Chapter 13 (2)

"‘Know you not, that childhood well govern’d, being a state which is
ordinarily accompanied with an happy memory, is capable of thousands
of good precepts and instructions, which remain deeply impressed the
whole remainder of a man’s life, and keep the mind always raised for
great actions? The law, prayers, and science, may they not as well be
learned in our mother-tongue as in Arabick? You told my father, Chah
Jehan, that you would teach me philosophy. ’Tis true, I remember very
well, that you have entertain’d me for many years with airy questions
of things that afford no satisfaction at all to the mind, and are of
no use in humane society, empty notions and mere phancies, that have
only this in them, that they are very hard to understand and very
easie to forget, which are only capable to tire and spoil a good
understanding, and to breed an opinion that is insupportable. I still
remember, that after you had thus amused me, I know not how long, with
your fine philosophy, all I retained of it was a multitude of
barbarous and dark words, proper to bewilder, perplex, and tire out
the best wits, and only invented the better to cover the vanity and
ignorance of men like yourself, that would make us believe that they
know all, and that under those obscure and ambiguous words are hid
great mysteries which they alone are capable to understand. If you had
season’d me with that philosophy which formeth the mind to
ratiocination, and insensibly accustoms it to be satisfied with
nothing but solid reasons, if you had given me those excellent
precepts and doctrines which raise the soul above the assaults of
fortune, and reduce her to an unshakeable and always equal temper, and
permit her not to be lifted up by prosperity nor debased by adversity;
if you had taken care to give me the knowledge of what we are and what
are the first principles of things, and had assisted me in forming in
my mind a fit idea of the greatness of the universe, and of the
admirable order and motion of the parts thereof; if, I say, you had
instilled into me this kind of philosophy, I should think myself
incomparably more obliged to you than Alexander was to his Aristotle,
and believe it my duty to recompense you otherwise than he did him.
Should not you, instead of your flattery, have taught me somewhat of
that point so important to a king, which is, what the reciprocal
duties are of a sovereign to his subjects and those of subjects to
their sovereign; and ought not you to have considered, that one day I
should be obliged with the sword to dispute my life and the crown with
my brothers? Is not that the destiny almost of all the sons of
Indostan? Have you ever taken any care to make me learn, what ’tis to
besiege a town or to set an army in array? For these things I am
obliged to others, not at all to you. Go, and retire to the village
whence you are come, and let nobody know who you are or what is become
of you.’" [For another version of this speech see Bernier 154 ff.,
Manucci ii. 30 ff.]

Footnote 4.13.22:

[_Historical Fragments of the Mogul Empire_, ed. 1782, p. 101. The
quotation in the text has been corrected.]

Footnote 4.13.23:

The Jizya.

Footnote 4.13.24:

I deem it right, in order further to illustrate the cultivated
understanding of Aurangzeb, to annex the letters written to his sons a
few days before his death. With such talents, with so just a
conception as these and the rebuke to his tutor evince of his
knowledge of the right, what might he not have been had not fell
ambition misguided him!

"To Shaw Azim Shaw. [Shāh Āzam Shāh.]

"Health to thee! my heart is near thee. Old age is arrived: weakness
subdues me, and strength has forsaken all my members. I came a
stranger into this world, and a stranger I depart. I know nothing of
myself, what I am, and for what I am destined. The instant which
passed in power, hath left only sorrow behind it. I have not been the
guardian and protector of the empire. My valuable time has been passed
vainly. I had a patron in my own dwelling (conscience), but his
glorious light was unseen by my dim sight. Life is not lasting, there
is no vestige of departed breath, and all hopes from futurity are
lost. The fever has left me, but nothing of me remains but skin and
bone. My son (Kaum Buksh), though gone towards Beejapore, is still
near; and thou, my son, are yet nearer. The worthy of esteem, Shaw
Aulum, is far distant; and my grandson (Azeem Ooshaun), by the orders
of God, is arrived near Hindostan. The camp and followers, helpless
and alarmed, are like myself, full of affliction, restless as the
quicksilver. Separated from their lord, they know not if they have a
master or not.

“I brought nothing into this world, and, except the infirmities of
man, carry nothing out. I have a dread for my salvation, and with what
torments I may be punished. Though I have strong reliance on the
mercies and bounty of God, yet, regarding my actions, fear will not
quit me; but when I am gone, reflection will not remain. Come then
what may, I have launched my vessel to the waves. Though Providence
will protect the camp, yet, regarding appearances, the endeavours of
my sons are indispensably incumbent. Give my last prayers to my
grandson (Bedar Bukht), whom I cannot see, but the desire affects me.
The Begum (his daughter) appears afflicted; but God is the only judge
of hearts. The foolish thoughts of women produce nothing but
disappointment. Farewell! farewell! farewell!” [This letter is printed
by H. Bilimoria, _Letters of Aurangzeb_, 71 f.]

"To the Prince Kaum Buksh. [Kāmbakhsh.]

"My son, nearest to my heart. Though in the height of my power, and by
God’s permission, I gave you advice, and took with you the greatest
pains, yet, as it was not the divine will, you did not attend with the
ears of compliance. Now I depart a stranger, and lament my own
insignificance, what does it profit me? I carry with me the fruits of
my sins and imperfections. Surprising Providence! I came here alone,
and alone I depart. The leader of this caravan hath deserted me. The
fever which troubled me for twelve days has left me. Wherever I look,
I see nothing but the divinity. My fears for the camp and followers
are great: but, alas! I know not myself. My back is bent with
weakness, and my feet have lost the powers of motion. The breath which
rose is gone, and left not even hope behind it. I have committed
numerous crimes, and know not with what punishments I may be seized.
Though the protector of mankind will guard the camp, yet care is
incumbent also on the faithful and my sons. When I was alive, no care
was taken; and now I am gone, the consequence may be guessed. The
guardianship of a people is the trust by God committed to my sons.
Azim Shaw is near. Be cautious that none of the faithful are slain, or
their miseries fall upon my head. I resign you, your mother and son,
to God, as I myself am going. The agonies of death come upon me fast.
Behadur Shaw is still where he was, and his son is arrived near
Hindostan. Bedar Bukht is in Guzarat. Hyaut al Nissa, who has beheld
no afflictions of time till now, is full of sorrows. Regard the Begum
as without concern. _Odiporee,[4.13.24.A] your mother, was a partner
in my illness, and wishes to accompany me in death; but every thing
has its appointed time._

“The domestics and courtiers, however deceitful, yet must not be
ill-treated. It is necessary to gain your views by gentleness and art.
Extend your feet no lower than your skirt. The complaints of the
unpaid troops are as before. Dara Shekkoh, though of much judgment and
good understanding, settled large pensions on his people, but paid
them ill and they were ever discontented. I am going. Whatever good or
evil I have done, it was for you. Take it not amiss, nor remember what
offences I have done to yourself; that account may not be demanded of
me hereafter. No one has seen the departure of his own soul; but I see
that mine is departing” (_Memoirs of Eradut Khan_). See Scott’s _Hist.
of the Dekhan_ [ii. Part iv.]. [This letter, with some variants, is
printed by Bilimoria, 73 f.]

Footnote 4.13.24.A:

Orme [_Fragments_, 119] calls her a Cashmerian; certainly she was not
a daughter of the Rana’s family, though it is not impossible she may
have been of one of the great families of Shahpura or Banera (then
acting independently of the Rana), and her desire to burn shows her to
have been Rajput. [“Such an inference is wrong, because a Hindu
princess on marrying a Muslim king lost her caste and religion, and
received Islamic burial. We read of no Rajputni of the harem of any of
the Mughal emperors having burnt herself with her deceased husband,
for the very good reason that a Muslim’s corpse is buried and not
burnt. Evidently Udipuri meant that she would kill herself in
passionate grief on the death of Aurangzib” (Jadunath Sarkar i. 64,
note).]

Footnote 4.13.25:

The emperor was the adopted brother of Rana Karan.

Footnote 4.13.26:

Two hundred and fifty Rajputs opposed five thousand of the
Imperialists at a pass, till the family of Jaswant escaped.

Footnote 4.13.27:

The Rana received the young Rathor with the most princely hospitality,
and among other gifts a diamond worth ten thousand dinars is
enumerated.

Footnote 4.13.28:

This letter, first made known to Europe by Orme [_Fragments_, Notes,
xciii. ff.], has by him been erroneously attributed to Jaswant Singh
of Marwar, who was dead before the promulgation of the edict, as the
mention of Ramsingh sufficiently indicates, whose father, Jai Singh,
was contemporary with Jaswant, and ruled nearly a year after his
death. My Munshi obtained a copy of the original letter at Udaipur,
where it is properly assigned to the Rana. [Compare the version of
this letter in Jadunath Sarkar (iii. 325 ff.), who remarks that "the
internal evidence and biographical details of the writer apply to
Shivaji and not to Raj Singh. In the penultimate paragraph of the
letter _Rajah Ram Singh_ is given for _Rana Raj Singh_ by ASBMs and
Orme; but no Jaipur chieftain could have been ‘the head of the
Hindus.’"] It were superfluous to give a translation after the elegant
production of Sir W. B. Rouse.

"Letter from Rana Raj Singh to Aurangzeb.

"All due praise be rendered to the glory of the Almighty, and the
munificence of your majesty, which is conspicuous as the sun and moon.
Although I, your well-wisher, have separated from your sublime
presence, I am nevertheless zealous in the performance of every
bounden act of obedience and loyalty. My ardent wishes and strenuous
services are employed to promote the prosperity of the Kings, Nobles,
Mirzas, Rajahs, and Roys of the provinces of Hindostan, and the chiefs
of Æraun, Turaun, Room, and Shawm, the inhabitants of the seven
climates, and all persons travelling by land and by water. This my
inclination is notorious, nor can your royal wisdom entertain a doubt
thereof. Reflecting therefore on my former services, and your
majesty’s condescension, I presume to solicit the royal attention to
some circumstances, in which the public as well as private welfare is
greatly interested.

"I have been informed that enormous sums have been dissipated in the
prosecution of the designs formed against me, your well-wisher; and
that you have ordered a tribute to be levied to satisfy the exigencies
of your exhausted treasury.

"May it please your majesty, your royal ancestor Mahomed Jelaul ul
Deen Akbar, whose throne is now in heaven, conducted the affairs of
this empire in equity and firm security for the space of fifty-two
years, preserving every tribe of men in ease and happiness, whether
they were followers of Jesus or of Moses, of David or Mahomed; were
they Brahmins, were they of the sect of Dharians, which denies the
eternity of matter, or of that which ascribes the existence of the
world to chance, they all equally enjoyed his countenance and favour:
insomuch that his people, in gratitude for the indiscriminate
protection he afforded them, distinguished him by the appellation of
_Juggut Gooroo_ (Guardian of Mankind).

"His majesty Mahomed Noor ul Deen Jehangheer, likewise, whose dwelling
is now in paradise, extended, for a period of twenty-two years, the
shadow of his protection over the heads of his people; successful by a
constant fidelity to his allies, and a vigorous exertion of his arm in
business.

"Nor less did the illustrious Shah Jehan, by a propitious reign of
thirty-two years, acquire to himself immortal reputation, the glorious
reward of clemency and virtue.

"Such were the benevolent inclinations of your ancestors. Whilst they
pursued these great and generous principles, wheresoever they directed
their steps, conquest and prosperity went before them; and then they
reduced many countries and fortresses to their obedience. During your
majesty’s reign, many have been alienated from the empire, and farther
loss of territory must necessarily follow, since devastation and
rapine now universally prevail without restraint. Your subjects are
trampled under foot, and every province of your empire is
impoverished; depopulation spreads, and difficulties accumulate. When
indigence has reached the habitation of the sovereign and his princes,
what can be the condition of the nobles? As to the soldiery, they are
in murmurs; the merchants complaining, the Mahomedans discontented,
the Hindoos destitute, and multitudes of people, wretched even to the
want of their nightly meal, are beating their heads throughout the day
in rage and desperation.

"How can the dignity of the sovereign be preserved who employs his
power in exacting heavy tributes from a people thus miserably reduced?
At this juncture it is told from east to west, that the emperor of
Hindostan, jealous of the poor Hindoo devotee, will exact a tribute
from Brahmins, Sanorahs, Joghies, Berawghies, Sanyasees; that,
regardless of the illustrious honour of his Timurcan race, he
condescends to exercise his power over the solitary inoffensive
anchoret. If your majesty places any faith in those books, by
distinction called divine, you will there be instructed that God is
the God of all mankind, not the God of Mahomedans alone. The Pagan and
the Mussulman are equally in His presence. Distinctions of colour are
of His ordination. It is He who gives existence. In your temples, to
His name the voice is raised in prayer; in a house of images, where
the bell is shaken, still He is the object of adoration. To vilify the
religion or customs of other men is to set at naught the pleasure of
the Almighty. When we deface a picture, we naturally incur the
resentment of the painter; and justly has the poet said, presume not
to arraign or scrutinize the various works of power divine.

“In fine, the tribute you demand from the Hindoos is repugnant to
justice: it is equally foreign from good policy, as it must impoverish
the country: moreover, it is an innovation and an infringement of the
laws of Hindostan. But if zeal for your own religion hath induced you
to determine upon this measure, the demand ought, by the rules of
equity, to have been made first upon Ramsing, who is esteemed the
principal amongst the Hindoos. Then let your well-wisher be called
upon, with whom you will have less difficulty to encounter; but to
torment ants and flies is unworthy of an heroic or generous mind. It
is wonderful that the ministers of your government should have
neglected to instruct your majesty in the rules of rectitude and
honour.”

Footnote 4.13.29:

It is well known that Aurangzeb forbade the continuation of the
history of his life, subsequent to that portion comprehending the
first ten years [the _Ālamgīrnāma_; see Jadunath Sarkar ii. 302].

Footnote 4.13.30:

The epithet by which these Tatar sovereigns affected to call the
indigenous (_bhumia_) princes.

Footnote 4.13.31:

There were no such field trains in Europe as those of the Moguls.
Seventy pieces of heavy ordnance, sixty of horse artillery, and a
dromedary corps three hundred strong, mounting swivels, accompanied
the emperor on an excursion to Kashmir. Bernier, who gives this
detail, describes what he saw [217 f.].

Footnote 4.13.32:

[For this campaign see the account in Jadunath Sarkar, _Life of
Aurangzib_, iii. 365 ff.]

Footnote 4.13.33:

_Pāl_ is the local term for these long defiles, the residence of the
mountaineers: their _chiefs_ are called _Indras_, _Pati_, in Bhakha,
_Pat_.

Footnote 4.13.34:

Chief of the Hindus.

Footnote 4.13.35:

[In the text “Tyber” Khān. His original name was Jān Beg, also known
as Bādshāh Kuli Khān, one of Aurangzeb’s great nobles (Manucci ii.
239, note 3, 247, note). His tragical end is told later on.]

Footnote 4.13.36:

The Saktawat leader, Gharibdas, has the merit of having prompted this
plan. His speech on the advance of Aurangzeb is given in the Annals;
and his advice, “Let the king have free entrance through the passes,
shut him in, and make famine his foe,” was literally followed, with
the hard knocks, which being a matter-of-course accompaniment, the
gallant Saktawat deemed it unnecessary to specify.

Footnote 4.13.37:

Orme, who has many valuable historical details of this period, makes
Aurangzeb in person to have been in the predicament assigned by the
annals to his son, and to have escaped from the operation of those
high and gallant sentiments of the Rajput, which make him no match for
a wily adversary.

“In the meantime Aurengzebe was carrying on the war against the Rana
of Cheetore, and the Raja of Marwar, who on the approach of his army
at the end of the preceding year, 1678, had abandoned the accessible
country, and drew their herds and inhabitants into the vallies, within
the mountains; the army advanced amongst the defiles with incredible
labour, and with so little intelligence, that the division which moved
with Aurengzebe himself was unexpectedly stopped by insuperable
defences and precipices in front; whilst the Rajpoots in one night
closed the streights in his rear, by felling the overhanging trees;
and from their stations above prevented all endeavours of the troops,
either within or without, from removing the obstacle. Udeperri, the
favourite and Circassian wife of Aurengzebe, accompanied him in this
arduous war, and with her retinue and escort was enclosed in another
part of the mountains; her conductors, dreading to expose her person
to danger or public view, surrendered. She was carried to the Rana,
who received her with homage and every attention. Meanwhile the
emperor himself might have perished by famine, of which the Rana let
him see the risque, by a confinement of two days; when he ordered his
Rajpoots to withdraw from their stations, and suffer the way to be
cleared. As soon as Aurengzebe was out of danger, the Rana sent back
his wife, accompanied by a chosen escort, who only requested in return
that he would refrain from destroying the sacred animals of their
religion which might still be left in the plains; but Aurengzebe, who
believed in no virtue but self-interest, imputed the generosity and
forbearance of the Rana to the fear of future vengeance, and continued
the war. Soon after he was again well-nigh enclosed in the mountains.
This second experience of difficulties beyond his age and
constitution, and the arrival of his sons, Azim and Acbar, determined
him not to expose himself any longer in the field, but to leave its
operations to their conduct, superintended by his own instructions
from Azmir; to which city he retired with the households of his
family, the officers of his court, and his bodyguard of four thousand
men, dividing the army between his two sons, who each had brought a
considerable body of troops from their respective governments. They
continued the war each in a different part of the country, and neither
at the end of the year had forced the ultimate passes of the
mountains” [_Historical Fragments_, 119 f.].

Footnote 4.13.38:

[Dilīr Khan, otherwise Jalāl Khān Dā‛ūdzai, died at Aurangābād,
1682-83 (Manucci i. 243). Grant Duff speaks highly of his services in
the Deccan (145 f.).]

Footnote 4.13.39:

Chief of Rupnagar.

Footnote 4.13.40:

Chief of Ghānerāo, in Godwar, now alienated from Mewar.

Footnote 4.13.41:

[Some name is wanting here.]

Footnote 4.13.42:

[Siddhpur, a famous place of pilgrimage in Baroda State (_IGI_, xxii.
358 f.); Modāsa, fifty-two miles north-east of Ahmadābād (_BG_, vi.
346).]

Footnote 4.13.43:

Mokham and Ganga Saktawats, Ratan Chondawat of Salumbar, Chandrasen
Jhala of Sadri, Sabal Singh Chauhan of Bedla, Berisal Punwar of
Bijolia. Four of the chiefs made speeches on the eve preceding the
battle, which are recorded in the Chronicle.

Footnote 4.13.44:

[For Akbar’s rebellion see Jadunath Sarkar ii. 402 ff.; Elliot-Dowson
vii. 298 ff.; Manucci ii. 243 ff.]

Footnote 4.13.45:

A portrait of this Rathor hero was given to the author of the present
work by his descendants. He was chief of Dunara, on the Luni. He saved
his young sovereign’s life from the tyrant, and guarded him during a
long minority, heading the Rathors in all the wars for the
independence of his country. A bribe of forty thousand _gold suns_ was
sent to him by Azam _without stipulation_, when conveying Akbar out of
danger. The object was obvious, yet the Mogul prince dared not even
specify his wishes. It is needless to say that Durga spurned the
offer. [For the flight of Akbar see Jadunath Sarkar ii. 415 ff.]

Footnote 4.13.46:

[For the attempt of Tahawwar Khān to assassinate Aurangzeb see Manucci
ii. 247 ff.; Jadunath Sarkar ii. 411 ff.]

Footnote 4.13.47:

[Palargarh is perhaps Pālanpur (_IGI_, xix. 354). Akbar died in
Persia, 1706.]

Footnote 4.13.48:

“We are not without hopes that some of the many in India who have the
means will supply the portions of information which are deficient in
these fragments, and must otherwise always continue out of our reach.
The knowledge is well worth the inquiry; for, besides the magnitude of
the events and the energy of the characters which arise within this
period, there are no states or powers on the continent of India, with
whom our nation have either connection or concern, which do not owe
the origin of their present condition to the reign of Aurengzebe, or
to its influence on the reigns of his successors” (Orme’s _Fragments_
[Notes i. f.]).

Footnote 4.13.49:

[Orme, _Fragments_, 150 f.]

Footnote 4.13.50:

"_Jawab-sowal_ [treaty, ‘question—answer’] _of Sur_
_Singh (uncle of Rana Raj_ [ ] _Singh) and Narhar Bhat_
_with the_ [Handprint] _Emperor_.
[ ]
_Panja_, or impress of the Em- peror’s hand, with the word
‘_Manzuri)_,’ written by him- self. _Manzuri_ (‘agreed’)

"Your servants, according to your royal pleasure and summons, have
been sent by the Rana to represent what is written underneath. We hope
you will agree to these requests, besides others which will be made by
Padam Singh.

"1. Let Chitor, with the districts adjacent appertaining thereto when
it was inhabited, be restored.

"2. In such temples and places of Hindu religious resort as have been
converted into mosques, the past cannot be recalled, but let this
practice be abolished.

"3. The aid hitherto afforded to the empire by the Rana shall be
continued, but let no additional commands be imposed.

"4. The sons and dependants of the deceased Raja Jaswant Singh so soon
as enabled to perform their duties, we hope will have their country
restored to them.[4.13.50.A]

"Respect prevents inferior demands. May the splendour of your fortune,
like the sun illuminating the world, be for ever increasing and never
set.

“The Arzi (requests) of your servants, Sur Singh and Narhar Bhat.”

Footnote 4.13.50.A:

S. 1737, A.D. 1681.

Footnote 4.13.51:

It was to defend the rights of the heir of Marwar, as well as to
oppose the odious _jizya_, that the Rana took to arms. Ajit was still
under the Rana’s safeguard.

Footnote 4.13.52:

[Orme, _Fragments_, 217 f. A different story is told by Khāfi Khān
(Elliot-Dowson vii. 334).]

Footnote 4.13.53:

[A common error; Gomati, meaning ‘rich in cattle,’ has no connexion
with Hindi _ghūmna_, ‘to twist.’]

Footnote 4.13.54:

Ninety-six lakhs of rupees [Erskine ii. A. 9].

Footnote 4.13.55:

A.D. 1661.

Footnote 4.13.56:

From all I could learn, it was the identical pestilence which has been
ravaging India for the last ten years, erroneously called _cholera
morbus_. About thirty-five years ago the same disease carried off
multitudes in these countries. Orme [_Fragments_, 200] gives notice of
something similar in A.D. 1684, in the imperial camp near Goa, when
five hundred victims daily fell its prey. Mewar was not free from the
last visitation of 1818, and the only son of the Rana was the first
person attacked.

Footnote 4.13.57:

The three months of rain, termed the _Barsat_. [Asārh is the month
June to July, followed by Sāwan and Bhādon.]

Footnote 4.13.58:

The four castes, sacerdotal, military, mercantile, and servile.

Footnote 4.13.59:

From the _Raj Vilas_, the chronicle of the reign of Raj Singh.

-----