Chapter XVII: Magic and the Kula (2)

Let us consider one of the forms of systematic magic previously described, whether canoe magic or that of the Kula, whether the kayga'u formulæ, or the magical ritual of kaloma fishing. The first general fact to be noted here is, that we are in the presence of a type of enterprise or activity, which is never embarked upon without magic. No canoe will be built, no uvalaku started, no kaloma fished, without its magic ceremonial. This ceremonial will be scrupulously observed in its main features, that is, some of the most important formulæ will never be omitted, as some minor ones might be, a fact which has been previously noted. The association between the practical activity and its magical concomitant is very intimate. The stages and acts of the first, and the rites and spells of the latter, correspond to each other one by one. Certain rites have to be done in order to inaugurate certain activities; others have to be performed at the end of the practical work; others again are part and parcel of the activity. But each of the rites and spells is to the native mind, quite as indispensable for the success of the enterprise, as is the practical activity. Thus, the tokway has to be expelled, or the tree would be entirely unsuitable for a canoe; the adze, the lashing creeper, the caulking and the paint have to be charmed, or else the canoe would be heavy and unwieldy, and such an omission might even prove dangerous to life. Going mentally over the various cases quoted in the previous chapters, it can be easily seen, how this intimate association between enterprise and magic imparts to systematic magic its specific character. The consecutive progress of work and of magic are inseparable, just because, according to native ideas, work needs magic, and magic has only meaning as an indispensable ingredient of work.

Both work and magic are directed towards the same aim; to construct a swift and a stable canoe; to obtain a good Kula yield; to insure safety from drowning and so on. Thus we see that systematic magic consists in a body of rites and spells associated with one enterprise, directed towards one aim, and progressing in a consecutive series of performances which have to be carried out in their proper place. The point--the proper understanding of what is meant by systematic magic--is of the greatest theoretical importance because it reveals the nature of the relation between magical and practical activities, and shows how deeply the two are connected with one another. It is one of these points, also, which cannot be properly explained and grasped without the help of a Chart. In the appended "Table of Kula Magic and of the Corresponding Activities," I have prepared such a Chart, in which has been summarised the substance of several of the foregoing Chapters. The Table allows of a rapid survey of the consecutive activities of the Kula in their relation to magic, beginning with the first act of canoe-building and finishing with the return home. It shows the salient features of systematic magic in general, and of the mwasila and canoe magic in particular. It shows the relation between magical, ritual and practical activities, the correlated sequence of the two, their rolling off, stage after stage, and side by side, towards one central aim--a successful Kula. The Table thus serves to illustrate the meaning of the expression 'systematic magic,' and it provides a firm outline of the essentials, magical, ceremonial and practical, of the Kula.

TABLE OF KULA MAGIC AND OF THE CORRESPONDING ACTIVITIES

I--First Stage of Canoe-Building (Chapter V, Division II)

Season and Place Activity Magic approximate duration

Beginning: Raybwag. Felling of inaugurated The Vabusi
June--August. tree, (done by Tokway
by the (offering and
builder and spell) aiming
helpers); at the
expulsion of
the
wood-sprite
from the tree
(performed by
owner or
builder).
Immediately Same Trimming of No magic.
afterwards. place. the
log-canoe
(done by
builder with
helpers).
A few days Road. Pulling the Helped out double rite of
later. log (done by by lightness
all (Kaymomwa'u
villagers); and
Kaygagabile).
On morning Main The log is until The magical
after arrival place in left as it act
at village. the is; (Kapitunena
village. Duhu)
ceremonially
inaugurating
the work over
the canoe.
Evening of Main Working out No magic
the same day. place in of the accompanying
the outside of it.
village. the log.
Several days Main Scooping out inaugurated Ligogu spell,
or weeks place. of the by over the
following. inside of havilali, the
the canoe; adze with the
moveable
handle.
Towards the In the Other parts No magic.
end of the village of canoe
foregoing before made ready
period. builder's by builder
house. and helpers.
After all Concluding
work is over. rite:
Kapitunena
Nanola Waga.

All the magic of this stage is canoe magic. It is performed only when a new canoe is built and not when an old one is renovated. The spells are uttered by the builder and not by the owner, except the first one. Work at this stage is done by one man mainly, the builder and carver, with the help of a few men; except for the pulling of the log, in which many men assist.

II--The Second Stage of Canoe Building (Chapter V, Division III)

Time Place Activity Magic
First day On the Fixing the inaugurated Katuliliva
of work. sea-front prow-boards; by Tabuyo rite,
of a performed over
Lagoon the ornamental
village, prow-boards by
or on a the toliwaga. It
beach of belongs to the
one of mwasila (Kula
the magic).
Eastern
villages.
The inaugurated Vakakaya rite. A
following by magical,
activities ceremonial
are cleansing of the
canoe, performed
by the owner or
builder to
remove all evil
influence and
thus to make the
canoe fast.
(At times, Lashing of associated The Wayugo spell
the lashing the canoe; with (lashing
cannot be creeper) rite;
done in one the most
day and has important of the
to be magical
continued performances in
into the second
another stage. Done by
session.) builder or owner
to make canoe
swifter and
stronger.
Second On the Caulking of associated Kaybasi
sitting: sea-front the canoe; with (caulking)
during this of a magic; spell
the Lagoon uttered over
caulking is village caulking by
done and or on a builder or owner
the three beach of to make canoe
exorcisms one of safe.
performed the Vakasulu, an
afterwards. Eastern exorcism.
villages. Vaguri, an
exorcism.
Kaytapena waga,
an exorcism.
Painting of associated Magic of;
the canoe; with Kayhoulo (black
paint)
Malakava (red
paint).
Pwaka (white
paint).

III--The Ceremonial Launching of a Canoe (Chapter VI, Division I)

Activity Magic
The launching and inaugurated by Kaytalula wadola waga rite,
trial run belonging to the mwasila cycle
of magic.

After this, there comes the interval, filled out by the Kabigidoya (ceremonial visiting,) by the preliminary trade and other preparations for the expedition overseas.

IV--The Magic During, and Preparations before the Departure (Chapter VII)

Time: some three to seven days before setting sail.

Activity Magic

Preparing the canoe inaugurated Yawarapu rite over the coco-palm for sailing (placing by leaves, done by the toliwaga to of the mats on the ensure success in the Kula. platform, and of the frames in the body); Kayikuna sulumwoya rite over the aromatic mint.

Kaymwaloyo rite over the mint
boiled in coco-nut oil, performed
by the toliwaga.
Packing of the trade associated Gebobo rite (called also: Kipwo'i
goods; with sikwabu), made over four coco-nuts
by a friend or relative in law of
the toliwaga, to make all the food
last (the spell expresses only the
desire for a good Kula.)

All this magic belongs to the mwasila, and it has to be performed by the toliwaga, with the exception of the last spell.

V--Canoe Magic, Performed at the Final Start on Overseas Voyage (Chapter VIII, Division III)

The series of rites starts at the moment when the canoes are ready to set sail on the long voyage on Pilolu. They are not associated with a progressive series of acts; they all refer to one aim: canoe speed and reliability. They are all performed by the toliwaga.

Activity: overseas sailing, Kadumiyala, ritual rubbing or cleansing inaugurated by a Series of of the canoe with leaves charmed over. Magical Rites. Time: morning of the second Bisila magic; pandanus streamers, day of the expedition. previously chanted over are tied to the mast and rigging.

Kayikunaveva; swaying the sheet rope
uttering an incantation.

Vabusi momwa'u; "expelling the heaviness" out of a canoe by means of a Place: the beach of Muwa. stale potato. Aim of Magic: imparting of speed to canoe. Bisiboda patile; a rite of evil magic Performer of the Rites: the to make other canoes slow and thus toliwaga. achieve relative speed.

VI--The Mwasila, Performed on Arrival at the Final Destination

(A) Beauty Magic (Chapter XIII, Division I)

Activity: washing, anointing and Kaykakaya--ritual washing and painting. rubbing with charmed leaves.

Luya (coco-nut) spell--over the
scraped coco-nut used for
anointing.

Sinata (comb) spell--over the Place: the beach, on or near which comb. the party rest before starting on the last stage (on the way to Dobu; Sayyaku--aromatic black paint. Sarubwoyna beach. On the way to Sinaketa: Kaykuyawa). Bowa--ordinary charcoal blacking. Performers: the spells are uttered usually by the toliwaga, sometimes Talo--red paint of crushed by an elder member of the crew. areca-nut.

(B) Magic of the Final Approach (Chapter XIII, Division II)

Activity: the fleet are paddling Ta'uya--the ritual blowing of the
(on the approach to Dobu) or conch shell, which has been
punting (to Sinaketa) in a body. charmed over before.

Kayihuna-tabuyo--the swaying of
the front prow-board while the
spell is being uttered.

Performers: in each canoe, Kavalikuliku--the spell by the
simultaneously, the toliwaga and toliwaga.
two members of the crew.
Aim: to "shake the mountain," to Kaytavilena mwoynawaga--the
produce an impression on the incantation uttered at the stern
partners awaiting on the beach. towards the Koya.

(C) Magic of Safety (Chapter XIII, Division III)

Activity Magic

Entering the Dobuan village Ka'ubana'i, charm uttered over
(This magic is performed only ginger, which is then ritually spat
when Boyowans come to the over the Dobuan village and the
Koya). partners, and makes their hearts
soft.

(D) Magic of Persuasion (Chapter XIV, Division III)

Activity Magic

The wooing in Kula (wawoyla) of Kwoygapani--a spell uttered over a
the of the overseas partner by piece of areca-nut, given
the visitor. subsequently to the partner.

VII--A Canoe Spell, Uttered on the Departure Home (Chapter XIV, Division III)

Activity Magic

Loading of the canoe with the its gifts Kaylupa--a spell to make the received from overseas partners, with canoe lighter, to "lift" it the trade gain, and with the provisions out of the water. for the home journey.

Within each department of systematic magic, there are again various systems of magic. Thus we saw that, although the type of rite and formula is the same in all villages, the actual details, let us say, of the wayugo magic, are not identical, but vary according to the system with which a given reciter is acquainted. The differences are, as a rule, less pronounced in the rites, which are generally very simple in the Trobriand magic, and are identical in all the systems, but the formulæ differ completely in their wording. Thus, in the wayugo magic (Chapter V, Division III) we found only a slight difference in the rite, but one or two wayugo spells, which I have also recorded, differ essentially from the one given in the text.

Each system of magic has a more or less developed mythological pedigree, and in connection with it a local character, a point which has been elaborated in the previous Division. The wayugo spell given in Chapter V, and all the spells of canoe-building quoted in this book belong to the Kaykudayuri system of canoe magic. This system is believed to have been known and recited by the mythical builder of the flying canoe, and to have been handed down to his descendants, that is, as we know, in an incomplete form. As has been said in the previous Division, the knowledge and the use of this magic and of other systems does not abide strictly within the original clan, but it spreads outside of it, and it becomes known to many people who are connected with the original owner by a sort of magical filiation.

According to native belief, all these people know identical formulæ. In fact, in the course of years and of repeated transmission, considerable differences have been introduced, and nowadays many of the 'real Kudayuri' spells differ from one another completely.

A system of magic is therefore a number of magical formulæ, forming one consecutive series. The main system of canoe magic is that of the Kaykudayuri, which is associated with the place of the same name in Kitava. This system comprises the whole series of canoe-building spells, from the expelling of the tokway to the final exorcisms. Another comprehensive system is called Kaykapayouko, and is localised in the island of Kayleula. An important system called Ilumte'ulo is nowadays claimed by Sinaketa, but probably hails from Dobu. The mythological data of some of these systems are not known to me, and some of them seem to be exceedingly rudimentary, not going beyond the assertion that such and such a system originated at such and such a place, and was originally the property of such and such a clan. Of the systems of mwasila, the best known in South Boyowa is that called Monikiniki, to which belong the majority of the formulæ here quoted. This system is sometimes loosely associated with the myth of Tokosikuna, who is sometimes said to have been the original owner of the system. According to another version, Monikiniki is the name of the original owner. The Dobuan mwasila is called Kasabwaybwayreta, and is ascribed to that hero. From Muyuwa, hails the Momroveta system of Kula magic, while in Kiriwina the system of Monikiniki is usually recited, and only a few formulæ are inserted into it, belonging to a local magic, called Kwoygapani (a name not to be confused with the name in a formula quoted in Chapter XIV). In the light of these remarks, the many references to 'magical systems' given in the text, will become clear, so there is no need to add more here.

VIII

We saw before in the chapter on mythology that magic bridges over the cleavage between the super-normal world of myth and the normal, ordinary happenings of to-day. But then, this bridge itself must necessarily touch the super-normal, it must lead into that domain. Magic surely, therefore, must partake of the supernatural character? There is no doubt that it is so. The effects of magic, although constantly witnessed, and although considered as a fundamental fact, are regarded as something distinctly different from the effects of other human activities. The natives realise quite well that the speed and buoyancy of a canoe are due to the knowledge and work of the constructor; they are well acquainted with the properties of good material and of good craftsmanship. Yet the magic of swiftness adds something more to even the best constructed canoe. This superadded quality is regarded very much like the properties of the mythical canoe which made it fly through the air, though in the present day canoes these properties have dwindled down to mere surpassing speed.

The language of spells expresses this belief through the constant allusions to myth, similes in which the present canoe is invited to imitate the mythical one. In the explicit comments on the Kudayuri myth, the natives also state definitely that the prodigious speed which well-charmed canoes develop is the legacy and counterpart of the old flying speed. Thus the effects of magic are something superadded to all the other effects produced by human effort and by natural qualities. The same is to be found in love magic. The importance of a fine face and figure, of ornaments, decorations and nice scents, is well recognised as being of attractive value, yet almost every man ascribes his success to the perfection of his love magic. The force of magic is considered as something independent of, and surpassing even, the power of all other personal charms. A statement very often met with expresses this quite well:

"Look, I am not good looking, yet so many girls want me. The
reason of that is that I have good magic."

In garden magic, soil, rain, proper work, are given their full due. None the less, no one would dream of making a garden without the full magical performance being done over it. Garden magic is thought to make just this difference, which a man hopes for from 'chance,' or 'good luck,' when he sees everybody round him working as hard as he can, and in all other respects under similar conditions to himself. So we see that, in all these cases, magical influence runs parallel to and independently of the effects of human work and natural conditions. It produces these differences and those unexpected results, which cannot be explained by any of the other factors.

So far, we see that magic represents, so to speak, a different sort of reality. When I call this different sort 'super-natural' or 'super-normal,' one of the criteria which I use here lies in the emotional reaction of the natives. This, of course, is most pronounced in the case of evil magic. The sorcerer is not only feared because of his bad intentions. He is also feared as ghosts are feared by us, as an uncanny manifestation. One is afraid of meeting him in the dark, not so much because he might do any harm, but because his appearance is dreadful and because he has at his bidding all sorts of powers and faculties which are denied to those not versed in black magic. His sweat glows, night birds run with him to give him warning; he can become invisible at will and produce paralysing fear in those he meets. In short, the same hysterical dread, associated amongst ourselves with the idea of haunted places, is produced by the sorcerers in the minds of the natives. And it must be added that the natives have no such emotion of dread at all with regard to the spirits of the departed. The horror which they have of the bwaga'u is even stronger in the case of the mulukwausi, to whom all sorts of most uncanny properties are attributed. Their ghoulish feasting on corpses, their capacity of flying, of making themselves invisible, of changing into night birds, all this inspires the natives with extreme terror.

The other magicians and their art do not inspire such strong emotions in the natives, and of course in any case the emotion would not be that of dread. There is a very great value and attachment to systems of local magic, and their effects are distinctly considered as an asset for a community.

Each form of magic also has its associated magical portent, kariyala. When a magic formula is spoken, a violent natural upheaval will take place. For example, when garden magic is performed, there will be thunder and lightning; with certain forms of Kula magic, a rainbow will appear in the skies. Others will produce shower clouds. The portent of a mild storm, accompanying the opening of the magical bundle (lilava) has already been quoted. The kayga'u may produce a tidal wave, whereas an earthquake will be the result of other forms of magic. War magic, in an unexpectedly bucolic way, affects only some plants and birds. In certain forms of magic, a portent would take place whenever the formula is uttered, in others, this will not be so regular, but a kariyala will invariably occur when a magician dies. When asked, what is the real cause of any of these natural phenomena enumerated, they will say:

"Magic is the real cause (u'ula); they are a kariyala of magic."

Another point, where magic touches the super-normal or supernatural, is in the association of spirits with certain magical performances. A special type of magical payment, the ula'ula, is at the same time an offering to the baloma (spirits). The magician will detach a small bit of the large quantity of food brought to him, and put it down on some special place, with the words:

"Partake, O spirits, of your ula'ula, and make my magic thrive."

At certain ceremonies, the spirits are supposed to be present (see Plate LIX). When something goes wrong with magic, or it is badly performed, 'the spirits will become angry,' as it is often expressed by the natives. In some cases the baloma will appear in dreams and advise the magician what to do. As this is the most active interference of the spirits in human affairs, as far as magic is concerned, I shall quote in free translation some statements obtained on the matter.

"The owners of fish magic will often dream that there is plentiful
fish. The cause of it is the magician's ancestor spirit. Such a
magician would then say: 'The ancestral spirit has instructed
me in the night, that we should go to catch fish! And indeed,
when we get there, we find plenty of fish, and we cast the nets.'"

"Mokudeya, the maternal uncle of Narugo," who is, the main fishing
magician of Oburaku "comes to his nephew in a dream and instructs
him: 'Tomorrow, cast the nets for fish in Kwabwawa!' Narugo then
says: 'Let us come, the old man instructed me last night.'"

"The kaloma (spondylus shell) magician of Sinaketa dreams about
a plentiful patch of kaloma shell. Next morning, he would dive
and knock it off on the reef. Or he dreams of a canoe, and he
then paddles and casts the anchor at that place. To'udawada,
Luvayam, Sinakadi dream that they knock it off in plenty. When
next morning we go there, it is plentiful."

In all these examples (except the last) we see that the spirits act as advisors and helpers. They fill the rôle of guardian of the traditions when they get angry because of a bad performance, or as associates and sympathisers when they share the magician's ula'ula. But they are not agencies which get to work directly. In the Trobriand demonology, the magician does not command the spirits to go and set to work. The work is done by the agency of the spell, assisted by the accompanying ritual, and performed by the proper magician. The spirits stand in the same relation, as the performer does, to the magical force, which alone is active. They can help him to wield it properly, but they can never become his instruments.

To summarise the results of what we have learned about the super-normal nature of magic, it may be said that it has a definite character of its own, which differentiates it from the non-magical actions of man. The manner in which the magical force is conceived to act, parallel to the ordinary efforts but independent of them; the emotional reaction to certain types of magic and magician; the kariyala; the intercourse with spirits during the performances, all these properties differentiate magic from the ordinary activities of man.

In native terminology, the realm of the magical is called by the word megwa, which describes the 'magical performance,' the 'spell,' the 'force' or 'virtue' of magic, and can be used as adjective to describe in general everything which presents a magical character. Used as a verb, the words megwa, miga-megwa, miga, all of which are variations of the same root, mean: 'to perform magic,' 'to utter a spell,' 'to carry out a rite.' If the natives want to express that certain actions are done in connection with magic, and not with work, and that certain effects are due to magical forces, and not to other efforts, they used the word megwa as a substantive or adjective. It is never used to describe any virtue residing in a man or a thing, nor for any action which is independent of a spell.

The associated concept of taboo is covered by the Kiriwinian word bomala (with suffixed possessive pronouns). It means a 'prohibition,' something which a man is not allowed to do under any circumstances. It is used for magical taboos, for prohibitions associated with rank, for restrictions in regard to food generally considered as unclean, as, for example, the flesh of lizards, snakes, dogs and man. There is hardly any trace of the meaning of 'sacred' attached to the word bomala. If anywhere, it can be found in the use of the word boma, for a tabooed grove where men usually are not allowed to enter, and where traditional spots, often original holes where men came out and whence magic issued, are to be found. The expression toboma (to-, prefix denoting personal noun) means a man of high rank, but hardly a sacred man.

IX

Finally, a few words must be said about the sociological or ceremonial setting of magic. Reference has often been made to the simplicity of rites, and to their matter-of-fact character. This has been mentioned with reference to canoe-building, and in garden magic we would have found equally simple and purely businesslike performances. In calling a magical action 'ceremonial' we imply that it was done with a big public attendance; under the observance of definite rules of behaviour by the spectators as well as by the performer, such as general silence, reverent attention to what is being done, with at least a show of some interest. Now if, in the middle of some work, a man quickly performs an action whilst others talk and laugh and leave him entirely on one side, this gives a definite sociological stamp to the magical actions, and does not allow us to use the term 'ceremonial,' as the distinguishing mark of the magical acts. Some of them, it is true, do have this character. For instance, the initial rite with which the kaloma fishing begins, requires the assistance of the whole fleet, and a definite type of behaviour on the part of the crews, while the magician officiates for all of them, but with their assistance, in the complex evolutions of the fleet. Similar rites are to be found in two or three systems of fishing magic, and in several rites of the garden magic of certain villages. In fact, the initial rite of garden magic is everywhere connected with a ceremonial performance. The garden rite, associated with the ceremonial offering of food to spirits, and attended by a body of villagers, a scene of which is shown on Plate LIX, has been elsewhere described. [82] One or two rites in war magic imply the active assistance of large numbers of men, and take the form of big ceremonies. Thus we see that magical rites may or may not be ceremonial, but that the ceremonial is by no means an outstanding or universal feature of Trobriand magic.

X

We found that taboos are associated with magic, in so far as it is the magician who has to observe them. There are, however, certain forms of restrictions or prohibitions, set up for special purposes, and associated with magic in a somewhat different form. Thus, in an institution called kaytubutabu we find a ban made on the consumption of coco-nuts and betel-nuts, associated with a specific magic to make them grow. There is also a protective taboo, used to prevent the theft of ripening fruits or nuts, too far away from the village to be watched. In these cases a small parcel of medicated substance is placed on the tree or near it, on a small stick. The magic spoken over such a substance is a 'conditional curse,' to use the excellent term introduced by Professor Westermarck. The conditional curse would fall upon anyone who would touch the fruits of that tree, and would bring upon him one form of disease or another. This is the only form of magic, in which the personal agency is invoked, for in some of these spells, the tokway (wood-sprite) is invited to take up his abode on the kaytapaku, that is the stick, with the substance on it, and to guard the fruit. Some such small divergencies from the general trend of native belief are always to be found. Sometimes they contain important clues, and a deeper insight into the facts, sometimes they mean nothing, and only emphasise the fact, that it is not possible to find absolute consistency in human belief. Only a deeper analysis, and a comparative study of similar phenomena can decide which is the case.

XI

In order to complete the survey of all the characteristics of magic, I shall rapidly mention here the economic aspect of the position of magician, although the data referring to it have already been given, scattered through the previous chapters. I have spoken of the matrilineal inheritance of magic, and of the deviations from it which consist in inheritance from father to son, and in the transmission of magic by purchase (Chapter II, Division VI, and Chapter VI, Division VI under (5)). This latter transaction may take place under two names, which really cover two essentially different operations; the pokala or payment to a maternal kinsman from whom one is going to obtain the magic, and the laga, which is the purchase of magic from a stranger. Only certain forms of magic can freely pass from one clan or sub-clan to another, and are purchasable by the laga system. The majority of magical systems are local, and can descend only in the same sub-clan with an occasional deviation to the son of a member, from whom, however, the magic must return to the sub-clan again. A further economic feature of magic is the payment, which the magician receives for his services. There are many types of payment; some given occasionally by an individual for a definite act of magic, as in the case of sorcery or healing magic; others, paid at regular intervals by the whole community, as in the case of garden and fishing magic. In some cases the payments are considerable, as in sorcery, in rain and fine weather magic, and in garden magic. In others, they amount to little more than a mere formal offering.

XII

In all this, we have been dealing with general characteristics of Boyowan (Trobriand) magic. This has been done mainly on the basis of the material presented in this volume, with only a few examples from other branches of magic. The result so far can be set down thus: magic to the natives represents a special department; it is a specific power, essentially human, autonomous and independent in its action. This power is an inherent property of certain words, uttered with the performance of certain actions by the man entitled to do it through his social traditions and through certain observances which he has to keep. The words and acts have this power in their own right, and their action is direct and not mediated by any other agency. Their power is not derived from the authority of spirits or demons or supernatural beings. It is not conceived as having been wrested from nature. The belief in the power of words and rites as a fundamental and irreducible force is the ultimate, basic dogma of their magical creed. Hence we find established the ideas that one never can tamper with, change or improve spells; that tradition is the only source from which they can be derived; that it has brought them down from times lying beyond the speculation of man, that there can be no spontaneous generation of magic.

We are naturally led now to inquire one stage further into the manner in which the magical words and rites act. Obviously the only way to obtain correct information on this point is to analyse and compare a great number of well authenticated formulæ, and minutely recorded rites. Even the collection of Kula magic here partially given in free translation, would allow us to arrive at certain interesting conclusions. But we can go deeper still with the help of linguistic analysis, and we shall proceed to this inquiry in the next chapter.