Chapter III: The German Mind, Self-Depicted (5)

Another example of the suppression of a body working in a normal manner. As soon as they occupied Brussels the Germans began to meddle in the doings of the Directing Committee of the Red Cross Society, and appointed a delegate to the Society. They then tried to force the Red Cross to exceed its duties, which were clearly specified by the international convention known as the _Convention for the Amelioration of the Condition of the Wounded and Sick in Armies in the Field_. Neither in the text of the Convention of 1869, nor in that of the Convention of 1906, is there any question of other patients than soldiers wounded during hostilities. Doubtless it is a matter for praise if the Red Cross of each country should extend its action to needs existing in time of peace; in Belgium, for example, the Red Cross has organized ambulances in the International Exhibitions. But it is none the less true that its essential mission, and the only mission foreseen by the International Convention, is to ameliorate the condition of soldiers who are victims of warfare. It was therefore an abuse of the Red Cross to impose other aims upon it; to compel it, for example, to organize "the relief and support of women by means of labour." The Red Cross of Belgium decided, with abundant reason, that it could not in time of war assume novel functions, nor, above all, could it set apart for the same sums of money which were largely derived from private subscriptions entrusted to it for the succour of the wounded; it therefore refused to involve itself. After lengthy negotiations the Governor-General suspended the Belgian managing committee from its functions, and seized the funds.

We should mention that the Central Administration of the Red Cross, sitting in Geneva, decided that the Brussels Committee was in the right.

Attempting to justify their illegal attitude, the German authorities established a special journal, _La Croix Rouge, Bulletin officiel de la Croix Rouge de Belgique_, printed in Flemish, French, and German. This journal continues to pretend that the Belgian Committee was legally dissolved, as it would not "assist the people in the present melancholy situation."

In vain did the Germans endeavour to put the world off the scent as to their intentions. They knew perfectly well that the National Committee of Relief and Alimentation patronized and subsidized without distinction all the benevolent undertakings which applied to it (p. 176). The real aim of our enemies is to supplant the National Committee. This committee is a private institution in which they have no voice, which greatly annoys them; at most they can endeavour to make it believed that the revictualling of Belgium is effected with their assistance. But this, as may be supposed, is not enough for them; their real aim, their unavowed object, is to obtain entire control of the National Committee, in order to exercise there also their talent for organization--or, more precisely, their talent for peculation. The 40,000,000 frs. per month does not sate their appetite. What an indefinite perspective of fleshpots could they only lay hands on the revictualling of Belgium!

The whole affair of the Red Cross was conducted with annoying duplicity--annoying even to us, who nevertheless were beginning to grow accustomed to their campaign of lies. For months there were negotiations between the Belgium Managing Committee and the German authorities, represented by the Graf von Hatzfeld-Trachenberg. At each interview the latter brought forth fresh demands on the part of the Governor-General, but he always added that he was acting reluctantly, and that in his opinion the demands were unjustified; only, of course, he had to obey. (This is, by the way, the classic procedure. Whenever a German commits a dirty action he entrenches himself behind discipline.) These lame discussions lasted until the 16th April, 1915; upon a final refusal on the part of the Belgian Committee to exceed its proper functions, Graf von Hatzfeld-Trachenberg gave orders for the decree of dissolution to be read.

(_c_) _The Belgian Attitude toward the Germans._

Our enemies spread the report that the relations between occupants and inhabitants were greatly improving, and that the Belgians had abandoned their provocative attitude, which was so unpleasant at the outset of the war. They also asserted that by the end of October the people at Antwerp had ceased to display any antipathy towards them (_Köln. Volksz._, 30th October, 1914, morning edition).[44] But, in truth, they flattered themselves when they stated that the Belgium people regarded them with glances full of hatred. Hatred? No; merely glances full of disdain, when by chance one could not do otherwise than gaze at them; but, as a rule, the Belgians turn their eyes away, as they turn their backs upon German music.

At Liége, in Brussels and Antwerp, and at Malines, when an officer addresses a Belgian the latter pretends not to hear (_N.R.C._, 20th October, 1914, morning edition), or simply states that he has not time to speak to the other; or he replies in Flemish; or else, having affected to listen to him with all the marks of the most exquisite politeness, he leaves the German standing still without replying a word. The ladies more often reply, but it is only to beg the Germans not to speak to them. The officer who asks his way is almost certain to be sent in a contrary direction; while he who climbs on the platform of a tram finds that all the passengers immediately turn their backs upon him; and this rotation is executed with the regularity and precision of a reflex movement. The officer who begs a a passer-by to lend him his cigar that he may obtain a light, sees the other disgustedly throw away the cigar which an enemy has touched. The child whom an officer condescends to caress pushes away his hand with an indignant expression, and makes the ugliest grimace he knows of. In short, they are the objects of universal detestation.

Perhaps it will be said that this attitude is peculiar to the towns which have been little or not at all affected by the war. But no! In localities which were largely burned down, such as Aerschot, Eppeghem, Dinant, and Louvain, the population behaves in a manner even more characteristic. At Dinant the children sing at the tops of their voices a _Marseillaise_ with new words, expressly anti-German, in which a good deal is said about pigs. At Louvain some officers who used to amuse themselves with a phonograph which reproduced the record of the song _Gloria, Vittoria_, had to give up using it in June 1915, because the passers-by accompanied the refrains with other words: _Gloria, Italia_. At Eppeghem and Aerschot the children play at soldiers, with Belgian police bonnets on their heads, yelling _La Brabançonne_. One would say the sight of those calcined ruins, far from intimidating the Belgians, as the butchers had hoped, only whets their rebellious spirits, and that the certainty of final success has completely effaced, in the soul of the people, the memory of the terrors experienced at the time of the burnings and killings.

Not only is the Belgian population far from fraternizing with them, as they try to make the world believe, but it neglects no opportunity of proving that it is animated by very different feelings. It must be confessed that when we openly wear the Belgian or American colours it is with a double object: to advertise our attachment to our country, or our gratitude to America, and also to make the Germans furious. The little celluloid portraits of the King and Queen which one wears in the buttonhole serve the same purposes. After the Germans had imprisoned M. Max in a German prison many people displayed his portrait. This was extremely disagreeable to our enemies (_Köln. Volksz._, 30th September, 1914, morning edition); but precisely for that reason people persisted in wearing the little medallion until the German police demanded its forcible removal.

When the Governor-General, in the interviews which he granted the correspondents of the _N.A.Z._ and the _Berliner Tageblatt_, pretended to regard the wearing of the Belgian or American colours as a piece of childish mischief, he was simply trying to put them off the scent, for he of all people had no illusions as to the significance of the ribbons which the Belgians are wearing in their buttonholes. This significance was as follows: The Germans pretend (1) that their armies are victorious and will remain so; (2) that they will be able to dictate their terms, and will annex Belgium; (3) that this will be easy, as the Belgians are already abandoning their provocative attitude, and are beginning to fraternize with their persecutors. For the moment we cannot reply publicly to lies 1 and 2; as to 3, any Belgian who wears a little rosette tacitly proclaims that he does not wish to be taken for a craven, and that his anti-German feelings have lost none of their keenness.

Other Germans try to deceive their compatriots as to the feeling of the Belgians for their oppressors. Here is what Herr Walter Nissen says, the Bruxelles correspondent of the _Düss. Gen.-Anz._ (23rd July, 1915):

"Opinion in Belgium is daily becoming more conciliatory. Belgium
may, for the moment, be compared with a woman who is beginning to
love despite herself, and who, through pride and vexation, says
'No!' as loudly as possible, for fear anyone should see what is
happening to her. But one does see it, despite the ribbons of the
national colours--indeed precisely on that account."

Is this incurable blindness? Is it an ineradicable spirit of falsehood? Does Herr Nissen really doubt the sincerity of our anti-German manifestations? During the months he has lived in our midst he must have discovered that we do, systematically, everything we can to displease the Germans, until they issue decrees of prohibition.

Here is a last trait which can leave no one in doubt as to the feelings of the Belgians. In March 1915 the German authorities organized a concert in the Théâtre de la Monnaie in Brussels. There were only three known Belgians present, among them a professor of the University of Brussels. The University showed its disapproval by sending him to Coventry.

(_d_) _Behaviour of the German Administration._

The preceding pages have already informed the reader that the Germans have not accustomed us to look for either gentleness or sincerity. But hitherto we have not insisted on their administrative procedure, which nevertheless deserves examination.

But first let us picture to ourselves the mental condition of the Belgians since August 1914. Cut off from all intellectual relations with foreign countries, we receive independent newspapers only in secret, at the peril of our liberty, or even of our lives. Every day, on the other hand, the newspapers, mutilated by the censorship, printing only the news--often false--which is favourable to the Germans, are instilling their slow poison into our brains. No matter: the people still repulse all attempts to foment disunion and demoralization; they pull their belts a little tighter rather than go to work for the enemy; they continue, to the last, to display our colours; in short, they have retained, unshaken and unshakable, their faith in our just cause and the final victory.

The German newspapers are full of admiring articles describing the firmness of mind evinced by the German people, for they, too, consent to certain privations to ensure the success of their arms. Wonderful! The German people are unfailingly encouraged by their newspapers, their pastors and priests, their schoolmasters and professors, and by lectures and innumerable pamphlets. Everything that might cause their resolution to falter is carefully concealed from them. They are, moreover, accustomed to hold no other opinions than those which are officially presented to them. To falter, under these circumstances, would be almost incomprehensible. But in our country, on the other hand, everything is done to exhaust us, to dishearten us. The least success of the German arms becomes the "final crushing" of the enemy; the executions of Belgians who have aided their country are immediately advertised on every hand; and, finally, we are prevented, by every imaginable means, from spreading good news or preaching confidence. That in spite of all the Belgian should retain his tranquillity of mind and even his good humour is almost unbelievable, but it is true.

Here, then, is a population which is systematically refused the least item of comforting information, but which, on the other hand, is treated prodigally to everything of a nature to demoralize it; a population which, in order not to sink into despair, has to make an effort every moment of the day; a country in which it is strictly forbidden to do anything to encourage those who may suffer from a temporary depression, or to sustain and reassure those who feel themselves threatened. Is it not obvious that such pitiful psychologists as the Germans will resort to intimidation to reduce this population to their mercy? Everything is magnified into an offence, and all offences are punished by the heaviest penalties; the Germans even going so far as to threaten with death him who spreads "false news"--that is to say, who communicates news to his fellow-citizens which is displeasing to the Germans.

_The Appeal to Informers._

The placards already cited show amply the diversity of the offences which may be committed, and the punishments which may be inflicted. But we must not forget those notices which order the inhabitants, often on pain of death, to inform against those persons who possess arms; to denounce those who are _believed_ to be strangers to the commune; and those _suspected_ of acting in a manner contrary to the orders of the German authorities.

Here are some of these notices:

DETENTION OF ARMS.

The communal administration forwards the following document:--

_Important Warning._

It has come to my knowledge that the inhabitants of the country are
still hiding arms and munitions in their houses.

Those who still have arms in their possession (whether firearms,
bows, cross-bows, arquebuses, or knives and swords of any
description) will not be punished in any way if the arms and
munitions are deposited by the 15th December (noon precisely German
time) at the house of the burgomaster of the commune, to be handed
over to the military commandant.

After the date indicated all persons found in possession of arms
or munitions will be shot. An account also will be demanded of the
burgomasters concerned, and also of all the inhabitants of the
houses or farms in which arms or munitions are found, as well as
the neighbours of the guilty persons.

The death penalty will be imposed on all who learn of the existence
of arms or munitions without warning the burgomaster of their
commune, who must warn the military commandant.

The present decree forms the last appeal to the population to
surrender their arms, and once the 15th December is past the
severest action will be taken.

The burgomasters are personally responsible for ensuring that this
warning receives the widest publication.

They are required to deposit with the nearest military authority
not later than the 15th December (at six o'clock in the evening,
German time) the arms and munitions that shall be delivered to them.

THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF.

THIELT, 5/xii/14.

(_Le Bien Public, 11th December, 1914._)

BY ORDER OF THE MILITARY AUTHORITY.

The inhabitants of Dieghem are strictly forbidden to assemble in
groups.

Moreover, the inhabitants are required to bring to the Secretariat,
Chaussée d'Haecht 48, those persons whom they believe to be
strangers to the commune, in order to verify their identity.

THE BURGOMASTER,
G. DE CONNICK.

(_Posted at Dieghem, October 1914._)

ON THE ORDER OF THE GERMAN MILITARY AUTHORITY.

The Commissary of the Arrondissement of Verviers calls the
attention of the communal administrations and the inhabitants of
his jurisdiction to the following regulations:--

The severest penalties will be inflicted upon offenders: whosoever
shall damage the roads, telephones, or telegraphs will be HANGED.
The same penalty will be inflicted on every person in whose house
arms, ammunitions, and explosives shall be found. The house in
which these objects are discovered will be destroyed by fire, and
all the men encountered on the premises will be HANGED.

Rigorous penalties will be inflicted on localities in which roads,
telephones, and telegraphs shall be damaged.

For their own safety the inhabitants of communes are invited to make known to the commandants of _étapes_ those persons suspected of disobeying the present order or of opposing the measures taken.

On the other hand, those communes which remain tranquil, and in which this order is strictly obeyed, will enjoy the full protection of the German Government.

VON ROSENBERG,
_Colonel commanding the 29th Brigade_.

VERVIERS, _22nd August, 1914_.

Those who are _believed_ to be strangers; those who are _suspected_ of acting contrary to orders ... it is a régime of organized suspicion, a reign of terror, informing erected into a governmental process.

The most abominable thing which the Germans have conceived in this respect is that they encourage the denunciation of militia-men by their fathers, mothers, wives, or sisters. It is a principle admitted by all civilized nations--and also, no doubt, by Germany--that the Courts definitely abstain from evoking a conflict between the paternal and maternal instinct and the duty owed to justice. It is considered that it would be revoltingly inhuman to force a father or mother to bear witness against a son. Sophocles, in the _Antigone_, ranks this prejudice among "the immutable laws, unwritten, which are from all eternity." Now, in Belgium, when a young man leaves his family to rejoin the Belgian army, the German authorities enjoin upon his parents, his brother, or his sister, the duty of denouncing the absent man; in other words, his father or his mother--yes, we said his mother--must deliver up the son because he is doing his duty toward his country (notice of the 9th April, 1915). And the Germans are not content with threats. If the Germans forget their promises, at least they scrupulously carry their threats into execution. At Hasselt they imprisoned a woman whose son had rejoined the Belgian army (p. 152). At Namur they have on many occasions punished the parents of soldiers who had not committed the crime of denouncing them. And not content with inflicting these disgraceful penalties--disgraceful to those who impose them--they have forced _L'Ami de l'Ordre_ to give publicity to these sentences, to the number of ten or more. Here are the details of one sentence:

According to § 3, No. 2, of the Imperial decree of the 28th
December, 1893, concerning the extraordinary proceedings of the
Council of War for foreigners, the Governor of the fortified
position and the province of Namur has pronounced a deprivation of
liberty against the following Belgian subjects: the farmer, Félix
Duquet, of Jemeppe, two months; his wife, Victoire Duquet, _née_
Swain, one month. They had harboured their son, Clement Duquet,
Belgian soldier, who had lost his regiment, for several months,
instead of notifying him to the German authority; by so doing they
acted in contravention of the proclamation of the Government of
Namur, dated 19th September, 1914.

(_L'Ami de l'Ordre_, 8-9th July, 1915.)

Assuredly for the Germans the word "humanity" is void of meaning; they have replaced it by "Germanity." No doubt they regard maternal love among the Belgians as being of an essence so inferior that they need not take it into account. Yet in order not to wound the sensibilities of their own soldiers, nor those of their "brothers by race," the Flemings, they omitted any mention of mothers in the German and Flemish texts of their notice of the 4th April. As we have already stated, they feel that they need not observe towards the feelings of the Belgians--and above all of the Walloons--the same consideration as is shown towards those of the Germans.

_German Espionage._

Informing cannot exist without espionage. Now we know that the Germans are past masters in this art. Every one of our towns has been favoured by a swarm of spies, male and female. In the streets, on the promenades, in the cafés, in the trams[45]--everywhere one is conscious of the invisible inspection of secret agents. Woe to him who utters aloud an opinion unfavourable to Germany, or complains of a too outrageous placard or announcement, or criticizes a passing officer or any one connected with Germany, or abuses the German army: immediately a lady or gentleman hails a German soldier, and the offender is taken to the _Kommandantur_. And when a Belgian enters the _Kommandantur_ he does not know when he will come out again; there he awaits, sometimes for several days, his turn to be interrogated; and after that imprisonment is certain. Not, of course, that he is always condemned; it sometimes happens that the offence has not been proved; but even so, "his hash is settled," for while he has been waiting his turn his house has been searched, and where is the house that does not contain some letter from a son or a brother who is a soldier? Prohibited correspondence! Sentenced!

_Agents-provocateurs or "Traps."_

A close espionage surrounds those who undertake the carrying of letters or the introduction of newspapers. In this case the spies work principally by means of "traps"--_agents-provocateurs_. A spy introduces himself to the person suspected of dealing with correspondence; he pretends he has a letter to send or receive. If the suspect listens to him, a picket of soldiers and policemen arrives on the following day to make a search. Other spies will speak in the street to a seller of newspapers; they will ask for a French or English journal, and scarcely has the vendor taken the forbidden journal from his pocket than a hand falls upon his collar.

It is also by means of "traps" that the Germans catch those who enable our militia to escape from the country. A young man, of the proper age, goes in search of the suspected person, and by means of false papers passes himself off for a patriot who wants to take his place at the front. Arrangements being made, the spy departs; but a skilfully set trap enables him to catch a whole group of young fellows. It matters little to our cause, however, since for every one arrested hundreds cross into Holland every week. Many Belgians devote themselves to this patriotic task, though they well know that in case of failure they will be sent into Germany or shot. It should be said that their most active helpers are the soldiers of the Landsturm, the guardians of the frontiers, who, according to an established tariff, for the sake of alcohol or money, close their eyes as our militia-men cross the frontier.

One step further along the path of the informer, the spy, and the "trap," and we come to means whose ignominy is such that even the Germans themselves are forced to admit their dishonesty.

Thus, at Liége most of the letter-boxes on the house-doors are closed by means of nails. Why? At the end of 1914 many citizens of Liége used to receive _Le Courrier de la Meuse_, a newspaper edited and printed at Maestricht by Belgian refugees. There was no great mystery about its distribution; the paper was simply slipped into the letter-box. But the German agents spied on the vendors, and having done so, searched the houses at which the newspaper was delivered. The subscriber, of course, was condemned to pay a fine. Did part of this go to the spy? It is probable; in any case it was not long before the spies were importing _Le Courrier de la Meuse_ in order themselves to place it in the letter-boxes of well-to-do houses. A search conducted immediately revealed the prohibited article, and, in spite of the indignant denials of the victim, the fine was inflicted.

At Ferrières, near Jemelle, worse than this was done. A German priest pretended that the curé of Ferrières had repeated, before a witness, a private conversation held some hours earlier. Moreover, he wanted to garble the conversation. The abbé's action was repugnant in such a degree that even Baron von Bissing himself was a little uneasy about the matter, and revoked the punishment awarded to the Belgian.

While the mission of the spies and _agents-provocateurs_--including the _abbés-provocateurs_ or ecclesiastical "traps"--was to procure the condemnation to various penalties of as many Belgians as possible, other "agents" in the pay of Germany commenced a vast inquiry, in order to prove, in the face of the evidence itself, the crimes of the "francs-tireurs." Well!--in spite of all the manoeuvres of spies and _provocateurs_ and the inquirers themselves, in spite of the personal rancour which impelled a few rare Belgians to become the accomplices of the Germans, and to denounce, in a spirit of vengeance, certain of their fellow-citizens, never did the Germans succeed in mentioning a single name, not one single name, of a Belgian civilian accused of having fired upon the German troops. We say expressly "accused," and not "convicted," to show that nowhere, in village or provincial town, although petty rivalry is so acute, and although informers, even though anonymous, would have been welcomed with joy by the Germans, nowhere was any one found to assert that a Belgian civilian had fired on the German troops. No, it was so improbable, so manifestly false, that not even the most miserable of wretches would have dreamed of formulating such a calumny.

The Germans wanted to make us believe that anonymous letters were pouring in upon them, but that they, as upright administrators, refused to follow up these accusations (Declaration, 4th May, 1915). Obviously a lie. We know them capable of themselves fabricating these anonymous accusations, simply to cause the Belgians mental uneasiness, and to give rise to mutual suspicion. This is yet another attempt to cause dissension.

For the rest, they have since then admitted that they have invited denunciation. Worse than this: denunciation is enough to procure condemnation; it is not necessary for the offence to be proved.

NOTICE.

Cases are increasingly frequent in which letters are sent to
Belgian soldiers at the front by means of intermediaries.

I remind the public that this is strictly prohibited. Any person
denounced to the German authorities for such action will be
subjected to a severe penalty.

THE GOVERNOR OF THE FORTIFIED POSITION
AND THE PROVINCE OF NAMUR.

(_L'Ami de l'Ordre_, 13th June, 1915.)

We should never come to an end were we to mention all the tricks and shifts that enter into their methods of administration. We will confine ourselves to relating one or two more.

According to the Hague Convention, the functionaries of an occupied territory who remain at their posts must declare that they will undertake nothing, and will refrain from everything, that may be contrary to the interests of the occupier. Note two essential points: it is only the _officials_ who are required to sign this agreement, and they undertake to _refrain_ from anything that may be hurtful to the occupier.

Now in January 1915 the German administration of Namur wished to force the entire male population of the canton of Éghezée between the ages of eighteen and forty to sign the following declaration:--

"I the undersigned promise, conformably with the Hague Convention
of the 18th October, 1907, to continue scrupulously and loyally
the fulfilment of my functions, to undertake nothing against the
interests of the German Empire, and I promise to prevent all that
might be injurious thereto."

In certain communes the inhabitants, meaning well and imperfectly informed as to their rights and duties, signed this declaration, which is an improper one, as it was required of all the inhabitants, and not only of the officials; moreover, it made the signatories promise to _prevent_ what was injurious to the Germans, not merely to _refrain_ from it. Up to a certain point, therefore, all the inhabitants were obliged to place themselves at the service of the German authorities. Some burgomasters refused to allow the document to be signed as it stood. They added, on their own authority, the following sentence:--

"With the reservation of being able to respond freely to the appeal
of the Belgian Government if the latter comes to resume possession
of the country at present occupied by the German armies."

The Germans did not accept this addition; they proposed a new form of words:--

"I the undersigned promise, conformably with the provisions of the
Hague Convention of 18th October, 1907, to continue scrupulously
and faithfully in the performance of my functions, to undertake
nothing against the interests of the German Empire, to refrain from
all that might injure it."

In many villages the people again refused to sign. Men between 18 and 40 years of age cannot promise to continue in the performance of functions which they have never fulfilled. What did the Germans do? They forced all the male inhabitants of the recalcitrant communes to present themselves daily at Éghezée, the chief town of the canton. But eventually they realized that it was iniquitous to make these men lose half their day every day simply because they, the Germans, were demanding an absolutely illegal thing. So the daily muster at Éghezée was abandoned.

The German administration falsely invoked the Hague Convention of 1907 in addressing the peasants, who doubtless did not even know the Convention by name, and it tried twice over to take advantage of their good faith. It is not surprising that the inhabitants of the province of Namur should have become suspicious, so that they would not willingly put their names to any paper presented by the Germans. In May it was only after long negotiations and threats that the young men of Rhisnes and Emines signed their identification cards, which, according to the Germans, "imposed no engagement on the signatory." We have not ourselves seen the wording of this card, so we cannot speak as to its tenor; but it is curious that the Germans should be so insistent upon the signing of a card having so little significance.

They also wished to impose, on the civic guard of Rhisnes and Emines, the engagement that they would no longer bear arms against Germany. More than half the men refused, and were sent as prisoners of war to Germany.

Monday, 3rd May, in the morning, sixty-nine Belgian militia-men
of the communes of Rhisnes and Emines were arrested because they
refused to sign their identification cards, which contained
nothing else than the information as to their persons necessary
to complete such a document. They were taken to the prison of the
fortress. On 6th May they were questioned a second time, and,
having all without exception signed, they were immediately released.

Tuesday, 4th May, 107 members of the civic guard at Rhisnes were
arrested because they refused to sign the declaration that they
would not bear arms against Germany and her Allies during this war.
In the course of the same day forty-nine signed the declaration and
were released. The other fifty-eight maintained their refusal, and
were transported to Germany as prisoners of war on Tuesday evening.

Wednesday, the 5th May, eighty members of the civic guard of Emines
and Warisoulx were arrested for the same reason; forty signed the
declaration and were released. The rest were transported to Germany
on the evening of the 6th May as prisoners of war.

Similarly on the 5th May, in the afternoon, 170 men, part being
members of the civic guard and part militia-men of the communes
of Taviers, Dhuy, St.-Germain, Hemptinne, Villers-lez-Heest,
and Bovesse, were arrested because they refused to sign their
identification cards. The Government hopes that these men will
reflect and hear reason, and that they will submit spontaneously to
this measure, which serves only for purposes of registration, so
that they may be released.

It is expressly added that the signature of the identification
cards imposes no engagement on the signatory; these cards contain
only information as to identity, and all the Belgian militia-men,
as well as the members of the civic guard, have been several times
informed upon this point.

(_Communicated._)

(_L'Ami de l'Ordre_, 7th and 8th May, 1915.)

Let us look into this case.

In the first place, there never was a civic guard at Rhisnes nor at Emines, so that it is absolutely fraudulent to give this title to all the male adult inhabitants; and since they have not been civic guards they have never borne arms against Germany, and cannot therefore engage to cease doing so. Here again appears the German duplicity in all its beauty. The men of Rhisnes and Emines assure us that the paper said "no longer bear arms against Germany." The Germans have imposed a communiqué upon _L'Ami de l'Ordre_ which gives another version--"not to bear arms."

But in the communiqué provided by the German authorities and published in _La Belgique_ on the 5th June, our enemies recognize that the document said "no longer bear arms." However, a German communiqué is never entirely truthful; and this one forms no exception to the rule. Conforming to the truth in this respect, it departs from it in another. It says, in effect, that the men of Rhisnes "regarded themselves as still belonging to the Belgian Army." What absurdity! They refused to sign precisely because the Germans wished to make them say that they did belong to the Army!

In August and September 1914 the Germans were sending Belgians into Germany as civil prisoners; in May 1915 they were sending them as prisoners of war. The difference is important, since the Hague Convention states that the cost of maintenance of war prisoners falls upon their country of origin, but that it is not speaking of civil prisoners. This is why the civilians of Rhisnes and Emines went to Germany as prisoners of war, as did the curé and the vicar of Cortemarck (p. 72).

We have already cited (p. 233) one case of premeditated abuse of a signature. Here is another: In October 1914 the German authorities of Mont St.-Guibert (between Ottignies and Trembloux) had the following placard posted:--

NOTICE.

1. All the male inhabitants of the commune aged from 18 to 45
years, rich or poor, must present themselves to-morrow, Tuesday,
morning, the 6th October, at 7 o'clock in the morning (Belgium
time) at the railway booking-office.

2. These inhabitants can no longer change their place of residence;
their names have been given to the military authorities.

Those who do not carry out this order, who seek to escape, will be
made prisoners and will render themselves liable to be shot. The
families of offenders will be taken as prisoners and their property
destroyed.

3. English, French, or Russians who are in the locality must be
delivered to the military authorities. The same with Belgians
having belonged to the Army who are deserters or have been
prisoners. Offenders will be punished by death.

4. Fire-arms of all kinds which are still in possession of the
inhabitants must be deposited immediately with the commandant
of the railway-station. Those who are discovered to be still in
possession of these arms, after the publication of this notice,
will be shot.

5. Assemblies for roll-call will be held from time to time. The day
and hour will be given in advance.

6. Umbrellas and sticks are forbidden at the station. Men must not
present themselves in a state of drunkenness.

Mont St.-Guibert, 5th October, 1914.
The Burgomaster,
E. WAUTIER.

The Commandant of the Railway-station,
HAMICH, _Sergeant_.

This placard threatens penalties, even shooting, for the failure to attend at the railway-station; moreover, the offender's family is of course held responsible. So far it is commonplace enough. We will say nothing as to the grade of officer who thus disposes of the lives of citizens--he is a sergeant; but we know that the humblest German soldier possesses every right. What does rather surpass the usual level German administrative procedure is the fact that the burgomaster, whose name figures at the bottom of the placard, knew nothing of the latter until it was posted. The sergeant had used his name without deigning to consult him.

To give a complete idea of the administrative methods employed by the Germans against our country, it will be as well rapidly to describe how they behaved in a certain locality immediately after proceeding against the "francs-tireurs." Hitherto we have dealt only with places where they did not have to carry out "reprisals." We will now select Andenne, on account of the particularly savage character of the "repression" which drenched this unhappy town with blood and fire. Here are the facts in their tragic sequence:--

The German patrol which penetrated into the town on the 19th August, 1914, went straight to the house of the communal receiver and seized the funds: 2,232 frs.

On the following day the bulk of the troops arrived. That evening, between 6 and 9 p.m., a very sharp fusillade broke out. Immediately the civilians were accused of having fired, and the troops began to shoot down the inhabitants and burn the houses.

On the following morning--the 21st August--all the inhabitants not yet shot were driven into the Place des Tilleuls. The men were herded on one side, the women on the other. From time to time Major Scheunemann, who commanded the operations, had a few men shot, sometimes before the whole population, sometimes a little apart. During the morning the soldiers dragged the corpse of the burgomaster, Dr. Camus, into the Place. As soon as Major Scheunemann learned of the death of the first magistrate, he appointed as burgomaster M. de Jaer, who was one of the group of persons waiting their turn to be shot. From that moment the order was given to kill no more; they contented themselves with sack and pillage. There were then 300 houses burned at Andenne and at Seilles, and 300 inhabitants were shot (_11th Report_).

We will confine ourselves, as regards the events which followed the burning and the massacre, to reprinting the placard posted at Andenne during the first ten days of the occupation:--

INHABITANTS OF ANDENNE.

By order of the German military authority occupying the town of
Andenne:--

All the men are held as hostages.

Per shot fired on the German troops, there will be _at least_ two
hostages shot.

The hostages will be fed by the women, who will carry them the
necessaries close to the bridge at 6 in the evening and 8 in the
morning.

Women are strictly forbidden to converse with the hostages.

All the streets and public places will immediately be cleaned by
all the women of the town, on pain of immediate arrest.

It is strictly forbidden to move about the town after 7 in the
evening and before 7 in the morning, on pain of severe repression.

The dead will immediately be buried without any formality.

Young people over 14 and the women must give their assistance in
every case of requisition.

It is strictly forbidden to show oneself at the windows.

By order of the German military authority,
The Burgomaster Designate,
E. DE JAER.

The Secretary,
MONRIQUE.
_Andenne, the 31st August, 1914._

PROCLAMATION.[46]

On the 20th August of this year there was firing from numerous
houses of the town of Andenne on the German troops who were passing
through the town; bombs also were thrown. It is certain that the
first outbreak of firing occurred, according to a certain plan, at
precisely the same time in several streets: in the Rue Brun, the
Rue de l'Hôtel de Ville, the Place des Tilleuls, and several other
streets. A number of soldiers have been killed or wounded and war
material damaged.

After denying the first attacks, there was again firing from many
houses for several hours, and again on the 21st August, at two
o'clock in the afternoon, an under-officer was killed by a shot
from one of the houses in the Rue de l'Hôtel de Ville.

Those guilty inhabitants who have hitherto been found have been
shot by the Council of War, but it was not possible to find the
persons who arranged the plot.

We appeal, however, to the honour of the City of Andenne, which
appears in the eyes of the civilized world as a nest of murderers
and bandits.

Perhaps it is possible to restore the honour of this town; this
is why the inhabitants are invited, in their own interest, to
communicate to the military authority all that may make it possible
to make progress in revealing the plot and its authors.

He who delivers proofs capable [of revealing, etc.] receives
according to their value a reward of 500-1000 frs.

The measures which have been taken will or might be sooner
mitigated as soon as inquiry shall have made progress to make known
the guilty.

THE COMMANDANT OF THE CITY.

_Andenne, the 22nd August, 1914._

_Andenne, Sunday, 23rd August, 1914._

OFFICIAL NOTICE.

Between Saarburg and Metz there has been a great battle. The German
troops have made 21,000 French prisoners.

Long live His Majesty the Emperor of Germany, King of Prussia and
Margrave of Brandenburg!

SCHEUNEMANN,

Major and Chief of Department.

OFFICIAL NOTICE.

The revictualling of the population will be effected by the
efforts of the Military Administration, assisted by the Civil
Administration of Andenne constituted by the German Government, as
far as possible.

1. In this connection, the sale of provisions and commodities is
strictly forbidden.

2. Householders are advised to report at once the quantity of
their provisions. Commodities will be taken for cash or redeemable
voucher.

3. It would be in the interest of the population to announce
exactly the quantity of their provisions.

4. Provisions not exceeding two days for the family need not be
reported.

5. All the available forces of the commune are in the care of the
Administration for the harvest.

Properties abandoned will be harvested as the rest.

THE COMMANDANT OF THE TOWN OF ANDENNE.

_27th August, 1914._

PROCLAMATION.

I have confidence in the Administration and in the population,
that now each will be careful to obey as strictly as possible the
orders of the Kommandantur in order to soften as far as possible
the misfortune caused by the criminal deeds of a few inhabitants.

This is why I object to all that prevents the free circulation of
the inhabitants. I trust that none of the inhabitants of Andenne
and Seilles will make use of their liberty save for the prosperity
of the commune.

The Administrations of Andenne and Seilles are working with me day
and night to bring about a settled state of affairs.

All questions of revictualling and welfare must be addressed
directly to the Administrations of Andenne and Seilles, which have
also the power to require the inhabitants to work.

The German Army displays the greatest severity and energy if it is
perfidiously attacked by the inhabitants, but it sincerely desires
to use justice and humanity towards the people, if the conduct of
the inhabitants permit.

Der Kommandant,
SCHULTZE,
Hauptmann.

_Andenne, 25th August, 1914._

TO THE INHABITANTS OF ANDENNE.

We call the attention of the population to the proclamation which
the Military Commandant has just handed to us on leaving.

I am leaving this town in the expectation that it will perform,
as during the last few days, and also in the future, all that may
ensure orderly conduct towards the German Army.

I hand over the new bridge to the town for its use, and require
it to be responsible for its safety and to maintain it in good
condition.

For the present a small garrison will remain here, which will be
fed and lodged by the town.

If all energies are permanently directed upon the prosperity of the
town of Andenne and Seilles these localities will soon be cured of
the grave wounds which the war has inflicted upon these communes,
by their own fault.

SCHULTZE,
Hauptmann.

_Andenne, 28th August, 1914._

We are profiting by this occasion to congratulate and to thank the
inhabitants of Andenne for the admirable manner in which they have
behaved, during these latter days, and we urge them strongly to
assist the Communal Administration to repair as far possible the
great misfortunes which we have experienced.

The Burgomaster delegated by
the Military Authority,
E. DE JAER.

The Secretary,
MONRIQUE.

_Andenne, 28th August, 1914._

PROCLAMATION.[47]

1. From _Saturday, 29th August, 1914_, midday, all the clocks must
be set to the German time (one hour earlier).

2. Assemblies of more than three persons are strictly forbidden
_under penalty of fines_.

3. To move about after 8 p.m. the authorization of M. le Commandant
is required.

4. Arms must be deposited with the guard _at the Casino, by noon on
the 29th inst_.

Where arms are still found in the houses after this date, the
householder will be hanged.

5. The German troops requiring absolute tranquillity, workmen can return to work at once. Tho least revolt on the part of the inhabitants will result in the complete burning of the town, and the men will be hanged.

SIMONS,
Lieut.-Col. and Commander-in-Chief.

_Becker_,
_Captain and Commander-in-Chief._

DEAR FELLOW-CITIZENS,

We are happy to announce to you that the military authority will show the greatest goodwill towards us if, as we doubt not, the worthy population of Andenne continues to remain perfectly quiet, to labour with courage, and to obey authority with docility, _as it has done_ up to the present, for which we thank it.

At a military fête, at which the military authority expressly invited us to be present, all the troops, including the officers--in our presence, and before many of the notables of Andenne, and Dean Cartiaux in particular--repeatedly shouted "Hurrah for Andenne!"

In the name of all of you, much affected, we expressed our thanks.

Dear friends, have confidence in us; we are working with all our souls for the safety of Andenne.

We have assured the military authority that the soldiers might be perfectly at ease in our midst, that none of us would wish to commit the least aggression--that, on the contrary, we shall all treat the Germany Army with _complete loyalty_. We have been responsible for you. In return, we ask you only one thing: it is, to continue to do what you have done until to-day, and, if, by some impossible chance, there should be among us an ill-conditioned person who might be capable of compromising honest people, point him out to us; for our worthy fellow-citizens must not be responsible for the crimes of a scoundrel.

Let the German Army be sure that the communal administration will with the utmost promptness hand over to it any one guilty of an act of ill-will, whoever he may be.

Dear fellow-citizens, patience and courage to support privation. Be easy in your minds; we are with you.

The Burgomaster delegated by
the Military Authority,

DR. LEDOYEN, E. DE JAER,

Councillor Lahaye.

The Secretary,

MONRIQUE,

_Andenne, 30th August, 1914_.

PROCLAMATION.

I am under the impression that the greater portion of the inhabitants desire tranquillity, therefore I invite them not to leave the town.

Before employing violent means, I shall make a strict inquiry to discover the guilty persons in case a revolt should break out.

I therefore expect of the population of Andenne that it will do everything to ensure that no German soldier shall be molested otherwise I shall be forced to act in accordance with the measures of my first proclamation.

BECKER,
Captain, L.I.R. 29, and Commandant-in-Chief.

One word as to these placards.

_Placard of the 21st August._--The men are all regarded as hostages; the women have to feed them; they also have to clean up the town.

_Placard of the 22nd August._--The military authorities declare, on the 22nd of August, that Andenne, where the "attacks of francs-tireurs" were repressed during the night of the 20th and the morning of the 21st, is already regarded by the whole civilized world as "a nest of murderers and bandits." It offers a reward of 500 to 1000 frs. to any one who will denounce the author of the plot. It also promises, to excite the zeal of the informers, that the severe measures in force will be mitigated as soon as the leaders are discovered. (No one was denounced.)

_1st Placard of the 23rd August._--This announces the great victory between Sarrebourg and Metz: 21,000 French prisoners were taken. (An attempt to demoralize the population.) Note that the Wolff Agency reported only 10,000 prisoners; where did Major Scheunemann find the other 11,000?

_2nd Placard of the 23rd August._--The Germans are attending to the revictualling of Andenne. (In reality the people of Andenne were starving.)

_Placard of the 25th August._--The German administration is strict, but just. (The people of Andenne had noticed the severity.)

_1st Placard of the 28th August._--Once again the inhabitants are urged to remain calm, and are congratulated on their good conduct. (The burgomaster was forced to countersign this proclamation. Had he seen it first?)

_2nd Placard of the 28th August._--The German time is made compulsory. Assemblies of more than three persons are prohibited. If arms are found in a house their owner will be hanged. At the least disturbance, the complete burning of the town and the hanging of the men.

_1st Placard of the 30th August._--The German troops, having pillaged Andenne and shot down its inhabitants, now shout "Hurrah for Andenne!" Then a fresh appeal to informers.

_2nd Placard of the 30th August._--The German authorities now promise to make an inquiry if there is another revolt. (This inquiry would have been a novelty.)

E.--Ferocity.

We may be brief, for the cruel character of _Kultur_ is so obvious, and appears so plainly from the documents cited, that it would be idle to insist upon it.

If it were necessary to justify our aversion, we need only remark that the cruelties recorded were systematically premeditated. Do not the _Kriegsbrauch im Landkriege_ (_Usages of War on Land according to the Great General Staff_) state that the observation of these usages is not "guaranteed by any sanction other than the fear of reprisals," and that the officer, the child of his age, carried away by the moral tendencies which affect his country, must protect himself "against exaggerated humanitarian ideas," and must realize that "the only true humanity often resides in the unmitigated employment of these severities?" If such principles are professed by the highest authorities, the German soldier will not shrink from any degree of violence; for he knows that wickedness will not merely provide him with amusement; it will also help to achieve the final aim of warfare.

So that the officer shall be in no danger of forgetting the spirit in which he should conceive his relations with the enemy population, he carries some such aid to memory as the _Tornister-Wörterbuch_. If he has letters or proclamations to draft, he has recourse to _L'Interprète Militaire_ of Captain von Scharfenort, professor and librarian at the Academy of War in Berlin. M. Waxweiler (in _La Belgique Neutre et Loyale_, p. 265) has already drawn attention to the cruel and odious character of this _vade-mecum_, so we will not enlarge upon it. It was after consulting _L'Interprète Militaire_ that a certain placard posted in Belgium in the August of 1914 was drafted. It gives no details as to the "lugubrious cruelties"; it applies both to towns and villages; it speaks of the "mayor" instead of the "burgomaster"; it is neither dated nor signed; in short, it presents all the characteristics of an "emergency placard," drafted beforehand.

PROCLAMATION.

We are not making war upon citizens, but only on the enemy army.

In spite of this, the German troops have been attacked in great
number by persons who do not belong to the army. They have
committed _acts of the most lugubrious cruelty_ not only against
combatants, but also against our wounded and our doctors who are
under the protection of the Red Cross. To prevent these brutalities
I order that which follows:

1. Any person who does not belong to the army and who is found arms
in hand, will be shot instantly. He will be regarded as outside the
laws of nations.

2. All arms, rifles, pistols, Brownings, sabres, daggers, etc.,
and all explosive material, must be delivered immediately by the
mayors of every village or town to the commander of the German
troops; if a single weapon is found, no matter in what house, or if
any act has been committed against our troops, our transports, our
telegraph lines, our railways, etc., or if any one gives asylum to
_francs-tireurs_; the guilty persons and the hostages who will be
taken in each village will be shot without pity. Besides this, the
inhabitants of the villages, etc., in question will be driven out.
The villages and towns even will be demolished and burned. If this
happens on the road of communication between two villages or two
towns, the inhabitants of the two villages will be treated in the
same manner.

I expect the mayors and populations will be able, by their prudent
supervision and conduct, to ensure the safety of our troops as well
as their own.

In the contrary case, the measures indicated above will come into
force.

Signed: THE GENERAL COMMANDING-IN-CHIEF.

(No name.)

The appeal to brutality comes from above. In 1900 the whole world shuddered at the advice which Wilhelm II gave the expeditionary corps setting out for China. "Follow the example of the Huns," cried the Kaiser. Why, then, do the Germans profess to be annoyed when compared to-day with the soldiers of Attila--or when their motto is spelt _Gott mit Huns_?

A German lieutenant, whose military note-book we have had before us, does full justice to his companions. After the massacre and burning of Ottignies on the 20th August, 1914, he wrote as follows (we translate):--