Chapter III: The German Mind, Self-Depicted (6)

The inhabitants were in the square, under a guard of soldiers.
Several men were condemned by the Council of War and at once put
to death. The women, dressed in black, as in a solemn procession,
then departed. Among those who had just fallen, how many innocent
were shot! The village has been literally sacked: the "blond brute"
has shown himself for what he is. The Huns and the freebooters of
the Middle Ages could not have done better. The houses are burning
now, and when the action of the fire is not enough we raze what
remains standing.

Very suggestive too is the placard of the 26th April, 1915, in which Baron von Bissing informs us that according to Mr. Fox, an American journalist, the Germans have committed no useless "cruelties." Then there are useful cruelties? Really the Governor-General, who seems to know his subject, ought to publish a table differentiating the various qualities of cruelty.

But a thing that does surprise us is that the virus of cruelty should already have contaminated civilians--I mean the Catholic members of the Reichstag. Herr Erzberger, the same who asserted, and who perhaps is asserting still, that the Belgians invaded Germany on the 2nd August, wrote what are perhaps the most coldly ferocious words imaginable: "_Above all, no sentimentality!_" (_N.R.C._, 6th February, 1916, evening edition).

Such advice bore fruit, as we shall discover when we come to examine, in succession, the physical and moral tortures in which our executioners delight. But first let us cite a few examples of _aggravations_. By that we mean acts of malice which do not endanger the life or reason of the victims, but which reveal, perhaps the more clearly for that, the desire to torment.

1. AGGRAVATIONS.

A general remark occurs to us at once: it is that the Germans have failed in their object. For instead of exasperating us to the point of forcing us to commit some imprudence, which they would have been obliged to repress, they simply made sure of our profound contempt. To tell the truth, each fresh persecution makes us furious for a day; but the sense of irony soon regains the upper hand, and then we have only one anxiety: to make their latest form of vexation ridiculous by all the means in our power.

Nothing better shows the contrast between the German mentality and the Belgian than the manner in which we have obeyed the decree concerning the German time.

After only a week's occupation the inhabitants of Andenne were obliged to set their clocks to the German time. At Namur, too, this was required from the 31st August. Elsewhere the German time was enforced only at a much later date, and only in respect of the clocks in cafés. Many cabaret-keepers merely stopped their clocks; others had fitted a second small hand, an hour in retard of the first; others wrote beneath the clock "German Time," or even "This clock is an hour fast." In the window of a Brussels watchmaker, in the midst of many clocks which indicated more or less precisely the German time, was one which was specially labelled "Correct Time"--and that one told, of course, the Belgian time. In short, every one did what he could to avoid letting his customers regard the German time as the true time. And really, if one has adopted, as is the case in Germany and in Belgium, the system of hourly segments, it is obvious that Belgium ought to form part of the segment of Western Europe, not part of that of Eastern Europe. It is, therefore, solely in a spirit of aggravation that Germany forces her time upon us; and she is fully aware of this, as her public notices are always careful to speak of "German time," not of "Central European time."

_Treatment inflicted upon Belgian Ladies._

What do you think of the additional suffering inflicted on ladies condemned to several weeks' imprisonment for having conveyed letters from Belgian soldiers to the parents of those soldiers, or for speaking a little too boldly before an officer, or for some other crime of a like nature? It is a delicate idea to shut them up in common with half a score of other prisoners, in a room containing no convenience but a pail furnished with a cover. They are lucky if the company does not include some very dubious characters.

* * * * *

We need not insist: these are aggravations, not serious at bottom, but their irritating nature can only be fully appreciated when one suffers them daily, or hears them described by friends or relatives who have been their victims.

After the examples of collective and impersonal malfeasance dictated by some high officer desirous of justifying the fair fame of _Kultur_, we will take those cases in which the personality of the author clearly reveals itself, and, let us say at once, in which this personality instantly excites the disgust and indignation of all merely civilized persons.

The Germans reached Capelle-au-Bois on the 30th August. But on the 31st they were repulsed by Belgian troops. On the 4th September they returned in force and forced back the Belgians; not without difficulty, however, for they had many killed, of whom nineteen were buried at Capelle-au-Bois. With the Belgian troops as they withdrew went all the inhabitants of the village, leaving behind them only a few helpless old people. In this all but empty village, where no one was left to offer them the least resistance, the Germans hastened to kill several inhabitants--four, it is believed. Then, under the orders of Captain von Puttkammer, the strong-boxes were broken open, the objects of value packed and sent to Germany, and the wines carried to the bank of the canal and into the houses occupied by the officers. On the evening of the 4th September the troops set fire to the village. Thanks to incendiary pastilles and benzine pumps, the fire spread rapidly; 235 houses were burned of the three hundred which formed the heart of the village. So far all was as usual; but here is the characteristic fact. The better to enjoy the spectacle the troops spent the evening on the bank of the canal; there they organized a little orgie, over eight hundred empty bottles being afterwards discovered.

At the same period the Germans established a few miles further to the west, at Londerzeel, pillaged and then burned the house of the notary, M. Van Hover. They had tried in vain to open the safe, so, furious at their failure, they poured benzine into it and set fire to it, procuring at least the satisfaction of knowing that all the papers would be reduced to ashes.

What are we to think of the officer who, lodging in the house of a curé in the province of Antwerp, found it amusing to tear pages from the books which formed his host's library, or to gum them together, so that in seeking to separate them the owner himself would tear them? Note that it was no clown who devised this kindly pastime, for he took care to choose, in the Latin books, the pages bearing the most important passages.[48]

_Filthy Amusements._

Others preferred to defile things. When in August and September 1914 we were told that the Germans were amusing themselves by depositing ordure in their beds we refused to believe in such perversion. But a walk through Eppeghem, Sempst, and Weerde was enough to enlighten us. Not only had they emptied all the houses, rich or poor; not only had they taken the trouble to smash into quite small pieces all the glass and crockery they could not carry away; not only, in the grocers' shops, had they delighted themselves by mixing snuff with the butter, and tacks with the cloves, and pepper with the flour, but all the bedding bore the malodorous traces of their visit.

Let it not be imagined that this mania of beastliness is peculiar to the common soldiers. The officers who spent the night of the 19th August, 1915, at Cortenburg, between Louvain and Brussels, were infected by the same _Kultur_. In a certain house they carefully laid the table in the dining-room, without forgetting the serviettes, and then deposited a souvenir on every plate. In another house in Cortenburg they chose, as a receptacle, the tall hat of the householder. In the château of Malderen (Brabant), having taken all that pleased them and broken the rest into small pieces, they opened a card-table, deposited their excrement there, and carefully closed it again.

Another manifestation of the scatological mania: Many hundreds of German Army surgeons met in congress during the Easter holidays of 1915, in Brussels. On the last day of the congress, Wednesday, the 7th April, a banquet was held, on the premises of the Palais de Justice. On the Thursday morning it was discovered that the surgeons had left souvenirs behind them; they had evacuated the surplus of food and liquor consumed by the three natural orifices, and had chosen for their purpose the most beautiful halls of the Palais. Frankly, we should not have expected this from the doctors; it is true, however, that they were German military doctors.

A man amuses himself as he can--or, to put it more plainly, according to his mentality. After all, these beastly habits, disgusting as they are, are not those whose results are most disagreeable.

There are others who seek violent contrasts. Thus, at Houtem, while the church was burning, on the 13th September, 1914, a military band was playing its liveliest selections at a few yards' distance. At Monceau-sur-Sambre, on the 22nd August, officers were playing the piano in the château of the demoiselles Bourriez, on the Trazegnies road, when the soldiers had already lit the upper floors. At Louvain, on the 25th August, 1914, in a café near the railway-station, soldiers set fire to the upper floor without warning the proprietor, and remained below, where they kept a mechanical piano going. They were thus able to enjoy the despairing expressions of the inmates when they discovered that they could no longer hope to save anything.

2. PHYSICAL TORTURES.

We shall not here refer to the innumerable cases of torture cited in the Reports of the Commission of Inquiry, nor those reported in Nothomb's _La Belgique Martyre_. We will confine ourselves to facts of which we have personal knowledge. The Germans will, of course, seek to deny them. So it is as well to begin by a declaration of their own. _Vorwärts_, on the 23rd August, 1914 (the very day on which the chief atrocities were committed in the Dinant district), protested against the proposal made by a German officer, not to kill francs-tireurs outright, but to wound them mortally and leave them to die slowly in agony, while forbidding any one to go to their assistance. What to our mind is even graver than the proposition itself is the fact that the _Deutsches Offizierblatt_ accepted it as quite a natural thing.

It is clear that where they are proved, the cruelties committed by
our enemies must be denounced, and that everything must be done to
prevent their repetition. However, we must not allow the recital
of these cruelties to force us to resort to a sort of policy of
retaliation, or lead us to wash out what others have done with
innocent blood.

What are we to say when we find an organ like the _Deutsches
Offizierblatt_ expressing its sympathy for the following
proposition: The "brutes" captured as francs-tireurs should not be
shot outright, but should be fired upon and left to their fate, all
succour being prevented? What again are we to say when it is added
that the destruction, in reprisal, of whole localities even does
not represent "a sufficient vengeance for the bones of a single
Pomeranian grenadier assassinated"? These are the imaginings of
bloodthirsty fanatics, and we are ashamed to perceive that men
capable of speaking thus exist in our nation. Such expressions,
even if they are not carried into action, are truly of a nature to
place our struggle in an unfavourable light all the world over.

(_Vorwärts_, 23rd August, 1914.)

_The Fate of the Valkenaers Family._

One of the most horrible tragedies of this war was the massacre of the Valkenaers family, at Thildonck, on the 26th August, 1914, while Louvain was burning. Because they had not prevented the Belgian soldiers from utilizing their farms as points of support, the members of the two Valkenaers households were shot down in cold blood. Of these fourteen unfortunate people three were grievously wounded and seven killed. The better to amuse themselves, the Germans forced the elder of the young girls to wave a sort of flag.

During the preceding night (that of the 25th August), in Louvain, they had savagely mangled the corpse of a young woman.

On the afternoon of the 25th, being still in the immediate neighbourhood, at Bueken, they had seized the curé and cut off his nose and ears before giving him the _coup de grâce_ (p. 238). At the same time began the torture of the curé of Pont-Brûlé, to end only on the 26th.

At Elewijt, on the 27th, they amused themselves by amputating the hands of four men--the three brothers Van der Aa and François Salu.

A little further to the east the first German troops who had passed through Schaffen, near Diest, on the 13th or 14th August, had there tortured the blacksmith Broeden. All day long he had laboured, shoeing the horses of the enemy's cavalry. Early in the evening he repaired to the church, with the sacristan, with the object of saving some precious articles which had not been placed in security. He was surprised by the soldiery and seized. Successively the Germans broke his wrists, his arms, and his legs; perhaps he suffered yet other tortures. When he was practically lifeless the soldiers asked him whether he thought that he would in future be capable of undertaking any kind of labour. On his replying, in an almost inaudible voice, that he did not, they declared that in that case he ought not to continue to live. Immediately they threw him, head first, into a ditch dug for the purpose; then the ditch was filled, leaving his feet protruding.

* * * * *

In other parts of the country also the most varied tortures. At Spontin, near Dinant, on the 23rd August, 1914, they pierced the curé and the burgomaster with bayonet-wounds until death ensued; but first they had bound each man with a strong cord, drawn violently tight round the waist by the combined efforts of two soldiers. It must be supposed that the officer who presided over the "severities" at Spontin had quite a special affection for cords, for having taken alive some 120 inhabitants of the place (the rest were killed, shot down while they were trying to escape), he had them all tied together by the wrists and conveyed them towards Dorinn; but many were shot before reaching that village.

On the same day, in Dinant prison, a soldier strangled a baby in the arms of its mother because it was crying too loud.

At Sorinnes, still in the Dinant district, and on the same day, Jules and Albert Houzieaux were burned alive.

At Aiseau, on the 21st August, the Germans shut two men into a house, to which they set fire. But the unexpected arrival of a shell prevented them from enjoying the sufferings of their victims.

At Hofstade chance favoured them better; they threw Victor de Coster, whom they had just stripped, into the furnace provided by his own house; his servant shared his fate.

We must suppose that the Germans take great pleasure in the contortions of the hanged. Herr Heymel had to content himself with admiring the corpse of a priest swinging in a tree; and his friend, Herr Klemm, was careful to devote, to the memory of this comforting spectacle, a drawing, published in _Kunst und Künstler_ (January 1915). Herr Heymel expresses his great satisfaction before this spectacle; but what pleasure he would have experienced could he have witnessed the hanging of the men whom the Germans boast of having hanged to the trees of the Herve district; or could he have assisted to hang that inhabitant of Èvelette, whom the soldiers put to death at Andenne, on the 20th; or the cabaret-keeper who was strung up to a lantern before the Louvain railway-station, on the night of the 26th; but our fastidious _littérateur_ would have tasted the keenest delight at Arlon, when an old man was put to death; he remained hanging for hours, with his feet just grazing the soil (p. 351).

The Germans, perhaps, will say--supposing they think they ought to excuse themselves--that these executions were carried out as a result of the attacks of francs-tireurs, or after the mutilation of the German wounded by Belgian civilians. But it will be impossible for them to allege these lies as circumstances extenuating the inhuman treatment which they inflicted upon Belgian soldiers at the time of their first attacks on the forts of Liége, on the night of the 4th August; that is, a few hours after the commencement of hostilities. Not only did they maltreat in every imaginable manner their Belgian prisoners, but certain German soldiers pushed _Kultur_ so far as to refuse water to poor wounded fellows dying of thirst; more, they even gave themselves the atrocious pleasure of spilling on the ground the water contained in the wounded men's own flasks, and this before their eyes.

3. MORAL TORTURES.

The physical tortures which the Germans have inflicted upon us cannot rival their methods of moral torture. In these they have achieved refinements worthy of the inventive genius of an Edgar Allan Poë.

_Moral Torture before Execution._

To force those about to be shot to dig their own graves, as they did at Tavigny,[49] is quite a commonplace method. In the Fonds de Leffe, on the 23rd August, 1914 (p. 360), they perfected their mode of operation. They had called up eight men of Dinant to bury the victims as they were shot (there was so much work to do that it had to be entrusted to experienced hands). In the evening each of the gravediggers dug his own grave; four were shot, and buried by their colleagues; just as these were about to suffer the same fate an officer "pardoned" them: not out of humanity (that would have been too decent), but simply because their services would be required during the following days.

At Dinant, during the bloody days of the 23rd and 24th August, they invented many other moral tortures. On the morning of the 23rd they shot, in a meadow of the Fonds de Leffe, a group of thirteen men. But instead of leading them all together before the firing platoon, they cunningly prolonged their pleasure; the thirteen unfortunates were tied, in succession, to the same tree, and shot down one by one.

The whole of the 23rd was consecrated, in the Fonds de Leffe, to killing the men in small batches of half a dozen; these were shot either before their wives and children, or at a short distance, but within earshot, so that the family should lose none of the groans of the dying.

When, later on, the women and children were shut up in a windmill, having first been marched in front of the corpses, the Germans allowed themselves the distraction of lighting fires before the windows from time to time, in order to make the women believe that they were about to be burned alive with their children, and to delight in their anguish.

While men were being shot in the Fonds de Leffe, horrible massacres were being committed at Leffe and at Dinant, at only a few minutes' distance. Here, too, men were shot before their families--for example, Victor Poncelet and Charles Naus--and the survivors were forced to pass through the midst of the corpses. The officers, too, devised more complicated diversions; for instance, allowing a group of women and children to escape into the mountains, in order to shoot them down from a distance.

A moral torture commonly employed is that which consists in making people believe that they are going to be killed. All the inhabitants of Sorinnes were placed before machine-guns, and a German chaplain, speaking French, ceremoniously shook each man by the hand. At Dinant two or three hundred persons were lined up against a wall; then a pastor recited the prayers for the dead (perhaps the chaplain of Sorinnes had found another opportunity for his pleasantry), and an empty machine-gun was pointed at them. An officer laughed as though his sides would split while he threatened, with his revolver, some fifteen women shut up in the convent of Prémontré, at Leffe.

Pretended executions and threats of execution were everywhere in common usage. At Wépion, near Namur, on the 23rd August, 1914 (the day of the Dinant horrors), the Germans packed the women into boats, and told them to row into the middle of the Meuse. They took aim at them several times; then, having sufficiently amused themselves, they allowed them to return to the bank.

On the 28th September, 1914, a group of civil prisoners from the north of Brabant were going towards the railway-station, whence they left for Germany. The procession was preceded by a military band, which played funeral marches, so that they were convinced that they were being led to execution.

Two citizens of Brussels, taking a walk on Sunday, the 30th August, ventured as far as Koningsloo, in the suburbs. They were seized by German sentinels, and imprisoned at the post. From time to time an under-officer approached them, held his revolver under their noses, and grimaced at them: "Ah, ah, walk's over, walk's done!" (_Fini, promenade!_). One of the prisoners asked the guard if they were really going to be shot; in which case they would wish to make certain arrangements. But the soldier reassured them: "Don't be afraid," he said, "it's only a game of our officer's; he does it every day to amuse himself." And sure enough, towards evening the two prisoners were set free without further ceremony.

Sectional execution--execution by small groups--under the eyes of those awaiting their fate, was applied on a large scale at Arlon. On the 26th August, 123 (or 118, or 127) inhabitants of Rossignol and neighbouring localities were taken thither, and were killed in groups of ten or twelve. Madame Hurieaux was reserved for the last; she saw her husband and all her companions in misfortune perish first; and she died crying "Vive la Belgique! Vive la France!"

It will be of interest to reproduce here the narrative of a medical student who was present at the executions which took place at Arlon. It may be taken as a sample, so to speak, of the German procedure: massacre and incendiarism, with no previous inquiry; the most varied moral and physical tortures; capricious condemnation or liberation of prisoners; pillage of the communal funds, etc.

At the beginning of August I left Y----, where my parents live, to
go to the village of X----, lying to the north of my native town.

Two days later the French arrived, making towards the north of
Luxemburg. There were movements of troops in different directions,
and soon one could see that battles would be fought in the
neighbourhood.

I thought I could make myself useful by opening a small ambulance,
which I did.

I was lodging with one of my aunts, who has a son of my own age.

One day an engagement took place between the French and the German
troops, and a wounded German soldier was brought into my little
ambulance; his name was Kohn.

I gave him first aid; I apologized for not being able to do more,
and I told him that towards evening it might be possible to carry
him to Arlon, where he would receive all necessary care.

I returned to my aunt's house; I found her in tears; they had just
taken away her son, my cousin Jules, on the pretext that he had
fired on them. It was a piece of stupidity, for there was nothing
in the whole house but one revolver, and I was carrying that on me.
I had had it on me all the time I was at the ambulance. I hastened
to hide it under a chest, and I decided to go and demand my cousin
of the Germans. I speak their language a little, and I was so
convinced of my cousin's innocence that I imagined a few words of
explanation would make them give him up.

I soon found him, tied to a tree, beside other prisoners.

I began to parley with a German officer.

He replied that there was nothing to do for the moment, that the
prisoners would be sent to Arlon, and that he was convinced that if
I followed them I should be able, at Arlon, to obtain justice for
my cousin.

We set out for Arlon; I was beside the prisoners. At a determined
spot we were handed over to other soldiers. I was greatly
astonished, at a given moment, to see that I had become a prisoner
myself; I was no longer accompanying my cousin, to save him; I was
sharing his fate.

We arrived at Arlon; we were lined up against a wall. There were
with us, notably, a woman, with two young children of nine and ten,
an old villager with his son, and other people whom I did not know.

An officer on horseback approached us. He was, it seemed a judge.
He turned to the soldiers and asked, pointing to each of us: "Did
that one fire?" And the soldiers always replied in the affirmative.

Now it should be noted that these soldiers had seen nothing, and
could have seen nothing, for they were not those who seized the
prisoners in the village in which they were arrested.

The head-dress of the troops was entirely different; the first had
helmets, and the second caps.

When the officer had finished pointing at us, we were informed that
we were all condemned to death.

An old man was seized; I myself was seized; and we were pushed to
one side, to be shot.

The old man's son rushed towards him and tried to drag him away
from the soldiers. The result was that the son was seized, to be
shot with the father.

This is how things happened:

The two were put against a wall; a platoon of soldiers commanded by
an officer took up their position in front of them.

The officer commanded all their movements with a deliberation
calculated to increase the torture of the victims.

"Load!"... Then a pause. "Take aim!"... Then a pause. "Fire!"...

The two unhappy men fell to the ground, groaning.

The officer went up to them, recognized that they were not dead,
and again gave orders to fire, with the same deliberation and the
same method. This time the father ceased to move; it took a third
volley to finish the son.

We were then all led to a guard-house.

There we remained for three days. We were given nothing to eat. We
fasted from the morning we were taken; it was only on the following
day, or the day after that, that we received a little water.

In that room we were literally tortured.

We were forced to stand upright; an old man was groaning he was
so thirsty that his tongue protruded from his lips and the flies
settled on it. As he could not stand any longer, the Germans passed
a cord round his neck and attached it to a ring-bolt in the wall,
so that he was supported only on his toes. The cord stretched and
the wretched man fell now to this side, now to that. The soldiers
made him stand upright again by striking his face with the butts of
their rifles.

At one time his trousers fell down and we saw he was wounded in the
thigh, by bayonet-thrusts. Later he became insane. In his delirium
he cried: "Prepare food for the cows."[50] It was a horrible scene.

At another time the woman was taken out, with her two little
children, and all three were shot against the wall of the Palais
de Justice at Arlon. The soldiers asserted that they had "found a
German soldier's purse" in this woman's house.

The time passed in the most atrocious moral anguish and physical
suffering. We had lost all notion of time. The soldiers insulted
us, spat upon us, made signs that our throats would be cut, that we
were going to be shot. They took a pleasure in drinking in front of
us.

At a certain moment an officer of superior rank entered the room.
He came up to me and asked: "Why are you here?"

I replied: "They accuse us of having fired on the troops."
Immediately he turned his back upon me, but I cried, with energy:
"Yes, and far from having fired on them, I looked after them. If
you want the proof of this, ask the soldier called Kohn who must be
in the hospital here at Arlon."

I then told him of Kohn. He went to the hospital, and returned some
time later; he had found the soldier Kohn, who confirmed my story.

An officer on horseback (the judge) came to the door of the
guard-room: we were sent out, my cousin and I, and without even
questioning us he said, "You are acquitted." I protested, saying:
"There are still five or six people there of my village who are no
more guilty than we are."

They were sent out, and the judge told them, as he told me, without
any further inquiry, "You are acquitted."

As for the unhappy old man, I will tell you later how he escaped.
He returned to his village; he is crippled.

* * * * *

I remained at Arlon until the end of August, at the house of one of
my relatives, whose business brought him daily into contact with
the Belgian authorities and the German army. I was thus able to
obtain a good deal of precise information.

* * * * *

The Germans entered Arlon on the 12th August. They came from
Mersch, in the Grand-Duchy. Several days earlier, all the weapons
the inhabitants possessed had been deposited at the Hôtel de Ville.
The people of Arlon knew from the newspapers what atrocities the
Germans had committed in the neighbourhood of Liége, at Visé,
Herve, Battice, Warsage, etc., and they were far from meditating
any disturbance.

On entering the town the Uhlans began to break in the doors with
the butts of their rifles.

On the following day Commandant von der Esch, commandant of the
town, had a notice posted up, which I have copied _verbatim_.

PROCLAMATION.

Luminous signals have been made to-night between Freylange and the
lower part of this town; one of our patrols has been attacked; our
telephone wires have been cut. To punish the population guilty of
these acts of ill-will, I order for to-day at 3 o'clock the burning
of the village of Freylange and the sack of 100 houses in the west
of Arlon. I also condemn the town to pay a war contribution of
100,000 frs., which must be paid over before 6 p.m., or I shall
have the hostages shot.

VON DER ESCH.

* * * * *

While the communal administration of Arlon was deliberating on
the subject of the war contribution, the burning of Freylange and
the sack of 100 houses of Arlon was carried out according to the
programme.

After the 100,000 frs. had been paid to the Germans, they summoned
to the general headquarters, established in the Hôtel de Ville of
the northern portion of Arlon, a police agent, named Lempreur, and
instructed him to proceed to arrest those who had fired on the
German troops. He came back to say that he had found no one. "Ah!"
they told him, "you are going about it unwillingly! Very good; you
shall pay for the others." And without listening to his pleading,
without allowing him to see his wife or children again, he was
placed with his back to a door and a firing platoon shot him down.

I saw the door at the Hôtel de Ville; it was riddled with bullets.

A few days later another army division replaced the first.
Immediately the town was condemned to pay a fresh war contribution:
a million francs.

The town could get together only 238,000 frs. It was let off the
remainder.

* * * * *

From the day when I was set at liberty we used almost daily to hear
of executions in Arlon; they were of prisoners, brought just as we
were, from the neighbouring villages, notably from Rossignol and
Tintigny, who were shot in small parties.

One of these executions took place in the courtyard of the Church
of St. Donat. The Dean succeeded in obtaining pardon for two of the
condemned.

The most important execution was that of 123 (others say 127)
inhabitants of Rossignol and its immediate surroundings, who were
shot on 26th August. They were taken near the viaduct which passes
over the Arlon railway-station (towards the connecting station).
They were killed in small groups of ten or twelve. Those who were
not dead were finished with the bayonet. Each group had to climb
over the surrounding corpses. They kept to the last a lady of
Rossignol, Mme. Hurieaux, who thus had to see her husband and the
greater part of the inhabitants of her village killed before her
eyes. She died crying "Vive la Belgique! Vive la France!"

Here is one little detail which I was able to verify. When
the receiver and examiner of Customs of Arlon learned of the
approaching arrival of the Germans they removed all the money
from the safe, leaving only copper coin to the value of about a
franc. The Germans immediately proceeded to break open the safe,
but succeeded only after two days' work. Infuriated by this
discomfiture, they used the safe as a commode.

But whatever the moral sufferings inflicted on those who were executed, the tortures which the Germans applied to those against whom no accusation was brought were a hundred times more atrocious. Think of the martyrdom of Mme. Cambier, of Nimy, who was forced to tread on her son's brains; and the sufferings of the innumerable men and women of whom the Germans made a living shield, at Anseremme, Mons, Tournai, and Charleroi (p. 195). As to Charleroi, here is a detail not recorded by Herr Heymel. The prisoners collected at Jumet and Odelissert were tied in couples by the wrists, to prevent them from trying to escape when the French should fire on them. Moreover, they had to walk with their hands raised. When, by reason of fatigue, they dropped their arms, the soldiers struck them with the butts of their rifles. We know a man who was thus placed before the German troops, who saw one of his relatives killed at his side, and two of the latter's sons. He himself received three bullets, one in the right wrist, one in the left arm, and the third under the chin. He escaped, but is lamed for life.

Imagine also the tortures suffered by the civil prisoners who, in defiance of all justice, were sent to Germany. Hunger, thirst, threats, and insults; packed into cattle-trucks, they had no room to lie down, or even to sit. Above all, they had no news of their families. On the 4th September, 1914, more than 100 inhabitants of Lebbeke, near Termonde, were placed as a screen in front of the German troops marching against Termonde. In the evening, those who had not been shot were added to others just captured, and all together, in all some 300, were sent into Germany. At the moment when these unhappy folk were leaving Lebbeke the Germans set fire to some of the houses, and kindly informed the prisoners that the whole village was about to be burned. Moreover, they said, the women and children would in part be killed, and the rest driven off in the direction of Termonde and Gand. Imagine, if you can, the sufferings endured by these unfortunate people for the two months during which they remained without news of their homes, in the conviction that their families were massacred or wandering wretchedly across the devastated country. While by means of these cruel lies, whose horrible effect was systematically calculated, they filled with despair the hearts of those who were departing, the soldiers amused themselves also by wringing the hearts of the poor women--mothers, wives, sisters, daughters--who remained in the village. For they, too, were for long weeks without news from the prisoners, and the abominable manner in which the German troops, drunk with carnage, had assassinated, on the day of exodus, twelve of their fellow-citizens (_9th Report_), permitted them to entertain the most frightful suppositions.

Make no mistake: the case of Lebbeke is far from being exceptional. All the civil prisoners were treated with the same barbarity, a barbarity utterly unjustified, since, in the judgment of Baron von Bissing, no complaint had been formulated against the civil prisoners who have been sent back to their homes. But all have not returned. In June 1915, for example, most of the prisoners from Visé were still in Germany. As for those taken from Rossignol and so many other localities in Luxemburg, they will never return, alas! They have been shot without pretext.

Another horrible torture consists in the suppression of communications between the Belgian soldiers and their parents. Since mid-October 1914 all connections have been severed between the Belgian army which is fighting on the Yser and the Belgians remaining in Belgium. Those who seek to establish communication between the Belgian soldiers and their relatives are spied out and sentenced.

Against Jules-Arthur de Cuypere, bachelor, domiciled in the last
instance at Liége, a deprivation of liberty of five months has
been pronounced, because, contrary to the known regulations, he
took charge, during a number of journeys to the Dutch frontier and
into Holland, of a large number of letters from Belgian soldiers
in France and interned Belgian prisoners in Holland; and delivered
these letters, addressed to different members of families of Namur
and the environs, at their addresses, by carrying them thither. At
the same time he rendered himself guilty by crossing the frontier.

(_L'Ami de l'Ordre_, 5-6th July, 1915.)

Since the spring of 1915 the posts have been operating between Belgium and Holland, so that those few privileged persons who have a correspondent in Holland might thus indirectly obtain news if the Germans had authorized correspondence through an intermediary. But they have strictly forbidden it (pp. 22-3). They could easily organize a service enabling soldiers to write to their relations: "I am going on all right ... I am wounded ..." and enabling the relations to reply, so that the soldiers' families would be reassured; while now the only news arrives by precarious methods, and often goes astray. But what our enemies desire is to make the poor relatives suffer as much as possible. We do not believe that such a form of torture has ever in any previous war been inflicted on a whole population. It is untrue, it seems, that Bismarck was the first to use the words which have been attributed to him: "In territories occupied by our victorious troops the inhabitants must be left nothing but eyes to weep with." But he quoted them with an approval that made them his own. Now they have come true.

Here is quite another kind of moral torture. The Germans are fond of leading small groups of Belgian prisoners through the streets of Brussels at moments when the latter are as busy as possible: for instance, on Sunday afternoons. One can imagine the humiliation of the poor soldiers exposed to the curiosity of the crowd; but it delights their guardians. It was evidently the desire to enjoy, simultaneously, the misery of the prisoners and the impotent anger of the spectators which led the Germans, at the time of their entry into Louvain on the 19th August, and into Brussels on the 20th, to place a few Belgian countrymen, with their hands tied behind their backs, at the head of their columns. In ancient Rome captives used to walk before the triumphal car of the conqueror. Do not the Germans realize how utterly this practice is contrary to the humane principles enjoined by Article 4 of the Hague Convention? We must suppose that they do not; for not only do they not abandon the practice, but they make use of it to coin money.

CONDEMNATION OF THE TOWN OF ROULERS.

AMSTERDAM, _29th May_ (Havre Agency).--The town of Roulers
is condemned to pay a fresh fine of 1½ millions, because the
population cheered Belgian prisoners passing through the town.

(_L'Ami de l'Ordre._)

Impossible, it will be said, to invent tortures yet more diabolic. But no, when it is a question of doing evil, _Kultur_ can surpass itself.

Imagine the mentality of the person who sent to M. Brostens, of Antwerp, the identity-disc of his son, who was taken prisoner. And imagine the inward joy of the sender in picturing the parents' despair on receiving the medal!

REFINED CRUELTY.

When they make prisoners they sometimes detach the
identification-discs from the men and send them, unaccompanied by
comment, to the parents, to make them believe that their son is
dead.

This is what has just happened to M. Brostens, Lieutenant of
Customs, of Antwerp. Having received, a few days ago, his son's
regimental number, he went into mourning. So yesterday morning,
what was not his amazement to see his son return, who, having
been made prisoner at the beginning of the war, had succeeded in
escaping.

(_Le Matin_, Antwerp, 14th September, 1914.)

Here, perhaps, the culprit was an uncultivated soldier. But what are we to think of the mentality of Baron von der Goltz, when he informs us by placard that a record is kept in a register of all aggressions against the German army, and that the localities in which such attacks have taken place may expect to receive their punishment?

GENERAL GOVERNMENT OF BELGIUM.

It has recently happened, in the regions which are not at present
occupied by the German troops in more or less force, that convoys
of wagons or patrols have been attacked, by surprise, by the
inhabitants.

I draw the attention of the public to the fact that a register is
kept of the towns and communes in whose vicinity such attacks have
occurred, and that they may expect their punishment as soon as the
troops are passing through their neighbourhood.

The Governor-General in Belgium,
BARON VON DER GOLTZ,
_General-Field-Marshal_.

When one learns on what ultra-trivial hints the German troops have based their condemnation of the inhabitants, one may conclude that not a commune will escape repression. It was evidently this generalized terror which the Governor wished to inspire. He, too, wished to have the pleasure of inflicting moral torture.

* * * * *

To give point to the contrast between the mentality of our oppressors and our own, between their _Kultur_ and our civilization, we should like to reproduce a letter in which a young girl, living in Gand, invited Belgian women to enter the hospitals for the purpose of assisting the wounded, Germans as well as our own, to write to their families. Committees of this kind were immediately constituted, notably in Brussels.

BELGIAN COMPASSION.

M. Paul Fredericq, Professor at the University of Gand, writes to
the _Soir_:--

"A young girl of Gand has had a touching inspiration.

"She wished Belgian women who can write English and German,
forgetting international hatred, and listening only to the voice
of compassion, to attend at the ambulances and hospitals, in order
to place themselves at the disposal of wounded foreigners, without
distinction, and to write, at their dictation, letters intended to
reassure their relatives.

"This truly Christian work of charity would put an end to the
anguish of so many mothers, who know that their sons are engaged on
the Belgian battlefields.

"I am certain that this appeal to the good hearts of our girls and
women will not have been made in vain."

While the Germans are butchering our sons and wives, this is what
Belgian hearts are thinking of.

(_Le Peuple_, 10th August, 1914.)

Finally, to close with, here is a numerical example which, better than any reasoning, gives you the _Kultur_ of the German Army to the life:--

On the morning of Sunday, the 23rd August, 1914, the population of Fonds de Leffe (a suburb of Dinant) comprised 251 men and boys, including some fifteen inhabitants of neighbouring communes whom the Germans had dragged away with them. By the evening of the following day 243 had been put to death: none of those taken was spared; the eight who escaped the massacre had succeeded in fleeing. "Happily"--we were told by a woman whose father, husband, and four brothers-in-law were massacred--"happily many of the men had left for the army and were fighting on the Yser. A strange war, in which the soldiers are less exposed than the children, the old folks, and the sick who are left at home!"

FOOTNOTES:

[32] Apparently our author had never heard timber burn before.--(TRANS.)

[33] As the Chancellor must have known, if the civil population _had_ been called to arms it would have been a perfectly legal measure. But the Germans, who claim the right to do what is forbidden to others, would forbid others to do even those things that are lawful.--(TRANS.)

[34] See the _Tägliche Rundschau_ supplement, 24th September, 1914; and _Hamburger Fremdenblatt_, weekly supplement, 4th October, 1914.

[35] Epistle to Romans viii. 31.

[36] The bill-stickers of Brussels take a malign pleasure in refraining from pasting other matter over the burgomaster's denial. In July 1915, eleven months after it was posted, one could still read the famous denial in several parts of Brussels.

[37] Nothing was known of the torture inflicted on the curé of Bueken until, at the request of the Dutch Government, the body of Father Vincentius Sombroek was exhumed, at the end of September 1914 (_N.R.C._, 1st October, evening). The body of M. De Clerck was found at the same time, and it was then seen that he had been mutilated. This was known to his parishioners, but they had never dared to speak of it. What other horrors shall we learn of when tongues are again unloosed?

[38] Rom. xii. 12, 13.

[39] Oratio in Dominica infra Octavam Epiphaniae.

[40] Rom. xii. 12, 13.

[41] Prayer for the Sunday in the Octave of Epiphany.

[42] _Etappen_, a provisioned halting-place for troops.--(TRANS.)

[43] The words in brackets are ours.

[44] Other witnesses, however, more sincere, admitted in May 1915 that the attitude of the people of Antwerp had remained just as hostile as at the outset (see the article by Dr. Julius Burghold, in _K.Z._ for the 29th May, 1915, 1 p.m. edition).

[45] In Brussels the tramways had issued, up to the 15th July, 1915, 1,032 gratuitous permits to German spies.

[46] The French of this proclamation is so bad that literal translation is impossible, but I have kept as close to the original as is consistent with intelligibility.--(TRANS.)

[47] The passages italicized were underlined in pencil on the placard posted at Andenne.

[48] We shall give names at a later date.

[49] At least, they boast of having done so.

[50] I was told later that this old man was a sand merchant of Chatillon, and was in a state of senile dementia. He was well known to the people of Arlon.

INDEX

Absentees, tenfold tax on, 298-9

Accusations, German, of Belgian cruelty, why made, 36;
absurdity of, 36-7;
progress of, 38-49;
against the Belgian Government, 89-92

Administration, German, of Belgium, 295-338

Aerschot, return of prisoners to, 95;
German burgomaster of, 140-1;
massacre at, 166

Agadir Crisis, 27

Agents-Provocateurs, 317-20

Aggravations, 336-41

Agreements, attempt to enforce illegal, 320-4

Air Raids, German, 122-4, 259-60, _see_ Dirigibles

Albert, King, 178;
his patron saint's day, 268-9;
portraits of, 269-71;
his birthday, 272;
German abuse of, 282-3

America, Germany desires to influence, 38;
sends help, 173;
Belgium's gratitude towards, 178

Andenne, massacre at, 164, 326-33

André, M. François, speech by, 139-40

Anseremme, men sent to Germany, 119;
Germans hide behind women at, 119-20

Antwerp, siege of, 51, 144;
bombardment of, 123-4, 128-9;
the city fired, 148;
sorties from, 163;
flight from, 166

Arlon, massacre at, 349;
narrative of an eye-witness, 349-54

Arms, surrender of, 90, 207

Army, Belgian, the "enemy," 272-3;
correspondence with, 356-7

Army, German, _see_ German soldiers, Prisoners, Wounded, Officers

Assessment Bureau, suppressed, 304

Asquith, Mr., speaks in Dublin, 53

Atrocities, pretended Belgian (98-108);
refuted by _Vorwärts_, 102-3;
by German wounded, 104-5, 106-8

Atrocities, German, 63, (70-88);
responsibility for, 70;
formula for excusing, 74-5;
method of, 91-2;
repetition of, 164-5

August 4th, Anniversary of, 276-9

August 6th, Anniversary of, 279-80

Baer, on "military necessity," 82

Bas-Luxembourg, massacres in, 71

_Belge Neutre et Loyale, La_, by E. Waxweiler, 37, 49, 75, 189, 200

Belgian Army, _see_ Army

Belgian Government, proposals made to, 50-1;
accusations brought against, 89-92;
preventive measures taken by, 108-11;
people incited against, 289-94

Belgium, invaded, 30-2;
her attitude in defence of her neutrality, 33;
invasion of, 34;
pacific
character of, 53;
disinterested behaviour of, 61-2;
offered a bribe, 61, 140;
famine in, 164;
present administration of, 295-333;
_see_ Invasion

Bernstoff, Count, 32, 124

Bethmann-Hollweg, his "scrap of paper" speech, and denial of same, 31;
the "strategic necessities" speech, 31-2, 34;
admits injustice of invasion, 63, 140;
refers to "gouged-out eyes," 207;
libellous declaration by, 209, 263-4, 281-2

Bismarck, 9, 31;
boasts of Ems telegram, 218

Bissing, Baron von, 23;
incites to massacre, 70, 83, 139;
cynicism and audacity of his lies, 188, 238, 336

Blinded soldiers, legend of, 99-100, 102-3

Blindness, deliberate, of German "intellectuals," 204, 209

Blöm, Captain, on theory of terrorization, 89, 164, 197

Boiling oil, legend of, 99-100

Bombardment, of coast, 121-2;
of open towns, 123-4;
of monuments, 124-8

_Brabançonne_, the, prohibited, 273-4

Brabant, return of prisoners to, 96

Bredt, on Belgian art and character, 69

Brussels, supposed "francs-tireurs" in, 81;
return of prisoners to, 94;
pretended outrages on Germans in, 107-8;
the truth, 110-11;
the city fined, 147;
contributions imposed upon, 156-8;
Palais de Justice in, 162;
Belgian colours prohibited in, 268;
shops closed as demonstration, 275

Brutality, the Kaiser calls for, 335

Bueken, the curé of, tortured and murdered, 238

Buisseret-Steenbecque, Count, 49

Bülow, General von, responsible for massacres, 71

Cæsar, sells Belgians into captivity, 93

Camps, prisoners', 92, 94

Capelle-au-Bois, atrocities at, 338-9

_Carte de ménage_, the, 172

Catholic priests, German, servility of, 216-17

Censorship, the German, 14-16, 204;
censored papers, 258-9;
examples of censorship, 259-60

Chamberlain, Houston Stewart, shameful libel by, 237

Chancellor, the German, _see_ Bethmann-Hollweg

Charleroi, atrocities at, 75;
German story of, 100, 118;
Alfred Heymel's account of, 195-7, 230, 354

Churches, German hatred and destruction of, 73-4

"Circulation," prohibited, 169;
allowed, 296

Civil population, attitude of, 89-90;
accused of guerilla warfare, 91-2;
more civilians killed than soldiers by Sept. 14, 131;
lying accusations made against, 188-90

Civil Prisoners, _see_ Prisoners

Clergy, German hatred of, 72;
murdered and tortured, 72-3, 238, 343

Cockerill workshops, 55-6

Coercive measures taken by Germans, 115-17

Collective penalties, illegal, 143-9

Colours, Belgian, prohibited, 265-7;
wearing of the, 309

Communal trading, exploitation, etc., 170-1

Communes, property of, requisitioned, 163-4

Commission for Relief, the American, 173

Committee of Relief, the National, 173

Conrad, Pastor, author of libel, 103

Contributions, illegal, 154-6;
imposed on cities, 156;
on Brussels, 156-8

Cooper-Hewitt lamp, claimed as German, 181

Correspondence, regulations as to, 22-3;
with the Army, 356-7

Credulity, German, 207-9

Critical spirit, German surrender of the, 202-5

Cruelty, necessity of, 82-3;
is it effectual? 195;
supposed Belgian, _see_ Atrocities

Cugnon, lying placard at, 233

Cynicism, German, 191-3

Dead, German, transport of, 231-2

Declaration of war, 50;
ignored by German newspapers, 52

Demonstrations, prohibition of, 274-80

Destitution, statistics of, 178

Destrée, M. Jules, 50

_Deutsch-Französischer-Soldaten-Sprachführer_, 143

Dinant, return of prisoners to, 95-6;
massacres at, 98, 164, 166, 194, 347, 360

Dirigibles, at Deynze, 123;
Antwerp, 124;
imaginary tale of raid on Liége, 225-6, 229-30;
Germans lose one and pretend it is French, 230-1

Discussion, liberty of free, abolished, 205

Disdain of others, German, 184

Disunion, incitements to, 282-9

Drunkenness, in German Army, 80-2, 134

Dryander, Dr. O., servile complacency of, 213-15

Ducarne Report, the, 43-4

Dum-dum bullets, 113;
the Kaiser accuses Belgians of using, 208

Duplicity, German, 29

Economic depression in Belgium, 166

Egoism of German character, 182

Emblems, wearing of, prohibited, 268

Ems telegram, the, 131;
Bismarck boasts of, 218

Engagements, violation of, 262-4

England, as the guarantor of Belgian neutrality, 39, 41-3;
Germany attempts to obtain promise of neutrality from, 264;
Belgium incited against, 294-5

Eppeghem, fined, 148-9, 189

_Eroberung Belgiëns, Die_, propagandist publication, 252-3

Erzberger, Herr, objects to sentimentality, 336

Escaille, M. de l', 47-9

Espionage, German, 54-6, 316-20

Evere, air-raid at, 260

Executions, insufficiency of inquiry before, 74-6

Factories, destruction of, 168

Falsifications, German, of documents, 41-9

Famine in Belgium, causes of, 166-7, 169

Ferocity, instances of German, 333

Filthy tricks and amusements, 340-1

Fines, illegal and absurd, 146-9, 232

Flag, Belgian, prohibited, 265-8, 277

Flemish tongue, favoured, 285-7

Fleming-Walloon problem exploited, 284-9

Flight of Belgians before invasion, 166

Fonds de Leffe, massacre at, 360

Forest, hostages taken at, 150