Chapter V: The Northern Villages

Population — Relation of Population to Water-Supply — Trade in Dates — Imports — Taxation on Date-Palms and Wells — Measurement of Wells — Revenue derived from the Oasis — Origin of Inhabitants — Kharga Village — Industries — Ancient and Modern Wells — Meheriq Village — Troubles with Sand — Migration of Villagers — Ain el Tawîl and other Hamlets — Gennâh Village — Famous Wells — Ain Estakherab — Ochreous Waters of certain Wells — Ain el Ghuâta — Bulaq Village — Doum-Palms — Tomb of Sheikh Khalid Ibn el Walîd.

In point of population Kharga ranks second of the four great oases of the Libyan Desert. In 1897 the inhabitants numbered 7,856, and ten years later had increased to 8,348. The 1907 census showed the male to be slightly in excess of the female population, a result entirely owing to the preponderance of men in the northern part of the oasis. The present distribution of the inhabitants, according to the last census, is shown in the table on the following page.

In the oases of the Libyan Desert there is a very close connection between population and water-supply. No water is intentionally allowed to run to waste, every drop being utilized to raise

+-----------------+-------+---------+--------+
| | Male. | Female. | Total. |
+-----------------+-------+---------+--------+
| Kharga District | 2,819 | 2,503 | 5,322 |
| Gennâh District | 207 | 237 | 444 |
| Bulaq District | 487 | 529 | 1,016 |
| Beris District | 767 | 799 | 1,566 |
| +-------+---------+--------+
| Total | 4,280 | 4,068 | 8,348 |
+-----------------+-------+---------+--------+

the crops of rice, dates, barley, and wheat, which form the staple food-supplies of the inhabitants. Cut off by a waterless desert, these people have little intercourse with the outside world, except for a few weeks in the early winter months, when they dispose of their surplus date-crop to the Bedawin traders who cross the desert with droves of camels from the Nile Valley. The dates are usually paid for in cash, ready-money being required in order to meet the annual taxes levied by the Egyptian Government. Practically the only food-stuffs imported consist of such commodities as tea, coffee, and sugar, which are used sparingly, and regarded as luxuries even by the better classes.

It is evident, therefore, that the inhabitants rely almost entirely for subsistence on the products they are able to raise by their own toil and industry. Owing to there being no rainfall, the acreage of land which can be put under crops depends absolutely on the amount of water available for irrigation by wells. The total yield of the latter has, we know, fluctuated to a considerable extent at different times, and one may surmise that, could figures be obtained giving the number of inhabitants and the volume of the water-supply for different periods during the last 5,000 years, a remarkably constant ratio would be observable between the two.

Taxes are levied by the Egyptian Government on both date-trees and wells. Over 60,000 adult palms exist in the oasis, each one being subject to a yearly tax of 1½ piastres (about 3½d.). The output or yield of a well is, for purposes of taxation, determined in a somewhat rough-and-ready manner by a method which appears to have been in use for a number of generations. Whenever a new bore is completed, or an old well requires remeasurement, all the most influential personages in the oasis, headed by the Omda or chief of Kharga village, armed with a number of primitive appliances, solemnly proceed to the spot.

After first ascertaining that the well has not been temporarily blocked by interested persons—even here in the remote interior of the desert there is an inherent objection to the paying of taxes—the bed and sides of the water-channel are made as smooth as possible for a distance of five or ten paces below the mouth of the well, so that the water flows away with an even ripple. A small pointed stick is now inserted in the centre of the bed of the stream, in such a way that the top of the peg is exactly flush with the surface of the water. Then the Omda, hitching up his flowing robes, steps into the stream, and, selecting a gauge of suitable dimensions, fixes it firmly in the bed of the channel, in such a position that the whole of the flow passes freely through, without raising or lowering the surface of the stream above, as indicated by the peg. The interior of the gauge, a roughly-made wooden frame, is intended to be a definite number of centimetres in length, but in many of those used there is a small error. As soon as the stream flows evenly over the gauge or weir, without its surface-level being altered, the depth of water is measured on a scale. The latter is wetted and plunged into a heap of dry sand before being used, the depth of water being indicated by that portion of the scale from which the sand has been removed by the immersion. Observations are made at both ends of the weir to insure any error due to want of horizontality of the frame being detected.

The actual discharge is reckoned in ‘qirats’ and eighths of a qirat (tumns), a qirat being a water-section of 64 square centimetres. For example, if the depth of water passing over a gauge having an internal length of 40 centimetres was found to be 8 centimetres, the water-section would amount to 40 × 8 = 320 square centimetres, which would be reckoned as a discharge of 5 qirats.

The Omda and his attendants carry out the operations with the utmost care and solemnity, and have the most touching faith in the accuracy of their results. Apart, however, from errors in the gauges and scales used, and from the want of provision of a free fall on the downstream side of the weir, the fact that the velocity of the stream is entirely left out of account is sufficient to give the qirat a very variable value, low for small and high for large streams, the result being that the small wells are being taxed at about 50 per cent. higher rates than the large ones. In order to ascertain the average value of the qirat for streams of different size, I arranged with Mr. Patterson, who at the time was the Government Representative in Kharga, to send the Omda to headquarters and instruct him to measure a number of new bores belonging to the Corporation of Western Egypt, as these bores, being cased and provided with proper outlet valves, lend themselves to exact measurement better than the majority of the native-owned wells. The Omda employed the ordinary local native method just described, while I, using a tank of known capacity and a reliable stop-watch, made direct measurements immediately afterwards. The results obtained show that below 2 the qirat has a value of 22 gallons a minute; from 2 to 4 of 26 gallons a minute; and from 5 to 6 of 38 gallons a minute.

The annual tax levied on the water amounts to 50 piastres (about 10s. 3d.) per qirat. If the average value of the qirat be taken at 25 gallons per minute, the tax works out at approximately 1s. for every 6,000 cubic metres of water. Looked at from another point of view, it may be considered that the tax amounts to about 1s. 6d. an acre, as with every qirat of water the native cultivator in the oasis will annually raise about two acres of rice and five of wheat or barley.

The total revenue derived by the Government from the oasis, by taxes on date-palms and water, amounts to a little over £1,000 per annum.

My old friend Sheikh Mustapha, who for more than twelve years has been Omda of Kharga village, was very anxious to know the results of the comparative measurements made on the bores. He professed himself as surprised at the difference in the results, but emphatically refused to entertain the possibility of there being any error in his measurements, made by so old-established a method. Although he was far too polite to so express himself in words, I felt that the old gentleman had the utmost contempt for my method of well measurement.

With the exception of the Dakhla peasants, the inhabitants of the oases differ entirely from the fellahin of the Nile Valley. According to Brugsch, the original inhabitants were Libyan (Berber) tribes, but after annexation to Egypt, there was considerable immigration from Nubia and other parts of the Nile Valley. Nevertheless, in the oasis of Kharga the physiognomic type of the Berber race is still predominant.

El Kharga, the chief village of the oasis, containing about 4,500 inhabitants, is situated in a broad belt of cultivated lands and palm-groves running centrally down the depression from the southern extremity of Jebel Têr. The village consists of a picturesque compact conglomeration of houses, built of sun-dried bricks, and of every shape and size. The streets meander in a very remarkable manner, and are to a large extent in partial or total darkness, owing to their being for the most part roofed over and covered by upper storeys. Without the aid of a guide it is almost impossible to find one’s way through the intricacies of the underground passages, though no fears need be entertained on the score of being in any way molested, the inhabitants being most peaceably inclined. In some parts of the village the streets are actually cut through the solid rock. They are generally clean and cool even on the hottest and dustiest of days, and as a rule the few wayfarers one meets scuttle like startled rabbits into the dark recesses on either side, from the depths of which, and through chinks in the wooden doors and windows, they can gape in safety at the unwonted spectacle of European visitors.

Viewed from the outside, say from the ridge of sand which hems in the village on the east side, one sees a vast array of walls, surmounted by screens of dried palm-branches, bound together to form compact hedges affording protection and privacy to those portions of the houses open to the sky. Two minarets rise above the general level, while all around are palm-groves and gardens, with the open desert rising to the western horizon.

Almost the whole of the population is engaged in agriculture, and as in some cases the wells are situated far from the village, many of the peasants daily ride considerable distances to and fro on their sturdy but diminutive donkeys. There are two or three small shops in the village, but nothing in the nature of bazaars, the chief business transacted being the retailing of Nile Valley goods, such as drapery and groceries. The native women are adepts at basket- and mat-making, and mention must not be omitted of the very attractive spherical baskets made of palm-leaves and fibre, ornamented with coloured wools, and manufactured in every conceivable size and design. Pretty circular trays are made from the same substances; in fact, the number of uses to which the waste materials from the date- and doum-palms can be put is little short of marvellous.

Everything connected with the village is of the most primitive description, and until a very short time ago few of the inhabitants had been beyond the limits of their own fields. The advent of the railway caused no little commotion and stir in the oasis, and awakened trading instincts which had lain dormant since Roman times. Many of the villagers now travel to and fro between Kharga and the Nile Valley, and the Omda took an early opportunity of obtaining leave of absence from his onerous duties, and proceeded to Alexandria for a course of sea-baths!

Outside the village, with the exception of the antiquities, to which we shall call attention in a separate chapter, there is little of general interest beyond the wells and gardens, among which there are many picturesque spots. At Bir Ain el Gôs, a few kilometres to the north, a primitive form of corn-mill may be seen working, the grinding-stones being driven by the water of the well by means of an undershot wheel.

It may be mentioned here that with very few, if any, exceptions the different streams which collectively make up the water-supply of the oasis find their way to the surface through artificially constructed passages. The great majority of these are bores of ancient construction, though a few have been sunk with modern plant during the last fifty years. The ancient wells are known as Aiyûn (sing. Ain), the modern as Abiyâr (sing. Bir); for example, Ain el Ghazâl, Bir Mansûra. In cases where a modern bore has been specially sunk to replace an ancient well, the two words are used in conjunction; for instance, Bir Ain el Gôs. The position of each well is nearly always conspicuously marked by a thick clump of acacias, from which (more especially in the isolated settlements in the northern part of the depression) the main irrigating channel generally runs in a southerly direction, the cultivated lands being of triangular form, with the apex at or near the source of the water, and raised little, if at all, above the general level of the surrounding plain. By this disposition the fields present the least possible front to the north, from which side comes the bulk of the sand which is such a curse to these outlying settlements.

Kharga village, being snugly situated among palm-groves, and directly to the south of Jebel Têr, is well protected from the fierce, sand-laden winds which so frequently scour the depression from north to south. The poor little hamlet of Meheriq, on the other hand, set on the open plain some 20 kilometres to the north, is exposed to every wind that blows, with the result that the sand has accumulated to such an extent that most of the palms have been buried, and many of the houses have been overwhelmed. The advancing dunes are, in fact, steadily pushing the hamlet southwards. At frequent intervals the occupants of the most northerly houses move their goods and chattels, and betake themselves to new quarters erected at the southern extremity. This periodical migration has, indeed, become so ingrained a habit that it is now regarded as of little moment; it is only when their wells and trees are threatened and destroyed that the wretched people call on Allah to stay His hand, and protect them from destruction.

Still farther to the north lie a number of isolated wells with small areas of cultivation, and at some of these there are settlements consisting of one or two families. Ain el Tawîl, 8 kilometres south-east of Kharga, is another little hamlet, rendered more conspicuous than most of these outlying settlements by the presence of a Sheikh’s tomb surmounted by a rather pointed dome. A third important dependency of Kharga is known as Um el Dabâdib, and is situated a day’s journey to the north. This place is of exceptional interest, in that its water-supply is not derived from wells, but from extensive tunnels driven into the hills. Some most interesting ruins exist in the neighbourhood, but a description of these and of the subterranean aqueducts must be postponed to a later chapter.

Twelve kilometres to the south of Kharga lies the village of Gennâh. The intermediate country is largely covered by sand, which in the neighbourhood of the village has accumulated into large dunes, threatening it and its magnificent wells, Ain Estakherab and Ain Magarin, with ultimate destruction. Ain Estakherab is undoubtedly the finest well in the Libyan Desert, and has been running for hundreds, if not for thousands, of years; but unless special measures are taken to cope with the advance of the dunes immediately to the north and north-west, this splendid flow of water is doomed to destruction within the next ten or twenty years. Owing to the encroachment of the sand there is very little land available for cultivation near the village, the bulk of the water from the two wells being conducted in an open channel to the low-lying plain south-east of the hill-range known as the Gorn el Gennâh. This channel traverses 7 or 8 kilometres of porous desert before it reaches the first of the cultivated fields in the neighbourhood of the Gorn, and there is in consequence very great loss of water through seepage and evaporation.

The famous wells of Gennâh differ from most of those in the northern part of the oasis in that their mouths are large and deep pools of limpid water, from the depths of which great bubbles of gas constantly ascend to the surface. Little or nothing is known as to the age and depth of either of these wells; they have never been cleaned out in modern times, and are closed in at a depth of a few metres from the surface in such a way as to prevent soundings being made. With the object of determining if the large discharges are due to the wells being situated on exceptionally low ground, I recently had a line of levels run from headquarters to Gennâh. Contrary to expectation, it was found that Ain Estakherab and Ain Magarin discharged at levels considerably above the average elevation of the wells of the Kharga district; possibly, therefore, the exceptional flows in this district are due to its comparative isolation, and to the immunity thus obtained from the interference of other wells.

Between the villages of Kharga and Gennâh, along a north and south belt lying somewhat to the east and on the downthrow side of the fault, are a number of wells whose waters are almost invariably more or less charged with ochre and alkaline salts. In some cases the proportion of dissolved salts is sufficiently great to render the water unfit for either drinking or irrigation, and even where it can be used for the latter purpose, ochre is deposited to such an extent as to bind the soil into a hard cake. The occurrence appears to be due to the geological position of the wells in this tract, where, owing to the beds being let down by the fault, the purple shales form the floor of the depression; it is perhaps from these beds that the waters derive their abnormally high contents of ferric oxide and other salts.

The wells near Qasr el Ghuâta are of similar nature, and thick banks of ochre have been deposited along their channels. I recollect on one occasion using the water of Ain el Ghuâta for making tea, and being considerably surprised at the inky blackness of the resulting liquid, although, in spite of the colour and a markedly ferruginous taste, the brew was not undrinkable.

Near the ruins of Qasr Zaiyan, and southward as far as the village of Bulaq, the country takes on quite a different aspect, owing to the numerous scrub-covered areas, dotted everywhere with semi-wild doum-palms. Doums thrive in very poor soil, and appear to be self-sown; they are to my mind far more graceful and picturesque than the ordinary date-palms, from which they differ in many important respects. The trunk of a well-grown doum-palm is forked, not once, but many times, the different stems preserving a considerable amount of symmetry; the branches, which are covered with the most atrocious hooks, terminate in sharp-pointed, serrated fan-shaped leaves. The fruit consists of bunches of hard nuts, and can be eaten either in its raw condition or after being ground into meal and cooked; most persons, however, except perhaps confirmed nut-eating vegetarians, would decline it in either state. Although the country throughout which the doum-palms abound appears to be more or less deserted, every tree has its owner among the inhabitants of the nearest village.

Bulaq, distant 25 kilometres from Kharga, has a population of 1,016, and is the centre of the mat and ‘zambile’ trade. The zambile is an open wide-mouthed basket which is used in every part of Egypt, and practically replaces the wheelbarrow of western lands. Formerly only small quantities were made for export, but the natives have not been slow to take advantage of the railway, and truck-loads of these baskets may now be frequently seen on the trains. The Bulaq varieties of mats and baskets are mostly made from the leaf of the doum-palm.

The village, bounded on three sides by sand and open desert, with the palm-groves and cultivated lands to the east, cannot be said to be particularly attractive. A few kilometres to the south is the tomb of Sheikh Khalid Ibn el Walîd, a large, square, whitewashed building surmounted by a dome.