own colonies. In language, manners, and religious observances, they differ amongst themselves; they are all, however, attached to agriculture.

Very many Indian towns have long since ceased to exist, sometimes from the inconstancy of the Indians sighing for their native land, sometimes from the malevolence, the avarice, or inertness of the Europeans. Father Joseph Labrador is my authority, that seventy-three towns of various Indians perished in the province of Chaco. In the present age, by much labour of the Jesuits, three towns have arisen, at an immense expense, for the southern savages, the inhabitants of the Magellanic territory, all dedicated to the most holy mother of God. The first, named Concepcion, is inhabited by the Pampas, and acted as a defence to the inhabitants of Buenos-Ayres against the incursions of the savages. The rulers of the newly-built town, Father Matthias Strobl from the province of Austria, and Manuel Querini, a Venetian of noble family, were men of distinguished piety, prudence, and fortitude. Both Fathers possessed singular dexterity in managing the minds of the Indians. The neighbourhood of the city, and of the Spanish estates, where there was plenty of spirit and of bad example, incredibly retarded the conversion of the savages to a better way of life. The Serranos and Patagonians, who came backwards and forwards to visit the Pampas, won by the kindness of the Father, and taken by the conveniences of life which the inhabitants of the colonies enjoyed, began earnestly to desire a little town of this sort in their native soil. Their wishes were immediately gratified. Fathers Falconer and Cardiel, the one an Englishman of great skill in medicine, the other a Spaniard, and a man of an ardent and intrepid mind, travelled to their savage wildernesses, and having felt the pulse of the people, looked about for an opportune situation, wherein to establish the intended colony. At length the town was built, and the Caciques Marike and Tschuan Tuya, with four-and-twenty hordesmen belonging to them, settled therein; it was named Nuestra Señora del Pilar. To govern this colony, Father Matthias Strobl, who knew a little of those languages, was removed thither by the mandate of the Superior. Though daily vicissitudes occurred, yet hopes of the happiest progress shone through them. But an unforeseen event almost proved fatal to the new raised colony. Thus it was: a murder happening to be committed in the territory of Buenos-Ayres, soldiers were sent by the Governour to detect the assassins. Cacique Yahati, a Serrano, accompanied by fifteen persons of both sexes, in travelling to the city, fell in with the soldiers, and without any foundation for the conjecture, was carried off on the suspicion of this murder, and kept closely confined in prison with his people in the city. With how incensed a mind the inhabitants of the town bore so great an injury done to their countryman, of whose innocence they felt assured, can scarcely be expressed. The life of Father Matthias Strobl was placed in the most imminent danger. Cacique Marike, who, though blind in both eyes, possessed the greatest authority among them, was immediately delegated by the infuriated people to make the just demand of their captive's liberty from the Spanish Governour, and to declare instant war, in the name of the whole nation, against the Spaniards if he should refuse. This threat filled Joseph Andonaegui with distracting cares, conscious, as he was, of the slender forces he had to oppose to so numerous a foe. The examination of the murder being resumed, and the witnesses being heard again and again, the innocence of the imprisoned Cacique at length appeared, some credible Spaniards asserting, that at the very time when the murder was committed he was engaged in a certain shop in the city. Which being proved, after a causeless captivity of four months, they were immediately granted their liberty and the power of returning to their friends by the equitable Governour. These things fell out on my third visit to Buenos-Ayres, about the beginning of the year 1748. Through an Indian interpreter I had a good deal of conversation with the blind Cacique Marike, and on my playing to him in my chamber, on the viol d'amour, he took such a liking to me, that he earnestly entreated me to go to their colony, as an assistant to Father Matthias Strobl, who was growing aged. Both my feet, I confess, itched for the journey; I answered, however, "Pleased indeed should I be to mount my horse, and accompany you to the Magellanic lands. But men of our profession cannot go where we will, except we be sent by the command of our captain, (the provincial.") "Where, pray, does your captain dwell?" eagerly inquired Marike. "In this very house," returned I. On hearing this he immediately caused himself to be led into our provincial's chamber, and with importunate but vain entreaties, begged me for his companion. The provincial replied, that I was now appointed to another station, but promised to send me in two years to his colony, and the provincial would have stood to his promise, had not my labours been needed amongst the Abipones.

On the departure of the captives from Buenos Ayres, the town was restored to its former tranquillity, and shortly after increased by new supplies of Patagonians. For these a single town was prepared, four leagues distant, and named Nuestra Señora de los Desamparados. The government of it was committed to Father Lorenzo Balda of Pampeluna, and to Father Augustino Vilert a Catalan. Three of the Patagonian Caciques, with eighty of their hordesmen, occupied this colony. A horde consists of three or four families, sometimes of more. Each family generally numbers four, five, and often more heads; for the Patagonians have many children, and polygamy is very common amongst them. They are docile beyond all the other southern tribes, and make less opposition to baptism, but I cannot commend the young men of this nation either for honesty or modesty. Scarce any commerce is carried on between the Spaniards and Patagonians. From a nation so populous, so tractable, and of so gentle a disposition, great accessions were reasonably expected to Christianity, but Satan confounded all these fair hopes. Cangapol, the potentate of that region, long beheld these Christian colonies with gloomy and envious eyes. Through them he thought that friendships would be formed with the Spaniards, the freedom of the southern nations endangered, and his own power in these parts gradually diminished, and ultimately suppressed. Hence he turned his whole heart and thoughts to hastening the destruction of the new town, and the banishment of the Fathers who taught the strange religion. In order to effect these purposes, as many savages as possible were associated in a contract of arms, and an expedition was at length undertaken. Matthias Strobl, being made acquainted with the route and immense number of the enemy, made a timely request by letter, to the Governour, for military succours from Buenos-Ayres, which city promised seventy provincial horsemen, but never supplied one. Thus having suffered a repulse from the Spaniards, whose interest it chiefly was to maintain these towns, by flying with his people, the Father eluded the enemy—eluded since he could not subdue. The towns, their flocks, and their herds were left. The neophytes and catechumens, all who were sincere in religion and friendly to the Spaniards, fled with the Fathers to the city of Concepcion. But this colony being daily harassed by hostile incursions, and but lazily defended by the Spanish guards, was entirely deserted on the 3d of February, 1753, a severe loss to the city. For the savages being now at full liberty to ravage where they would, the estates for two leagues distant from the city were presently left destitute of their guards, and the lands around the village of Magdalen, famous for large crops of wheat, of their cultivators, both having fled to safer quarters. In the city itself the most disgraceful trepidations often arose, sometimes from real danger, at others from the suspicion alone of an enemy. In the circumjacent estates and plains very many were despoiled of their substance, their cattle, and their life, by the assaulting savages. The light-armed cavalry, who were commanded to keep watch in the country and repress the enemy, suffered repeated losses. Waggons laden with silver from Peru, were often despoiled of their treasures, the soldiers who guarded and transported them being miserably butchered. The same savages have often proved fatal, always formidable, to the inhabitants of Barragan, a bay of the Rio de la Plata, where vessels are often drawn out and refitted. Those who went southward in great numbers for salt to the salt-pits, were sometimes slain to a man. Then at length the Spaniards perceived the utility of the southern colonies, after they had irrecoverably lost them. That so many thousand Indians who dwell in the southern parts, should be buried together in their darkness, is indeed a reflexion worthy of regret. Who will not deplore the infinite miseries of the Jesuits, who laboured for many years upon this people, the hardships of their journeys, their want of necessaries, the daily perils that threatened their lives, and the greatness of their labours,—labours almost fruitless, except indeed their sending to Heaven a considerable number of infants, baptized before their death, as also not a few adults? At first, before oxen and sheep were sent for their subsistence, the Fathers lived on horse-flesh, the daily food of those Indians. Father Thomas Falconer, who wandered over all the plains with his Indians to kill horse-flesh, having no plate of pewter or wood, always, in place thereof, made use of his hat, which grew at length so greasy, that it was devoured whilst he slept by the wild dogs with which the plains are over-run. Father Matthias Strobl's hut being set on fire by some villain or other, and the straw roof being already in flames, he would doubtless himself have perished, had he not been awakened from his deep sleep, by one who continued faithful to him, and rescued him from the conflagration. The town of Concepcion was situated in 322° 20´ longitude, and in latitude 36° 20´; that of Nuestra Señora del Pilar was distant from Concepcion seventy leagues to the south west; from Buenos-Ayres full an hundred and ten leagues; from the town of Nuestra Señora de los Desamparados only four.

Nor must you think that the care of taming and instructing the southern nations has been neglected till our time. This business was taken up by the Catholic kings, and us Jesuits, in the last century. Every method was vainly tried to unite them to Christ and the Catholic King. Omitting the rest, Fathers Nicholas Mascardi and Joseph Quilelmo, indefatigable teachers of the holy religion in that place, were murdered by their cruel, unmanageable disciples. Nothing daunted by the ferocity thus manifested in the savages, our companions, both of Chili and of Paraguay, left no stone unturned to enlighten these uttermost corners of South America with the torch of the gospel; but the attempt was ever vain and unrewarded, save by the immortal glory which their apostolic magnanimity and fortitude gained them. In the year 1745, a ship was despatched by Philip the Fifth from Cadiz to Paraguay, for the purpose of inspecting the shores of Magellan, and the neighbouring land. If any post or commodious station offered itself, it was to be fortified against an enemy. If they discovered the quarters of any savages, a colony and religious instruction were to be awarded them. Three Jesuits, therefore, were destined by the King for this perilous expedition. Father Joseph Quiroga, Father Joseph Cardiel, and Father Matthias Strobl. From the military guard of the city of Monte-Video, twenty-five soldiers were chosen for the defence of the ship and the crew. They weighed anchor in the port of Monte-Video, on the 17th of December, 1745, and set out with prosperous gales and minds full of hope.