Chapter XXXI

DOMESTIC EVENTS DURING THE CALIPHATE OF OTHMAN.
HIS GROWING UNPOPULARITY.

[Sidenote: Discontent at Kûfa and Bussorah.]

Kûfa and Bussorah at this period exercised an influence on the destinies of Islam hardly less potent than that of the Court of Medîna itself. The turbulent and factious atmosphere of these cities became rapidly and dangerously charged with sentiments of disloyalty and rebellion, and an unwise change of governors aggravated the evil.

[Sidenote: Sád reinstated in the government of Kûfa; A.H. XXXIV. A.D. 645,]

Moghîra did not long enjoy the power to which the weakness of Omar had raised him. He was removed by Othmân shortly after his accession; and, to fill the vacancy, in obedience (as some say) to the dying wish of Omar, Sád, the conqueror of Medâin, was reinstated in his former office. The issue was again unfortunate. To provide for his luxurious living, Sád, shortly after his appointment, took an advance of money from the chancellor of his treasury, Ibn Masûd; who, by and by, became importunate for its repayment. A heated altercation ensued, and Sád swore angrily at Ibn Masûd. The factious city ranged itself, part with the great warrior, and part with the quondam slave. The quarrel reached the ears of Othmân, who was much displeased, and recalled Sád before he had been a year at Kûfa. [Sidenote: but shortly superseded by Welîd ibn Ocba,]As successor, the Caliph appointed Welîd ibn Ocba, a brave warrior, but suspected of intemperance, and withal a uterine brother of his own. To make the choice the more unfortunate, Welîd was son of that Ocba who, when taken prisoner in the battle of Bedr and about to be put to death, exclaimed in the bitterness of his soul, ‘Who will care for my little children?’ and was answered by the Prophet, ‘Hell-fire!’ The words were not forgotten, and faction was careful now to turn them to the worst account. Nevertheless, Welîd was popular; and as, for several years, he directed successive campaigns in the east with gallantry and vigour, he managed thus to divert the restless spirits of his people from discontent at home. But in the end, the unruly populace was too strong for him. A murder took place, and sentence of death was executed at the city gate against three of the culprits.[450] [Sidenote: who was deposed for inebriety. A.H. XXX. A.D. 651.] Their relatives resented the act of justice, and lay in wait to find ground of accusation against the governor, whose habits gave them ready opportunity to attain their object. Charges of intemperance were repeatedly laid against him, and as often dismissed by Othmân, because wanting in legal proof. At last his enemies succeeded in detaching from his hand the signet-ring of office while he slept (as they said) from the effects of a debauch, and carried it off in triumph to Medîna. But still worse, it was established that Welîd had on one occasion conducted the morning prayers in such a state of inebriation that, having come to the end of the proper service, he went on, without stopping, to commence another. The scandal was great; and the majesty of Islam must be vindicated. Welîd was recalled to Medîna, scourged according to law, and deposed.[451]

[Sidenote: Abu Mûsa deposed at Bussorah. A.H. XXIX. A.D. 650.]

At Bussorah, too, things were going from bad to worse. Abu Mûsa had now been many years governor, when the restless citizens became impatient of his rule. He had been preaching to the pampered soldiery the virtue of enduring hardness as good soldiers of the faith, and therefore of going forth on foot to war. When the next expedition was ready to start, they watched to see whether he would himself set the example. And as his ample baggage issued forth, winding in a long string of mules from the approaches to the castle, they set upon him, crying out, ‘Give us of these beasts to ride upon, and walk thou on foot, a pattern of the hardness thou preachest unto us.’ Then they repaired to Medîna, and complained that their governor had drained the land of its wealth, pampered the Coreish, and tyrannised over the Arab tribes. Instead of checking with promptitude their petulance and insubordination, Othmân gave it new life by deposing Abu Mûsa on these vague complaints, and appointing an obscure citizen whom they desired, to be their governor. Found unequal to the post, this man was deposed, and a youthful cousin of the Caliph, Ibn Aámir,[452] promoted in his room. [Sidenote: Ibn Aámir appointed governor.]When tidings of his nomination reached Bussorah, Abu Mûsa told the people: ‘Now ye shall have a taxgatherer to your hearts’ content, rich in cousins, aunts, and uncles; he will flood you with his harpies!’ And so, in truth, it turned out; for he soon filled all the local offices and the commands in Persia with creatures of his own. But in other respects he proved an able ruler, and took a leading part in the struggle now close at hand.

[Sidenote: Saîd governor of Kûfa. A.H. XXX. A.D. 651.]

The government of Kûfa, vacated by the deposition of Welîd, together with the whole province of Mesopotamia, was conferred by Othmân upon another young and untried kinsman, Saîd ibn al Aás. His father was killed fighting against the Prophet at Bedr; and the boy, thus left an orphan, had been brought up by Omar, and was eventually sent by him to the wars in Syria. Receiving a good account of his breeding and prowess, Omar summoned him to his court, and gave him two Arab maidens to wife.[453] This youth, now promoted to the most critical post in the empire, was not only without experience in the art of governing, but was vainly inflated with the pretensions of the Coreish. Accustomed in Syria to the discipline of Muâvia’s rule, he wrote to Othmân, on reaching Kûfa, that license reigned there; that noble birth passed for nothing; and that the Bedouins were away, beyond control, with the bit between their teeth. His final address as governor was a blustering harangue, in which he glibly talked of crushing the sedition and arrogance of the men of Kûfa with a rod of iron. [Sidenote: Discontent gains ground at Kûfa.]Countenanced by the Caliph in his vain career, he fomented discontent by advancing to invidious distinction the Coreishite nobility, and treating with contumely the great body of the citizens. ‘One Coreishite succeedeth another in this government,’ they said;--‘the last no better than the first. It is but “out of the frying-pan into the fire.”’ The under-current of faction gained daily in strength and volume. But the vigorous campaigns of Saîd in northern Persia, for he was an active soldier, served for a time to occupy men’s minds, and to stay the open exhibition of the rebellious spirit.

[Sidenote: Other causes of disaffection.]

Meanwhile other causes were at work throughout the empire calculated to increase the disaffection; or which, if unimportant in themselves, were adroitly seized by the Caliph’s enemies and turned to that purpose.

[Sidenote: Othmân’s recension of the Corân. A.H. XXX. A.D. 651.]

First may be mentioned the recension of the Corân. The Moslem warriors had spread themselves over such vast areas, and the various columns, as well as converted peoples, were so widely separated one from the other, that differences arose in the recitation of the sacred text, as it had been settled in the previous reign. Bussorah followed the reading of Abu Mûsa; Kûfa was guided by the authority of Ibn Masûd, their chancellor; and the text of Hims differed from that in use even at Damascus. Hodzeifa, during his campaign in Persia, having witnessed the variations in the different provinces, returned to Kûfa strongly impressed with the gravity of the evil and the need of a revision. Ibn Masûd was highly incensed with the slight thus put upon the authority of his text. But Hodzeifa persisted in his views, and, supported by Saîd, the governor, urged Othmân to restore the unity of the divine word, ‘before that believers began to differ in their scripture, even as do the Jews and Christians.’ The Caliph took the advice of the leading Companions at Medîna, and, in accordance therewith, called for samples of the manuscripts in use throughout the empire. He then appointed a syndicate, from amongst the Coreish, of men whose authority could be relied upon, to collate these copies with the sacred originals still in the keeping of Haphsa, the widow of Mahomet. Under their supervision the variations were reconciled, and an authoritative exemplar written out, of which duplicates were deposited at Mecca and Medîna, Kûfa and Damascus. From these exemplars, copies were multiplied over the empire; all former manuscripts were called in and committed to the flames; and the standard text was brought into exclusive use. The uniformity thus secured by the secular arm, and maintained by the same in every land and every age, is taken by the simple believer as a proof of divine custodianship. The action of Othmân was received at the moment, as it deserved, with a very general consent, excepting at Kûfa. There Ibn Masûd, who prided himself on his faultless recitation of the oracle, pure as it fell from the Prophet’s lips, was much displeased; and the charge of sacrilege in having burned the former copies of the sacred text, was readily circulated amongst the factious citizens. By and by the charge was spread abroad, and was taken up with avidity by the enemies of Othmân; and, ages afterwards, we find it still eagerly urged by the partisans of the Abbasside dynasty as an unpardonable offence on the part of the ungodly Caliph. The accusation, thus trumped up for party purposes, was really without foundation. Indeed, it was scouted by Aly himself. When, several years after, he proceeded as Caliph to Kûfa, he found the citizens still blaming his ill-starred predecessor for the act. ‘Silence!’ he said; ‘Othmân acted as he did with the advice of the leading men amongst us; and if I had been ruler at the time, instead of him, I should myself have exactly done the same.’[454]

[Sidenote: Many of the Coreish migrate to Irâc.]

A great body of the nobility from Mecca and Medîna about this time transferred their residence to Irâc. These had no right to share in the endowments of that province, the special privileges of which, in virtue of their conquest, were reserved for the present citizens of Kûfa and Bussorah. They were allowed, however, to do so on selling to Othmân, on behalf of the State, the properties which they owned in the Hejâz; and the concession appears to have added a fresh grievance to foment the rising discontent at the extravagant pretensions of the Coreish.[455]

[Sidenote: Story of Abu Dzarr Ghifâry,]

The story of Abu Dzarr Ghifâry is singularly illustrative of the times, and his harsh treatment is ordinarily mentioned as a serious ground of complaint against the Caliph. He was one of the earliest converts to the faith; and tradition asserts that he even anticipated Mahomet himself in some of the observances of Islam. An ascetic in his habits, he inveighed against the riches and extravagance of the day--evils which were altogether alien from the simplicity of Mahomet, and which, rushing in like a flood, were now demoralising the people. Gorgeous palaces, crowds of slaves, multitudes of horses, camels, flocks and herds, profusion of costly garments, sumptuous fare, and splendid equipage, were the fashion, not only in Syria and Irâc, but had begun to find their way even into the Hejâz.[456] The protest of Abu Dzarr points to the recoil of the stricter class of believers against all this luxury and indulgence; and the manner in which the discontented classes, and the advocates of communism, were beginning to turn that recoil to their own account, and to the discredit of the government. Visiting Syria, the spirit of the ascetic was stirred at the pomps and vanities so rife around him, and he preached repentance to the inhabitants of Damascus. ‘This gold and silver of yours,’ he cried, ‘shall one day be heated red-hot in the fire of hell; and therewith shall ye be seared in your foreheads, sides, and backs, ye ungodly spendthrifts![457] Wherefore, spend now the same in alms, leaving yourselves enough but for your daily bread; or else woe be to you in that day!’ Crowds flocked to hear him, some trembling under the rebuke; the envious rejoicing at the contempt poured on the rich and noble; and the people dazzled by the vision of themselves sharing in the treasures thus denounced. Uneasy at the disturbance caused by these diatribes in the public mind, Muâvia resolved to test the spirit of the preacher. He sent him a purse of a thousand pieces; in the morning, affecting to have made a mistake, he demanded the return of the gift; but during the night Abu Dzarr had distributed the whole in charity. Upon this, Muâvia, apprehensive of the spread of communistic doctrines, despatched the preacher to Medîna, telling Othmân that he was a sincere but misguided enthusiast. Before the Caliph, Abu Dzarr persisted in fearlessly denouncing the great and wealthy, and urged that they should be forced to disgorge their riches. Othmân condescended to reason with him. ‘After men have completely fulfilled their legal obligations,’ he asked, ‘what power remaineth with me to compel them to any further sacrifice?’ and he turned to Káb, the learned Jewish convert, in corroboration of what he had said. [Sidenote: banished by Othman to Rabadza. A.H. XXX. A.D. 651.] ‘Out upon thee, thou son of a Jew! What have I to do with thee?’ cried Abu Dzarr, and with these words smote Káb violently upon the stomach. Argument being thus of no further use, Othmân banished the preacher to Rabadza in the desert of Nejd, where two years after he died in penury. As he felt his end approach, the hermit desired his daughter to slay a kid, and have it ready for a party of travellers who, he said, would shortly pass that way to Mecca, and bury him; then, making her turn his face toward the Kâaba, he quietly breathed his last. Soon after, the expected party came up, and amongst them Ibn Masûd from Kûfa, who, weeping over him, bewailed his fate, and buried him on the spot on which he died. The death of Ibn Masûd himself, a few days after, added to the pathos of the incident. The plaintive tale was soon in everyone’s mouth; and the banishment of the pious ascetic and preacher of righteousness was made much of by the enemies of the Caliph. The necessity was forgotten; the obloquy remained.[458]

[Sidenote: Othmân incurs odium by putting down unlawful amusements, and by extending the square of the Kâaba. A.H. XXVI. A.D. 647.]

When he was himself minded to assume the office of censor and rebuke the ungodliness of the day, the unfortunate Caliph fared no better. The laxity of Syria had reached even to the sacred precincts of the Hejâz; and Othmân, on attempting to check the games and other practices held to be inconsistent with the profession of Islam, incurred resentment, especially from the gay youth whose amusements he had thwarted. Gambling and wagering, indeed, were put down with the approval of all the stricter classes of society; but there were not wanting many who, displeased with the Caliph’s interference, joined in the cry of his detractors.[459]

[Sidenote: The Mosque at Medîna enlarged and beautified. A.H. XXXII. A.D. 653.]

The enlargement of the grand square of the Kâaba, commenced by Omar, was carried on by Othmân during his visits to Mecca at the time of pilgrimage. And here, too, the ill-fated Caliph met with opposition. The owners of the houses demolished in the course of the work refused to accept the compensation offered, and raised a great outcry against it. The Caliph put them into prison, for, said he, ‘My predecessor did the same, and ye made no outcry against him.’ But what the firm arm of Omar could do, and none stir hand or foot against him, it was a very different thing for the weak and unpopular Othmân to attempt. He was more successful with the Great Mosque at Medîna, originally built by Mahomet, and hallowed by the mortal remains of the Prophet himself and his two Successors. This was now greatly enlarged and beautified. The supports, made at the first of the trunks of date-trees, were removed, and the roof made to rest on pillars of hewn stone. The walls, too, were built up with masonry, richly carved and inlaid with rare and precious stones. It was a pious work, and none objected.[460]

Yet another, and a very gratuitous, cause of murmuring arose from certain changes made by Othmân in the ceremonial of the annual pilgrimage, which, though in themselves trivial and unmeaning, excited strong disapprobation at the Caliph’s court. [Sidenote: Unwise changes in the pilgrim ceremonial. A.H. XXXII. A.D. 653.] He pitched tents for shelter during the few days spent for sacrifice at Minâ, a thing which had never been done before; and, to the prayers heretofore recited there and on Mount Arafat, he added new ones with two more series of prostrations. The ritual, as established by the Prophet himself, had been scrupulously followed by his two successors, and a superstitious reverence attached thereto even in the minutest detail. When expostulated with on the rash and unhallowed innovation, Othmân gave no reasonable answer, but simply said it was his will that it should be so.[461] Aly, Abd al Rahmân, and others were much offended at these alterations; and the disregard of the sacred example of the Founder of the faith raised a scandal among the Companions unfavourable to Othmân.

[Sidenote: Othmân makes many enemies.]

On the other hand, beyond the immediate circle of his kinsfolk, Othmân made no personal friends. Narrow, selfish, indiscreet, and obstinate--more and more so, indeed, with advancing years--he alienated those who would otherwise have stood loyally by him; and he made many enemies, who pursued him with relentless hatred. We have already seen how Mohammed son of Abu Bekr, and Mohammed son of Abu Hodzeifa, were embittered against him at the naval victory of Alexandria. And yet no very special cause can be assigned for their enmity. The first is said to have been actuated by ‘passion and ambition.’ The other was nearly related to Othmân, and as an orphan had been kindly brought up by him; he was now offended at having been passed over for office and command. Both joined the rebellion which shortly broke out in Egypt, and were amongst the most dangerous of the Caliph’s enemies. Nor was it otherwise with the people at large. A factious spirit set in against the unfortunate prince. The leaven fermented all around; and every man who had a grievance, real or supposed, hastened to swell the hostile cry.[462]

[Sidenote: He loses the Prophet’s ring. A.H. XXIX. A.D. 650.]

To crown the Caliph’s ill-fortune, in the seventh year of his reign, he lost the signet-ring of silver which had been engraven for the Prophet, and which had been worn and used officially both by him and his successors. It was a favourite and meritorious occupation of Othmân to deepen the old wells, and to sink new ones, in the neighbourhood of Medîna. He was thus engaged when, sitting by the well Arîs,[463] and pointing with his finger in direction to the labourers, the ring dropped and disappeared. Every effort was made, but in vain, to recover the priceless relic. The well was emptied of the water and the mud cleared out, and a great sum was offered; but no trace of the ring ever appeared. Othmân grieved over the loss. The omen weighed heavily on his mind; and it was some time before he was prevailed upon to supply the place of the lost signet by another of like fashion.[464]

[Sidenote: Othmân marries Nâila. A.H. XXVIII.]

Othmân had married successively two of the Prophet’s daughters, both of whom died before their father. Three of his wives still survived when, in the fifth year of his Caliphate, being then between seventy and eighty years of age, he took Nâila to wife. Of her previous history we know little more than that she had once been a Christian, but, before her marriage with the Caliph, had embraced Islam. She bore him a daughter; and through all his trials clung faithfully by her aged lord, to the bitter end. The days were coming when he needed such a helper by his side.[465]