Chapter XVIII: During the Negotiations Respecting the Capitulation of Paris (1)

_Wednesday, January 25th._--Count Lehndorff dined with us, and talked about hunting and hunting dinners, including a great banquet given by some Baron which consisted of no less than twenty-four courses. His brother was present and fell asleep propped on his elbows, while a neighbour of his sunk into slumber on the shoulder of a governess who was sitting next him. The dinner lasted over five hours and the people were most horribly bored, as often happens in the country. The Chief remarked: “I always know how to get over that difficulty. One must put down a good bit of liquor right at the beginning, and under its influence one’s neighbours to the left and right grow ever so much cleverer and pleasanter.”

The Minister then spoke about his first journey to St. Petersburg. He drove in a carriage, as at first there was no snow. It fell very heavily later on, however, and progress was terribly slow. It took him five full days and six nights to reach the first railway station, and he spent the whole time cramped up in a narrow carriage without sleep and with the thermometer at fifteen degrees Reaumur below zero. In the train, however he fell so fast asleep that on their arrival in St. Petersburg, after a ten hours’ run, he felt as if he had been only five minutes in the railway carriage.

“The old times before the railways were completed had also their good side,” continued the Minister. “There was not so much to do. The mail only came in twice a week, and then one worked as if for a wager. But when the mail was over we got on horseback, and had a good time of it until its next arrival.” Somebody observed that the increased work, both abroad and at the Foreign Office, was due more to the telegraph than to the railways. This led the Chief to talk about diplomatic reports in general, many of which, while written in a pleasant style, were quite empty. “They are like feuilletons, written merely because something has to be written. That was the case, for instance, with the reports of Bamberg, our Consul in Paris. One read them through always thinking: Now something is coming. But nothing ever came. They sounded very well and one read on and on. But there was really nothing in them. All barren and empty.” Another instance was then mentioned, Bernhardi, our Military Plenipotentiary at Florence, of whom the Chief said: “He passes for being a good writer on military subjects because of his work on Toll. We do not know, however, how much of that he himself wrote. Thereupon he was given the rank of major, although it is not certain that he ever was an officer at all, and he was appointed Military Plenipotentiary in Italy. Great things were expected of him there, and in the matter of quantity he did a great deal--also in the matter of style. He writes in an agreeable way, as if for a feuilleton, but when I have got to the end of his closely-written reports in a small neat hand, for all their length I have found nothing in them.”...

The Minister then returned to the subject of tiresome journeys and long rides. He said: “I remember after the battle of Sadowa I was the whole day in the saddle on a big horse. At first I did not want to ride him as he was too high and it was too much trouble to mount. At last, however, I did so, and I was not sorry for it. It was an excellent animal! But the long waiting above the valley had exhausted me and my seat and legs were very sore. The skin was not broken, that has never happened to me, but afterwards when I sat down on a wooden bench I had a feeling as if I were sitting on something that came between me and the wood. It was only a blister. After Sadowa we arrived late at night in the market-place of Horsitz. There we were told that we were to seek out our own quarters. That, however, was much easier said than done. The houses were bolted and barred, and the sappers, who might have broken in the doors for us, were not to arrive before five in the morning.” “His Excellency knew how to help himself in a similar case at Gravelotte,” interrupted Delbrück. The Chief continued his story: “Well, I went to several houses at Horsitz, three or four, and at length I found a door open. After making a few steps into the dark I fell into a kind of pit. Luckily it was not deep, and I was able to satisfy myself that it was filled with horse-dung. I thought at first, ‘How would it be to remain here,’--on the dung-heap, but I soon recognised other smells. What curious things happen sometimes! If that pit had been twenty feet deep, and full, they would have had a long search next morning for their Minister, and doubtless there would be no Chancellor of the Confederation to-day.” “I went out again and finally found a corner for myself in an arcade on the market-place. I laid a couple of carriage cushions on the ground and made a pillow of a third, and then stretched myself out to sleep. Later on some one waked me. It was Perponcher, who told me that the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg had a room for me and an unoccupied bed. That turned out to be correct, but the bed was only a child’s cot. I managed to fix it, however, by arranging the back of a chair at the end of it. But in the morning I could hardly stand, as my knees had been resting on the bare boards.” “One can sleep quite comfortably if one has only a sackful of straw, however small. You cut it open in the middle, push the straw to the two ends, and let yourself into the hollow part. I used to do that in Russia when out hunting. I ripped the bag open with my hunting knife, crept into it and slept like a log.” “That was when the despatch from Napoleon came,” observed Bohlen. The Chief replied: “Yes, the one at which the King was so pleased, because it showed that he had won a great battle--his first great battle.” “And you were also glad,” said Bohlen, “and you swore an oath that you would one day requite the Gauls when an opportunity offered.”...

Finally the Chief related: “Favre told me the day before yesterday that the first shell that fell in the Pantheon cut off the head of the statue of Henri IV.” “He doubtless thought that was a very pathetic piece of news,” suggested Bohlen. “Oh, no,” replied the Chief, “I rather fancy that, as a democrat, he was pleased that it should have happened to a King.” Bohlen: “That is the second piece of bad luck that Henri has had in Paris. First a Frenchman stabbed him there, and now we have beheaded him.”

The dinner lasted very long this evening, from 5.30 till after 7. Favre was expected back from Paris every moment. He came at length at 7.30, again accompanied by his son-in-law with the Spanish name. It is understood that neither hesitated this time, as they did on the former occasion, to take the food that was offered to them, but, like sensible people, did justice to the good things that were laid before them. It is doubtless to be inferred from this that they have also listened to reason in the main point, or will do so. That will soon appear, as Favre is again conferring with the Chancellor.

After dinner read drafts. Instructions have been sent to Rosenberg-Grudcinski at Reims respecting the collection of taxes. The Municipalities are to be called upon to pay five per cent. extra for each day of arrears. Flying columns with artillery are to be sent to districts where payment is obstinately refused. They are to summon the inhabitants to pay up the taxes and if this is not done immediately to shell the place and set it on fire. Three examples would render a fourth unnecessary. It is not our business to win over the French by considerate treatment or to take their welfare into account. On the contrary, in view of their character, it is desirable to inspire them with a greater fear of us than of their own Government, which, of course, also enforces compulsory measures against them. According to a report by the Minister of the Netherlands to his Government, the Red Republicans in Paris attempted a rising the night before last, released some of their leaders, and then provoked a riot outside the Hôtel de Ville. The National Guard fired upon the Mobiles, and there were some dead and wounded, but ultimately order was restored.

About 10 o’clock, while Favre was still here, there was heavy firing from big guns which continued for perhaps an hour. I went to tea at 10.30 P.M., and found Hatzfeldt and Bismarck-Bohlen in conversation with Del Rio in the dining-room. He is a man of medium height, dark beard, slightly bald, and wears a pince-nez. Shortly after I came down, he left for his quarters at Stieber’s house, accompanied by Mantey, and he was followed a quarter of an hour later by Favre. Del Rio spoke of Paris as being the “centre du monde,” so that the bombardment is a kind of target practice at the centre of the world. He mentioned that Favre has a villa at Reuil and a large cellar in Paris with all sorts of wine, and that he himself has an estate in Mexico of six square German miles in extent. After Favre’s departure the Chief came out to us, ate some cold partridge, asked for some ham, and drank a bottle of beer. After a while he sighed, and sitting up straight in his chair, he exclaimed: “If one could only decide and order these things one’s self! But to bring others to do it!” He paused for a minute and then continued: “What surprises me is that they have not sent out any general. And it is difficult to make Favre understand military matters.” He then mentioned a couple of French technical terms of which Favre did not know the meaning. “Well, it is to be hoped that he had a proper meal to-day,” said Bohlen. The Chief replied in the affirmative, and then Bohlen said he had heard it rumoured that this time Favre had not despised the champagne. The Chief: “Yes, the day before yesterday he refused to take any, but to-day he had several glasses. The first time he had some scruples of conscience about eating, but I persuaded him, and his hunger doubtless supported me, for he ate like one who had had a long fast.”

Hatzfeldt reported that the Mayor, Rameau, had called about an hour before and asked if M. Favre was here. He wanted to speak to him and to place himself at his disposal. Might he do so? He, Hatzfeldt, had replied that of course he did not know. The Chief: “For a man to come in the night to a person who is returning to Paris is sufficient of itself to bring him before a court-martial. The audacious fellow!” Bohlen: “Mantey has doubtless already told Stieber. Probably this M. Rameau is anxious to return to his cell.” (Rameau was obliged some time since to study the interior of one of the cells in the prison in the Rue Saint Pierre for a few days in company with some other members of the corporation--if I am not mistaken, on account of some refusal or some insolent reply about supplying provisions for Versailles.)

The Minister then related some particulars of his interview with Favre. “I like him better now than at Ferrières,” he said. “He spoke a good deal and in long, well-rounded periods. It was often not necessary to pay attention or to answer. They were anecdotes of former times. He is a very good _raconteur_.” “He was not at all offended at my recent letter to him. On the contrary, he felt indebted to me for calling his attention to what he owed to himself.” “He also spoke of having a villa near Paris, which was, however, wrecked and pillaged. I had it on the tip of my tongue to say, ‘But not by us!’ but he himself immediately added that it had doubtless been done by the Mobiles.” “He then complained that Saint Cloud had been burning for the last three days, and wanted to persuade me that we had set the palace there on fire.” “In speaking of the franctireurs and their misdeeds, he wished to call my attention to our guerillas in 1813--they indeed had been much worse. I said to him: ‘I don’t want to deny that, but you are also aware that the French shot them whenever they caught them. And they did not shoot them all in one place, but one batch on the spot where the act was committed, another batch at the next halt, and so on, in order to serve as a deterrent.’” “He maintained that in the last engagement, on the 19th, the National Guard, recruited from the well-to-do classes, fought best, while the battalions raised from the lower classes were worthless.”

The Chief paused for a while and seemed to be reflecting. He then continued: “If the Parisians first received a supply of provisions and were then again put on half rations and once more obliged to starve, that ought, I think, to work. It is like flogging. When it is administered continuously it is not felt so much. But when it is suspended for a time and then another dose inflicted, it hurts! I know that from the criminal court where I was employed. Flogging was still in use there.”

The subject of flogging in general was then discussed, and Bohlen, who favours its retention, observed that the English had re-introduced it. “Yes,” said Bucher, “but first for personal insult to the Queen, on the occasion of an outrage against the Royal person, and afterwards for garrotting.” The Chief then related that in 1863, when the garrotters appeared in London, he was often obliged to go after twelve o’clock at night through a solitary lane, containing only stables and full of heaps of horse-dung, which led from Regent Street to his lodgings in Park Street. To his terror, he read in the papers that a number of these attacks had taken place on that very spot.

Then, after a pause, the Minister said: “This is really an unheard-of proceeding on the part of the English. They want to send a gunboat up the Seine” (Odo Russell put forward this demand, which the Chancellor absolutely refused) “in order, they say, to remove the English families there. They merely want to ascertain if we have laid down torpedoes and then to let the French ships follow them. What swine! They are full of vexation and envy because we have fought great battles here--and won them. They cannot bear to think that shabby little Prussia should prosper so. The Prussians are a people who should merely exist in order to carry on war for them in their pay. This is the view taken by all the upper classes in England. They have never been well disposed towards us, and have always done their utmost to injure us.” “The Crown Princess herself is an incarnation of this way of thinking. She is full of her own great condescension in marrying into our country. I remember her once telling me that two or three merchant families in Liverpool had more silver-plate than the entire Prussian nobility. ‘Yes,’ I replied, ‘that is possibly true, your Royal Highness, but we value ourselves for other things besides silver.’”

The Minister remained silent for a while. Then he said: “I have often thought over what would have happened if we had gone to war about Luxemburg--should I now be in Paris or would the French be in Berlin? I think I did well to prevent war at that time. We should not have been nearly so strong as we are to-day. At that time the Hanoverians would not have made trustworthy soldiers. I will say nothing about the Hessians--they would have done well. The Schleswig-Holstein men have now fought like lions, but there was no army there then. Saxony was also useless. The army had been disbanded and had to be recruited over again. And there was little confidence to be placed in the South Germans. The Würtembergers, what excellent fellows they are now, quite first rate! But in 1866 they would have been laughed at by every soldier as they marched into Frankfurt like so many militiamen. The Baden troops were also not up to the mark. Beyer, and indeed the Grand Duke, has since then done a great deal for them.” “It is true that public opinion throughout Germany would have been on our side had we wished to fight for Luxemburg. But that was not enough to compensate for such deficiencies. Moreover, we had not right on our side. I have never confessed it publicly, but I can say it here: after the dissolution of the Confederation the Grand Duke had become the sovereign of Luxemburg and could have done what he liked with the country. It would have been mean of him to part with it for money, but it was open to him to cede it to France. Our right of occupation was also not well founded. Properly speaking, after the dissolution of the Confederation we ought no longer to have occupied even Rastatt and Mainz. I said that in the Council--I had at that time yet another idea, namely, to hand over Luxemburg to Belgium. In that case we should have united it to a country on behalf of whose neutrality, as people then thought, England would intervene. That would also have strengthened the German element there against the French speaking inhabitants, and at the same time have secured a good frontier. My proposal was not received with any favour, and it is just as well as it has turned out.”

Bismarck-Bohlen drew attention to a capital cartoon in _Kladderadatsch_: Napoleon waiting on the platform of the railway station and saying “They have already given the signal to start.” He has put on an ermine cloak for his journey to Paris, and is carrying his portmanteau in his hand. The Chief, however, observed: “Doubtless he thinks so, and he may be right. But I fear he will miss the train. Yet, after all, there may be no other way left. He would be easier to convince than Favre. But he would always require half the army to maintain him on the throne.”

_Thursday, January 26th._--The Chief drove off to see the King at 10.30 A.M.

Herr Hans von Rochow and Count Lehndorff dined with us. The Chief talked about Favre: “He told me that on Sundays the boulevards are still full of fashionably dressed women with pretty children. I remarked to him, ‘I am surprised at that. I wonder you have not yet eaten them!’” As some one noticed that the firing was particularly heavy to-day, the Minister observed: “I remember in the criminal court we once had a subordinate official--I believe his name was Stepki--whose business it was to administer the floggings. He was accustomed to lay on the last three strokes with exceptional vigour--as a wholesome memento!” The conversation then turned upon Strousberg, whose bankruptcy was said to be imminent, and the Chief said: “He once told me, ‘I know I shall not even die in my own house.’ But for the war, it would not have happened so soon, perhaps not at all. He always kept afloat by issuing new shares, and the game succeeded, although other Jews, who had made money before him, did their best to spoil it. But now comes the war, and his Rumanians have fallen lower and lower, so that at present one might ask how much they cost per hundredweight. For all that, he remains a clever man and indefatigable.” The mention of Strousberg’s cleverness and restless activity led on to Gambetta, who was said to have also “made his five millions out of the war.” But doubts were expressed on this point, and I believe rightly. After the Dictator of Bordeaux, it was Napoleon’s turn to be discussed, and according to Bohlen, people said he had saved at least fifty millions during the nineteen years of his reign. “Others say eighty millions,” added the Chief, “but I doubt it. Louis Philippe spoiled the business. He had riots arranged, and then bought stocks on the Amsterdam Exchange, but at last business men saw through it.” Hatzfeldt or Keudell then observed that this resourceful monarch used to fall ill from time to time with a similar object.

Morny was then spoken of as having been specially ingenious in making money in every possible way under the Empire. The Chief told us that “when Morny was appointed Ambassador to St. Petersburg he appeared with a whole collection of elegant carriages, some forty-three of them altogether, and all his chests, trunks and boxes were full of laces, silks, and feminine finery, upon which, as Ambassador, he had to pay no customs duty. Every servant had his own carriage, and every attaché and secretary had at least two. A few days after his arrival he sold off the whole lot by auction, clearing at least 800,000 roubles. He was a thief, but an amiable one.” The Chief then, pursuing the same subject and quoting further instances, continued: “For the matter of that, influential people in St. Petersburg understood this sort of business--not that they were willing to take money directly. But when a person wanted something, he went to a certain French shop, and bought expensive laces, gloves or jewellery, perhaps for five or six thousand roubles. The shop was run on behalf of some official or his wife. This process repeated, say, twice a week, produced quite a respectable amount in the course of the year.”

Bohlen called out across the table: “Do, please, tell that lovely story about the Jew with the torn boots who got twenty-five lashes.” The Chief: “It came about in this way. One day a Jew called at our Chancellerie declaring that he was penniless, and wanted to be sent back to Prussia. He was terribly tattered, and he had on in particular a pair of boots that showed his naked toes. He was told that he would be sent home, but then he wanted to get other boots as it was so cold. He demanded them as a right, and became so forward and impudent, screaming and calling names, that our people did not know what to do with him. And the servants also could not trust themselves to deal with the furious creature. At length, when the row had become intolerable, I was called to render physical assistance. I told the man to be quiet or I would have him locked up. He answered defiantly: ‘You can’t do that. You have no right whatever to do that in Russia!’ ‘We shall see!’ I replied. ‘I must send you home, but I am not called upon to give you boots, although perhaps I might have done so. But first you shall receive punishment for your abominable behaviour.’ He then repeated that I could not touch him. Thereupon I opened the window and beckoned to a Russian policeman, who was stationed a little way off. My Jew continued to shriek and abuse us until the policeman, a tall stout man, came in. I said, ‘Take him with you--lock him up till to-morrow--twenty-five!’ The big policeman took the little Jew with him, and locked him up. He came again next morning quite transformed, very humble and submissive, and declared himself ready for the journey without new boots. I asked how he had got on in the interval. Badly, he said, very badly. But what had they done to him? They had--well, they had--physically maltreated him. I thought that when he got home he would enter a complaint against me, or get his case into the newspapers--the _Volkszeitung_, or some such popular organ. The Jews know how to make a row. But he must have decided otherwise, for nothing more was heard of him.”

When I came down to tea at 10.30 P.M. I found the Chief in conversation with the members of Parliament, Von Köller and Von Forckenbeck. The Minister was just saying that more money would soon be required. “We did not want to ask more from the Reichstag,” he said, “as we did not anticipate that the war would last so long. I have written to Camphausen, but he suggests requisitions and contributions. They are very difficult to collect, as the immense area of country over which we are dispersed requires more troops than we can spare for purposes of coercion. Two million soldiers would be necessary to deal thoroughly with a territory of 12,000 German square miles. Besides, everything has grown dearer in consequence of the war. When we make a requisition we get nothing. When we pay cash there is always enough to be had in the market, and cheaper than in Germany. Here the bushel of oats costs four francs, and if it is brought from Germany six francs. I thought at first of getting the contributions of the different States paid in advance. But that would only amount to twenty millions, as Bavaria will keep her own accounts until 1872. Another way out of the difficulty occurred to me, namely, to apply to our Diet for a sum on account. But we must first find out what Moltke proposes to extort from the Parisians, that is to say, from the city of Paris--for that is what we are dealing with for the present.” Forckenbeck was of opinion that the Chief’s plan would meet with no insurmountable resistance in the Diet. It is true the doctrinaires would raise objections, and others would complain that Prussia should again have to come to the rescue and make sacrifices for the rest of the country, but in all probability the majority would go with the Government. Köller could confirm that opinion, which he did.

Afterwards an officer of the dark blue hussars, a Count Arnim who had just arrived from Le Mans, came in and gave us a great deal of interesting news. He said the inhabitants of the town appeared to be very sensible people who disapproved of Gambetta’s policy, and everywhere expressed their desire for peace. “Yes,” replied the Chief, “that is very good of the people, but how does it help us if with all their good sense they allow Gambetta, time after time, to stamp new armies of 150,000 men out of the ground?” Arnim having further related that they had again made great numbers of prisoners, the Minister exclaimed: “That is most unsatisfactory! What shall we do with them all in the end? Why make so many prisoners? Every one who makes prisoners ought to be tried by court-martial.” This, like many other similar expressions, must doubtless not be taken literally, and applies only to the franctireurs.

_Friday, January 27th._--It is said that the bombardment ceased at midnight. It was to have recommenced at 6 o’clock this morning in case the Paris Government was not prepared to agree to our conditions for a truce. As it has ceased, the Parisians have doubtless yielded. But Gambetta?

Moltke arrives at 8.30 A.M., and remains in conference with the Chief for about three-quarters of an hour. The Frenchmen put in an appearance shortly before 11. Favre (who has had his grey Radical beard clipped) with thick underlip, yellow complexion, and light grey eyes; General Beaufort d’Hautpoule, with his aide-de-camp, Calvel; and Dürrbach, a “Chief of the Engineers of the Eastern Railway.” Beaufort is understood to have led the attack on the redoubt at Montretout on the 19th. Their negotiations with the Chief appear to have come to a speedy conclusion, or to have been broken off. Shortly after twelve o’clock, just as we sit down to lunch, they drive off again in the carriages that brought them here. Favre looks very depressed. The general is noticeably red in the face, and does not seem to be quite steady on his legs. Shortly after the French had gone the Chancellor came in to us and said: “I only want a breath of fresh air. Please do not disturb yourselves.” Then, turning to Delbrück and shaking his head, he said: “There is nothing to be done with him. Mentally incapable--drunk, I believe. I told him to think it over until half-past one. Perhaps he will have recovered by that time. Muddle-headed and ill-mannered. What is his name? Something like Bouffre or Pauvre?” Keudell said: “Beaufort.” The Chief: “A distinguished name, but not at all distinguished manners.” It appears, then, that the general has actually taken more than he was able to carry, perhaps in consequence of his natural capacity having been weakened by hunger.

At lunch it was mentioned that on his way here, Forckenbeck saw the village of Fontenay still in flames. It had been fired by our troops as a punishment for the destruction of the railway bridges by the mutinous peasantry. Delbrück rejoiced with us “that at last adequate punishment had been once more inflicted.”

In the afternoon we heard that the Chancellor drove off shortly before 1 o’clock, first to see the Emperor, and then to Moltke’s, where he and Podbielski again met the Frenchmen. The latter afterwards left for Paris, about 4 o’clock, and will return to-morrow at noon for the purpose of completing the capitulation.

At dinner, the Chief, speaking of Beaufort, said he had behaved like a man without any breeding. “He blustered and shouted and swore like a trooper, and with his ‘moi, général de l’armée française,’ he was almost unendurable. Favre, who is not very well bred either, said to me: ‘J’en suis humilié!’ Besides, he was not so very drunk; it was, rather, his vulgar manners. At the General Staff they were of opinion that a man of that sort had been chosen in order that no arrangement should be come to. I said that, on the contrary, they had selected him because it did not matter for such a person to lose credit with the public by signing the capitulation.”

The Chief then continued: “I said to Favre during our last interview: ‘Vous avez été trahi--par la fortune.’ He saw the point clearly, but only said: ‘A qui le dites-vous! Dans trois fois vingt quatre heures je serai aussi compté au nombre des traîtres.’ He added that his position in Paris was very critical. I proposed to him: ‘Provoquez donc une émeute pendant que vous avez encore une armée pour l’etouffer.’ He looked at me quite terror-stricken, as if he wished to say, How bloodthirsty you are. I explained to him, however, that that was the only right way to manage the mob.” “Then, again, he has no idea of how things are with us. He mentioned several times that France was the land of liberty, while Germany was governed by a despotism. I told him, for instance, that we wanted money and that Paris must supply some. He suggested that we should raise a loan. I replied that that could not be done without the approval of the Diet. ‘Ah’ he said, ‘you can surely get five hundred million francs without the Chamber.’ I answered: ‘No, not five francs.’ But he would not believe it. I told him that I had been at loggerheads with the popular representatives for four whole years, but that the raising of a loan without the Diet was the limit to which I went, and which it never occurred to me to overstep. That seemed to disconcert him somewhat, but he only said that in France ‘on ne se gênerait pas.’ And yet he returned afterwards to the immense freedom which they enjoy in France. It is really funny to hear a Frenchman talk in that way, and particularly Favre, who has always been a member of the Opposition. But that’s their way. You can give a Frenchman twenty-five lashes, and if you only make a fine speech to him about the freedom and dignity of man of which those lashes are the expression, and at the same time strike a fitting attitude, he will persuade himself that he is not being thrashed.”

“Ah, Keudell,” said the Chief suddenly, “it just occurs to me. I must have my full powers drawn up for to-morrow, of course in German. The German Emperor must only write German. The Minister can be guided by circumstances. Official communications must be written in the language of the country, not in a foreign tongue. Bernstorff was the first to try to introduce that system in our case, but he went too far with it. He wrote to all the diplomatists in German, and they replied, of course by agreement, each in his own language, Russian, Spanish, Swedish and what not, so that he had to have a whole army of translators in the office. That was how I found matters when I came into power. Budberg (the Russian Ambassador in Berlin) sent me a note in Russian. That was too much for me. If they wanted to have their revenge Gortschakoff should have written in Russian to our Ambassador in St. Petersburg. That would have been the right way. It is only fair to ask that the representatives of foreign countries should understand and speak the language of the State to which they are accredited. But it was unfair to send me in Berlin a reply in Russian to a note in German. I decided that all communications received in other languages than German, French, English and Italian should be left unnoticed and put away in the archives. Budberg then wrote screed after screed, always in Russian. No answer was returned and the documents were all laid by with the State papers. At last he came himself and asked why he had received no reply. ‘Reply!’ I exclaimed. ‘To what?’ Why, he had written a month ago and had afterwards sent me several reminders. ‘Ah, quite so!’ I said. ‘There is a great pile of documents in Russian down stairs, and yours are probably amongst them. But we have no one who understands Russian, and I have given instructions for all documents written in a language we do not understand to be put away in the archives.’” It was then arranged that Budberg should write in French, and the Foreign Office also when it suited them.

The Chief then talked about the French negotiators and said: “M. Dürrbach introduced himself as ‘membre de l’administration du Chemin de fer de l’Est; j’y suis beaucoup intéressé.’--If he only knew what we intend.” (Probably the cession of the Eastern Railway.) Hatzfeldt: “He threw up his hands in dismay when the General Staff pointed out to him on the map the tunnels, bridges, &c., destroyed by the French themselves. ‘I have always been against that’ he said, ‘and I pointed out to them that a bridge could be repaired in three hours--but they would not listen to me.’” The Chief: “Repaired after a fashion, certainly, but not a railway bridge capable of carrying a train. They will find it hard now to bring up provisions to Paris, particularly if they have committed the same stupid destruction in the west. I think they rely upon drawing supplies from Brittany and Normandy, where there are large flocks of sheep, and from the ports. To my knowledge there are plenty of bridges and tunnels in those parts too, and if they have destroyed them they will find themselves in great straits. I hope, moreover, that people in London will only send them hams and not bread!”

_Saturday, January 28th._--At 11 o’clock the French negotiators again arrived--Favre, Dürrbach and two others, who are understood to be also leading railway officials; and two officers, another general, and an aide-de-camp, both men with a good presence. They take lunch with us. Then follows a lengthy negotiation at Moltke’s lodgings. The Chief afterwards dictates to the Secretaries Willisch and Saint Blanquart the treaties of capitulation and armistice, which are drawn up in duplicate. They are afterwards signed and sealed by Bismarck and Favre, at twenty minutes past seven, in the green room next to the Minister’s study up stairs.

The Frenchmen dined with us. The general (Valden is his name) ate little and hardly spoke at all. Favre was also dejected and taciturn. The aide-de-camp, M. d’Hérisson, did not appear to be so much affected, and the railway officials, after their long privations, devoted themselves with considerable gusto to the pleasures of the table. According to what I can gather from the latter they have, as a matter of fact, been on very short commons in Paris for some time past, and the death rate last week amounted to about five thousand. The mortality was especially heavy amongst children up to two years of age, and coffins for these tiny French citizens were to be seen in all directions. Delbrück declared afterwards that “Favre and the General looked like two condemned prisoners who were going to the gallows next morning. I pitied them.”

Keudell expects that peace will soon be concluded and that we shall be back in Berlin within a month. Shortly before 10 o’clock a bearded gentleman apparently about forty-five, who gave his name as Duparc, called and was immediately conducted to the Chief, with whom he spent about two hours. He is understood to be the former French Minister Duvernois, coming from Wilhelmshöhe with proposals for peace. The capitulation and armistice do not yet mean the end of the war with France.

_Sunday, January 29th._--Our troops moved forward to occupy the forts. In the morning read despatches respecting the London Conference, and other subjects, as well as the treaties for the armistice and capitulation signed yesterday. Bernstorff reported that Musurus became very violent at one of the sittings of the Conference. He could not conceive why the stipulation closing the Dardanelles against Russian men-of-war should not be worded in an indirect and therefore less offensive form for Russia, and at the same time quite as acceptable to the Porte. From another of Bernstorff’s despatches the Chief appears to have hinted that Napoleon should not miss the right moment. It is also stated that Palikao, who was of the same opinion, thought it would be dangerous to agree in the capitulation to leave the National Guard under arms. Vinoy and Roncière, being in favour of the Emperor, would doubtless be the right men to assume command of the troops in the city.

Our copy of the capitulation fills ten folio pages, and is stitched together with silk in the French colours, on the end of which Favre has impressed his seal.

We were joined at lunch by Count Henckel, who has been appointed Prefect at Metz. He maintained that in about five years the elections in his department would be favourable to the Government; indeed, he was confident even now of being able to bring about that result. In Alsace, however, the prospect was not so good, as Germans are not so docile to authority as the French. He also mentioned that his department had really suffered severely. At the commencement of the war it had some thirty-two to thirty-five thousand horses, and now he believed there were not more than five thousand left.

Before dinner I read further drafts, including a memorandum, in which the Chief explained to the King that it was impossible to demand from Favre, after the conclusion of the capitulation, the surrender of the flags of the French regiments in Paris.

We were joined at dinner by Count Henckel and the French aide-de-camp who was here yesterday. The latter, whose full name is d’Hérisson de Saulnier, wore a black hussar uniform, with yellow shoulder straps and embroidery on the sleeves. He is said to understand and speak German, yet the conversation, into which the Chief entered with zest, was for the most part carried on in French. In the absence of Favre and the General (the former was still in the house, but as he was very busy he had his dinner sent up to him in the small drawing-room) the aide-de-camp was more lively and amusing than yesterday. He bore the whole burden of the conversation for a considerable time, with a series of droll anecdotes. The scarcity of food in the city had become of late very painfully perceptible, but his experience would appear to have been more with the amusing, than with the serious, side of the question. He said that for him the most interesting period of their fast was “while they were eating up the Jardin des Plantes.” Elephant meat cost twenty francs per kilogramme and tasted like coarse beef, and they had really had “filets de chameau” and “côtelettes de tigre.” A dog flesh market was held in the Rue Saint Honoré, the price being two francs fifty per kilo. There were hardly any more dogs to be seen in Paris, and whenever people caught sight of one, they immediately hunted it down. It was the same with cats. If a pigeon alighted on a roof a view holloa was at once raised in the street. Only the carrier pigeons were spared. The despatches were fastened in the middle of their tail feathers, of which they ought to have nine. If one of them happened to have only eight, they said: “ce n’est qu’un civil” and it had to go the way of all flesh. A lady is said to have remarked: “Jamais je ne mangerai plus de pigeon, car je croirais toujours avoir mangé un facteur.”

In return for these and other stories the Chief related a number of things which were not yet known in the drawing-rooms and clubs of Paris, and which people there might be glad to hear, as for instance the shabby behaviour of Rothschild at Ferrières, and the way in which the Elector of Hesse transformed Rothschild’s grandfather Amschel from a little Jew into a great one. The Chancellor repeatedly referred to the latter as the “Juif de cour,” and afterwards gave a description of the domesticated Jews of the Polish nobility.

On Bohlen reporting later on that he had, in accordance with instructions, sent certain papers to “the Emperor,” the Chief observed: “The Emperor? I envy those to whom the new title already comes so trippingly.” Abeken returned from his Majesty’s and announced that “The matter of the flags was settled.” The Chief: “Have you also fired off my revolver letter?” Abeken: “Yes, Excellency, it has been discharged.”

After dinner read drafts and reports, amongst the latter a very interesting one in which Russia advises us to leave Metz and German Lorraine to the French, and to annex a neighbouring piece of territory instead. According to a recent despatch from St. Petersburg Gortschakoff has suggested that Germany might take Luxemburg and leave the French a corresponding portion of Lorraine. The geographical position of the Grand Duchy indicated that it should form part of Germany, and Prince Henry, who is devotedly attached to his separate Court, alone stood in the way. King William wrote on the margin of the despatch that this suggestion was to be absolutely rejected. The Chief then replied as follows: The future position of Luxemburg would, it is true, be an unpleasant one--not for us, but rather for the Grand Duchy itself. We must not, however, exercise any compulsion, nor take the property of others. We must therefore adhere to the programme communicated five months ago to St. Petersburg, especially as we have since then made great sacrifices. The realisation of that programme is indispensable for the security of Germany. We must have Metz. The German people would not tolerate any alteration of the programme.

Favre did not leave till 10.15 P.M., and then not for Paris, but for his quarters here in the Boulevard du Roi. He will come again to-morrow at noon.

The Chief afterwards joined us at tea. In speaking of the capitulation and the armistice, Bohlen asked: “But what if the others do not agree--Gambetta and the Prefects in the south?” “Well, in that case we have the forts which give us the control of the city,” replied the Chief. “The King also could not understand that, and inquired what was to happen if the people at Bordeaux did not ratify the arrangement. ‘Well,’ I replied, ‘then we remain in the forts and keep the Parisians shut up, and perhaps in that case we may refuse to prolong the armistice on the 19th of February. In the meantime they have delivered up their arms, and they must pay the contribution. Those who have given a material pledge under a treaty are all the worse off if they cannot fulfil its conditions.’”

Favre had, it seems, confessed to the Chief that he had proceeded “un peu témérairement” in the matter of the revictualling of Paris. He really did not know whether he would be able to provide in good time for the hundreds of thousands in the city. Somebody observed: “In case of necessity Stosch could supply them with live stock and flour.” The Chief: “Yes, so long as he can do so without injury to ourselves.” Bismarck-Bohlen was of opinion that we need not give them anything; let them see for themselves where they could get supplies, &c. The Chief: “Well, then, you would let them starve?” Bohlen: “Certainly.” The Chief: “But then how are we to get our contribution?”

Later on the Minister said: “Business of State, negotiations with the enemy, do not irritate me. Their objections to my ideas and demands, even when they are unreasonable, leave me quite cool. But the petty grumbling and meddling of the military authorities in political questions, and their ignorance of what is possible and not possible in such matters! One of them comes and wants this, another one that, and when you have got rid of the first two, a third one turns up--an aide-de-camp or aide-de-camp general--who says: ‘But, your Excellency, surely that is impossible,’ or ‘We must have this too in addition, else we shall be in danger of our lives.’ And yesterday they went so far as to insist that a condition (_i.e._, for the surrender of the flags), which was not mentioned in the negotiations, should be introduced into a document that was already signed. I said to them, however: ‘We have committed many a crime in this war--but falsification of deeds! No, gentlemen, really that cannot be done.’”

Bernstorff, it was mentioned, reports that he had informed the Conference that from this time forward he represented the German Empire and Emperor; and that the other members received this announcement with approval. Thereupon the Chief remarked: “Bernstorff is after all a man who has had business experience. How can he do such things? His wife--what’s her name? Augusta--no, Anna--will have a fine opinion of herself now. Imperial Ambassadress! I cannot lay much store by such titles. A prosperous and powerful King is better than a weak Emperor, and a rich Baron better than a poor Count.” “Such an Emperor as that of Brazil or Mexico!” “With a salary of 800,000 florins,” interjected Holstein. The Chief: “Well, that would be enough to get on with. They require no firing and no winter clothes.”

Hatzfeldt mentioned that a Spanish secretary of embassy had called. He had come from Bordeaux and wanted to enter Paris in order to bring away his countrymen. He also had a letter from Chaudordy for Favre, and was in great haste. What answer should be given to him? The Chief stooped down a little over the table, then sat bolt upright again, and said: “Attempting to carry a despatch from one member of the enemy’s Government to another through our lines--that is a case exactly suited for a court-martial. When he comes back you will treat the matter in a very serious way: receive him coolly, look surprised, and say that we must complain to the new King of Spain with regard to such a breach of neutrality and demand satisfaction. Besides, I am astonished that Stiehle should have let the fellow pass. These soldiers always pay too much deference to diplomats. And even if he had been an ambassador, Metternich for instance, he should have been turned back even if he had to freeze and starve in consequence. Indeed, such carrier service borders closely on spying.”

The rush of people to and out of Paris that was now to be apprehended then came up for discussion. The Chief: “Well, the French will not let so very many out, and we shall only let those pass who have a permit from the authorities inside, and perhaps not all of those.”

Some one said that Rothschild, who had been supplied with a safe conduct, wanted to come out; upon which the Chief: “It would be well to detain him--as a franctireur, and include him amongst the prisoners of war. (To Keudell) Just inquire into the matter. I mean it seriously.” Bohlen exclaimed: “Then Bleichröder will come rushing over here and prostrate himself in the name of all the Rothschild family.” The Chief: “In that case we will send him in to join them in Paris, where he can have his share of the dog hunting.”

Astonishment was then expressed that the _Daily Telegraph_ should have already published a detailed epitome of the convention signed yesterday, and in this connection Stieber, Favre’s fellow lodger, was mentioned. The English correspondent had acknowledged, according to Bucher, that he had received the news from Stieber, and the Minister added: “I am convinced that Stieber opened Favre’s writing-desk with a picklock, and then made extracts from his papers which he gave to the Englishman.” This is scarcely probable, as Stieber’s knowledge of French is inadequate for that purpose. He much more probably received the news from his patron Bohlen, or perhaps from some officer who heard it from the General Staff, who--as the Chancellor recently remarked--“are very obliging and communicative in such matters.”

_Monday, January 30th._--Favre and other Frenchmen, including the Chief or Prefect of the Paris police, were busily engaged with the Chief during the afternoon, and dined with him at 5.30 P.M. The secretaries and I were to go to the Hôtel des Reservoirs, as there was not room enough at table. I remained at home, however, and translated Granville’s latest peace proposals for the Emperor.

Abeken came up to me after dinner to get the translation, and was sorry I had not been present as the conversation was specially interesting. The Chief had told the Frenchmen, amongst other things, that to be consistent in one’s policy was frequently a mistake, and only showed obstinacy and narrow-mindedness. One must modify his course of action in accordance with events, with the situation of affairs, with the possibilities of the case, taking the relations of things into account and serving his country as the opportunity offers and not according to his opinions, which are often prejudices. When he first entered into political life, as a young and inexperienced man, he had very different views and aims to those which he had at present. He had, however, altered and reconsidered his opinions, and had not hesitated to sacrifice his wishes, either partially or wholly to the requirements of the day, in order to be of service. One must not impose his own leanings and desires upon his country. “La patrie veut être servie et pas dominée.” This remark greatly impressed the Parisian gentlemen, of course principally because of its striking form. Favre replied: “C’est bien juste, Monsieur le Comte, c’est profond.” Another of the Frenchmen also declared enthusiastically: “Oui, Messieurs, c’est un mot profond.”

Bucher, when I went down to tea, confirmed the above particulars, and related that Favre after praising the truth and profundity of the Chief’s remark--which, of course, was made for the edification of the Parisians, just as in general his table talk is intended for the benefit of his guests--must needs add the following _bêtise_: “Néanmoins c’est un beau spectacle de voir un homme, qui n’a jamais changé ses principes.” The railway director, who appeared to Bucher to be more intelligent than Favre, added, in reference to the “servie et pas dominée,” that that amounted to men of genius subordinating themselves to the will and opinions of the majority, and that majorities were always deficient in intelligence, knowledge, and character. The Chief made a lofty reply to this objection, stating that with him (_i.e._, with the man of genius, the hero) the consciousness of his responsibility before God was one of his guiding stars. He opposed to the _droit du génie_, to which his interlocutor had given such a high place, the sense of duty (doubtless meaning what Kant describes as the categorical imperative), which he maintained to be nobler and more powerful.