Chapter IX: Rio Janeiro, Capital of Brazil (1)

Night upon the watery, and daybreak on the land.—Beauty
of the approaches.—Apprehended retrogression, but real
progression, in the City.—The stag mania in the tropics,
and some of its consequences.—Notes on carriages, operas,
snuff-taking, polking-washerwomen, blacks, whites, odds and
ends, and things in general, original and imported.—Social,
sanitary, and governmental matters of divers kinds.—Composition
of the Brazilian chambers, and business therein.—State
of parties.—Abolition of the Slave Trade.—Sittings of
the Senate.—No necessity for Mr. Brotherton in the
Brazils.—Character of the present Emperor.—Wreck of the
Pernambucano.—Heroism of a black sailor.—Rigorous regulations
of the Rio custom-house.—Suggestions for the extension of
Brazilian commerce, and the prevention of smuggling.—Revisal of
the Brazilian tariff.—Educational progress since 1808.—French
literature and fashion.—Provisions in the Rio market.—Monkeys
and lizards articles of food.—Oranges, bananas, chirimoyas,
and granadillas.—Difficulties of the Labour Question since
the suppression of the Slave Trade.—Character of the
Indians.—State of feeling as regards the coloured people.—Negro
emancipation ‘looming in the future.’—An experimental trip
on the Rio and Petropolis railway.—Facts and figures on the
commercial and monetary connexion between the Empire and
Great Britain.—Comparative humanity of the Brazilians and
Uruguayans.—The Slave Trade Question, and European intervention
in South American politics.—Prospective glance at the
advantages of steam communication between Brazil and the United
States.—Authorities of all kinds on these heads; also on the
territorial pretensions of Brazil, especially in reference to
the disputes in the River Plate.—Portrait and Memoir of Admiral
Grenfell.

NOTE TO THE ILLUSTRATIONS.—As in the case of Bahia, the
illustrations in this chapter are from Sir W. Gore Ouseley’s
‘Sketches in South America,’ the original, however, containing
no less than thirteen beautiful views of Rio Janeiro and its
vicinity. In the ‘Key,’ accompanying the drawings, Sir William
has embodied, in a very graphic manner, the result of his
experiences in search of the picturesque in the neighbourhood
of the capital to which he was accredited for several years as
the representative of England. Describing some of the spots
he has so faithfully delineated by his pencil, he says:—The
Sugar-loaf Hills at the entrance of the magnificent harbour of
Rio de Janeiro, (or simply Rio), literally ‘January River,’ are
far off discernible, with the lofty Peak of the Corcovado, or
‘Hunchback,’ in the back-ground. On entering, the hill to the
left, called par excellence, the Sugar-loaf, is a prominent
object; then follows the wooded peninsular hill, on which is
the Fort St. Juan, united to the base of the Sugar-loaf by the
Isthmus of the Praya Vermelho, or ‘Red Beach;’ opposite this
hill lies Fort Santa Cruz, commanding the narrow entrance of
the harbour. Its formidable batteries of heavy guns are perhaps
nearer the level of the sea than necessary caution, inspired by
proximity of the vast Atlantic, would dictate. For, sometimes,
even placed as they are, twenty or thirty feet above the water,
the heavy gales from the south-west or south have caused the
sea to break over these batteries, with sufficient force to
dismount the cannon, as if they were reeds.

The harbour is among the finest in the world; no pilots
required by night or by day, entering or leaving; no dangers
not visible, or avoidable with prudence; of course a sailing
vessel, venturing in or out in very light winds, or if it falls
suddenly calm, may, by the enormous Atlantic swell, be cast on
the rocks, when little or no steerage way is imparted by the
wind.

More than one vessel has thus been lost, in the finest weather
in mid-day; but from attempting to pass the narrow entrance
of the harbour, without a steady breeze. Steam tugs would
obviate such danger, and sea and land breezes, excepting at
some seasons, afford a regular means of entrance or exit to
those who await their commencement. There are boats with cables
and anchors in readiness, sometimes inconveniently so, as the
Argentina experienced at Fort Santa Cruz and Fort St. Juan, on
the opposite shore, to be sent to vessels in danger. The bay is
17 miles in length, and 11 in extreme width, and contains many
small islands, the largest, Ilha do Gobernador, or ‘Governor’s
Island,’ six miles in length.

The city, whose original name was San Sebastian, now altogether
lost, was founded not long after the discovery of Brazil
by Cabral in the sixteenth century. It is of oblong shape,
situated on an elevated tongue of land, the most easterly
point of which is Punta do Calabouço, (‘Dungeon Point’), and
the most northerly, opposite to which is the little Ilha das
Cobras (‘Snake Island’), that of the Armazem do Sal (‘Salt
Store’). The more ancient north-east part is traversed by eight
straight, narrow, and parallel, streets, crossed by many others
at right angles. In these the houses are high, though not quite
so lofty as those in the metropolis of the mother country; but
in the new town, built for the most part since the arrival of
the royal family from Portugal in 1808, they are handsomer,
being generally of granite. The two towns are separated by the
Campo de Santa Anna, one of many large squares, agreeable to
the eye, in consequence of the somewhat fatiguing regularity
of the streets. Rio, the most important commercial city of
South America, is naturally, from its position, the great
mart of Brazil, and its advantages are such as to fit it for
concentrating the commerce of the globe; but, as we have said
above, comparatively little has been done to assist nature, so
far as regards the convenience of the considerable quantity of
shipping which frequents the port. Lighters are employed in
loading and discharging all vessels as they lie at anchor in
the harbour; but Government is now carrying out a plan, by an
English engineer, for a quay or wharf, to extend between the
Military and Naval Arsenals, at which sixteen vessels will be
enabled to unload at once, as well as lighters. This is a step
in the right direction, and, although even such accommodation
will not be sufficient to meet the future requirements of Rio,
there is no doubt that the enlightened spirit which at present
animates the Brazilian government and nation will induce them
to execute fresh improvements as their provincial resources
increase.

This is the second time I have entered Rio at night and missed the proverbially fine view of the approaches to the bay.[41] Morning broke amidst drizzling showers, everything looking very gloomy. We were visited about breakfast time, and steamed to our regular anchorage, near the island where our coal depôt is. I will not indulge in any lengthened disquisition upon the merits of the city of Rio Janeiro, so often described, but content myself with noticing the changes or improvements that have taken place since I last visited the place four years back; or, on the other hand, allude to what many consider as its want of progress and the local difficulties which impede its onward march of events. As the capital of so large and important an empire, Rio Janeiro is certainly deserving of a closer analysis than has hitherto been attempted in any public work with which I am acquainted.[42] The fatal barrier to improvement, during the last few years, has been the yellow fever, which has carried off large numbers of the population, especially the industrial and foreign portion, on whom so much depended; whilst during the same period the import of slaves from the coast of Africa has been almost entirely suppressed. In this comparatively short space of time the spirit of joint-stock enterprise has made considerable advance here, resulting in the establishment of a bank, a railway over the flat ground going to Petropolis (nearly completed); other extensive railways and public roads to the interior, for which contracts are now about being completed; a gas company, to light the city, very far advanced towards actual completion, pipes being already laid, lamps erected to about one-half of the city, and works building for making the gas, &c.; a company to navigate the River Amazon, which has already commenced operations with a liberal grant from the government; besides a number of minor enterprises, all conducive to the comfort and well-being of the country. The origin of this movement was no doubt owing to the joint-stock mania prevailing at home, aided by a superabundance of capital from cessation of the slave-trade; and the opportunity was seized by some patriotic individuals to give a right direction to the public mind in the undertakings adverted to. But, as might be expected, things got a little wild; shares of every kind were driven up to a very high premium, and a change has followed, detrimental, for the time being, to practical advancement. Money, so very abundant last year at from 4 to 5 per cent., is now difficult to get at 8 or 10. Many people are locked up in share transactions, which must take them some time to realize. It has been, in fact, a repetition, on a comparatively small scale, of those scenes of monetary derangement to which our own country is so often subjected, and by the result of which the Brazilians have not taken warning. No doubt the effect will soon pass over, there having been no real abstraction of capital from the place.

The city of Rio Janeiro extends some three miles along the south-west side of the bay, and being much intersected by hills, it is difficult to get a good view of the whole range, unless from the top of one of the mountains near the city, such as the celebrated ‘Corcovado,’ which stands out like a pulpit on the plain below, and is some 2,500 feet perpendicular. The view from this pulpit on a clear day is superb, and I should say almost unequalled in the world: the city, with its numerous divisions and suburbs below you—the bay, extending as far as the eye can reach until lost in the plain below the Organ Mountain—the sea, studded with numerous picturesque islands, with vessels looking like white specks upon it, and seen to a great distance—all together form a most enchanting picture, and amply repay the toil of an ascent. The mountain is of granite rock, like all others in this country, but thickly wooded almost to the summit, and you come out quite suddenly on the bare point before alluded to, so much resembling a pulpit. In consequence of the tortuous formation of the streets, constructed round the base of the hills, it is difficult to get more than a bird’s-eye view of the city, on ground made by encroachment on the sea; consequently, the streets are low, without drainage, and in several of the back ones the water collects and stagnates, to the great detriment of health and comfort. Rio itself is a bad copy of Lisbon—streets at right angles, a large square facing the sea, and the suburbs extending up the hills, which everywhere meet your eye. In Lisbon the streets are tolerably wide, but here they have built them so miserably narrow, that scarcely even one carriage can pass through, much less pass each other; and it is evident that such vehicles were never contemplated in the original formation of these streets. The only way of getting over the difficulty is for carriages coming into the city to take one line of streets, and those leaving it another, which they do, excluding omnibuses altogether from the principal thoroughfares. Improvements in this way were what I found most backward; indeed there was a marked falling-off in such respect since I was last here, and there seems a great want of municipal government.[43] In many places the pavement is execrable, and generally very bad, the difficulty having probably been increased by laying down mains for water and gas, the latter now in process of execution, and also to heavy rains having washed away many parts of the road, and otherwise caused much damage. Once this troublesome job is got through, it is to be hoped some effective measures will be taken to put the streets and branch-roads in order; otherwise they will soon be rendered impassable. Coach and coach spring making must be thriving trades here, especially with the immense increase that has taken place in the number of carriages and omnibuses; and it is really wonderful how they stand the continual shocks they have to endure.[44] Government seems at last alive to the absolute necessity of doing something to improve the sanitary condition of the city, and also its internal organization, as they have lately got out some good practical English engineers, who I have no doubt will suggest an effective mode of dealing with present difficulties. If they do not adopt decisive measures, the rate of mortality may be expected to augment fearfully in a dense population of 300,000 to 400,000 inhabitants, huddled together in some 15,000 houses, surrounded by impurities of every kind, not the least being the stagnant water in the streets. No exact census has ever been taken of the population of Rio Janeiro, which is generally believed to be between the two figures above given. There is a migratory population, but the accumulation of humanity of every race and colour, contained in some of the large dwelling-houses, is something extraordinary. As before observed, nature has done much for this country, and if the natural facilities of Rio Janeiro were properly availed of, and local improvements carried out with energy and spirit, it might be rendered one of the finest and most luxurious places within the tropics.[45] The opportunity is now open to them; the government possess ample means, and it is just a question whether measures of progress are to be effectively achieved, or the city to be abandoned to its fate. The great evil attending all improvement in Brazil is an undue appreciation of native capability, and a disparagement or distrust of those whose practical experience would enable them to grapple with the difficulties that surround them—a kind of little jealousy and mistrust that prevents their availing themselves of opportunities thrown in their way to carry out undertakings necessary to the well-being of the country; nor can they understand the principle on which such things are regulated in England, still less the magnitude of operations carried on there and in many other parts of Europe. Yet the time seems to be coming when these principles will be better understood here, and when the application of English capital towards the improvement of the country may be safely and legitimately brought to bear.

The political and social position of this great empire, whose influence and example are of such incalculable importance to the present, and still more to the future, of the whole continent of South America, must necessarily be a subject of anxiety to all who wish to see it prosper, and who are at the same time practically acquainted with the difficulties that have to be overcome in the maintenance of its present system of a representative government. Without attempting anything in the shape of a history of that government, or of the circumstances which led to its formation and have ensured its consolidation, a few particulars may not be unacceptable to such readers as have not had their attention directed to the subject. After the expulsion of the Portuguese in 1822, Don Pedro was declared Emperor, and, in 1824, the constitution, which is a very close imitation of our own, was proclaimed. The government is confided to ministers chosen by the Emperor; there is a chamber of deputies, 548 in number, elected by the towns and 18 provinces, and a senate or upper chamber, consisting of 54 members, titled and untitled, the numbers in both being limited, and titles are not hereditary. Hence, though there are, we believe, upwards of 20 marquises, 7 counts, 29 viscounts, and 32 barons, the sons of these do not succeed to the titular distinction of their fathers, notwithstanding the honours emanating from a crown that is hereditary. The business of the country passes under the same sort of discussion, and just with as much freedom of debate, but not more, than with us; and according to the support given or withheld by the chambers is the government strong or weak. The revenue of the empire is accounted for, and finds its way into the national treasury at Rio de Janeiro; and hence the difficulty encountered in dealing with its distribution, as each representative of a province naturally wishes to favour his own constituency, and is opposed to what he may think an undue proportion of expenditure lavished, and of interest taken, in the province already favoured with the establishment of the capital and the residence of the court, and where the largest population centres. This is one of their great legislative difficulties, which gives rise to long and violent discussions. Another is the existence of two factions in the state, the old Portuguese and the purely Brazilian party. Some years back the former held the reins, and were the supposed abettors of the slave-trade; but since 1848 the present ministry, mostly composed of pure Brazilians, have retained office, and been enabled to carry out most stringent measures for putting down that abominable traffic, which is for the present not only suppressed, but its restoration is impossible,[46] owing, first, to the complete revulsion that has taken place in public opinion, and, secondly, to the new direction that has been given to the employment of capital, as explained in our chapters on Pernambuco and Bahia. To such lengths have an honest and energetic administration, supported by a high-minded sovereign, jealous of the honour of his country, and, above all, of its credit for integrity in adhering to its engagements, been able to act upon this truly national sentiment, that many of the influential Portuguese, known to be actively engaged in the traffic, and some of whom had sunk vast sums in its prosecution, have been banished the country. Five years is a long time for a ministry to retain office in any country; for even in our own that period far exceeds the average duration of a British cabinet, at least during the last three reigns; consequently, the greater the wonder at the stability of one in a country such as Brazil, and under many trying circumstances. Not the least embarrassing of these was the perpetual interference of England to put down the external symptoms of the slave-trade, though Brazilian ministers were doing it in a manner so rapid and effectual as to constitute one of the most startling and complete social revolutions ever recorded in the history of any nation in the world as the work of half-a-dozen ages, much less of half-a-dozen years.[47] This speaks well indeed for the personal ability as well as for the representative system under which the existing ministry govern, as without a decided majority in the chambers they could not possibly endure a single session. Brazilian policy and Brazilian views seem to be now much more firmly established in the legislature, and the native party greatly preponderates. Still this clashing of interests tends to impede the regular march of business, by giving rise to endless personal discussion and personal invective. The chamber of deputies and the senate are a long way apart from each other, which must occasion inconvenience, and destroy that prompt action and unity of purpose so necessary in a legislative assembly. The locality ought always to be the same, with the monarch as the head, opening and closing the sessions under the same building. Considering their late elevation to political distinction, some of the deputies and senators of Brazil display no small amount of oratorical, and, what is still more valuable, debating, ability; whilst many of the former must make a great sacrifice of time and personal convenience in spending so many months away from their families and estates, which are difficult to be reached in a country where the means of travelling are comparatively so primitive, and the distance to be traversed generally very great. The hours of discussion in the chambers are as much too brief as ours are too long, being only from 11 a.m. to 2 or 2.30 p.m., during which one orator will often occupy the time for speaking sake only, and the business of the day has to be adjourned; whereas if ministers, with no Mr. Brotherton to be afraid of, could keep them at it occasionally until midnight, or 2 or 3 in the morning, it would tire out declaimers, who seek only to pander to the appetite for fervid or piquant rhetorical popularity, and would insure quicker despatch of the business in hand.

The present Emperor is in every respect admirably fitted for his high station. Born in the country, without the advantage of a knowledge of European life, and that finished tone of education it affords, but possessed of natural endowments of an exalted order, and having turned to the utmost advantage the opportunities of a studious and virtuous youth, he carries with him the full national sympathies of the native Brazilians, the respect of the old Portuguese party, and the esteem of the whole foreign diplomatic body, to whom he dispenses the honours and hospitality of a prudently managed court. As the sovereign of a constitutional country, content to abide within the strict limits imposed by his coronation oath, his reign has been prosperous and happy. In his private capacity he is kind and attentive to all around him, as well as a close observer of passing events. Possessed of a benevolent heart, and actuated by a noble singleness of purpose, he knows how to direct the reins of government, without undue interference or an injudicious exercise of his prerogative. It has often been emphatically said that the Emperor is not only the highest, but the best man in the country, both from his public conduct and his private virtues. The value of such a compliment is not enhanced, or probably we should say is not impaired, by any universal laxity and corruption around him, as in the case of another empire nearer home, wherein it is said that the principal personage is not only the most honest, but the only honest, man in his own dominions. Probity[48] and high-mindedness of every kind in public life are as general in Brazil as in any part of Europe, England itself certainly not excepted; consequently the standard the Emperor is measured by is one by no means conventional or equivocal, but is such as any sovereign in the western world might feel proud of having applied to himself. Certainly, in the matter of truthfulness, the rarest of all monarchic virtues, he has set an example to the royal brotherhood of kings that might be followed with infinite profit to the reputation of the regal race, and with corresponding advantage to their subjects in numerous instances. His Brazilian Majesty is admirably supported by an excellent and high-minded partner, who, like her husband, is beloved by all classes in the empire. The imperial couple frequently attend public balls, and mix in social parties with citizens and foreigners, taking also the warmest interest in all local improvements, or measures calculated to benefit the country, and to raise the character of their subjects. When the kind of life they are compelled to lead is fairly considered, and the extent of court intrigue necessarily prevailing where parties are so much divided and respectively so potent, too much merit cannot be ascribed to the Emperor and Empress for the manner in which they conduct themselves, and the controlling influence they exercise over others. Every one who has been in Rio well knows how exceedingly popular he is, and how strong is the conviction that that popularity is most just and most deserved, though he never goes out of his way to obtain it by any _ad captandum_ arts, or any conduct whatever that is not the result of sound judgment guiding an estimable nature. M. Reybaud, a Frenchman, in a biographical memoir, which appeared also in English in one of our illustrated journals at the close of the year before last, says:

‘But the great work of Don Pedro the 2nd, a work at once of
humanity and policy, and which will be his indelible title of
glory in the eyes of Europe, is, that of having openly attacked
the national prejudice of the necessity of black slaves, and
having overcome it. Thanks to him, thanks to his Ministers and
the Legislative Chambers of Rio, the traffic is henceforth
definitively suppressed in Brazil, for the people have
understood and accepted the Imperial policy, which has for its
motto, “No more traffic in slaves; European colonization.” Such
is at this moment the cry of all Brazil. The agriculturists
themselves, until lately insensible to the anathemas of
philanthropy, have opened their eyes, and joined the Government
and the Chambers in demanding the deliverance of the country
from the living leprosy of the slave traffic. It was imperative
that it should. It was indispensable that the country should
associate itself with the measures of the Government, for up
to this time the laws that were made were not carried out, and
the people who thought them prejudicial to their interests did
not scruple to infringe them. The policy of the Emperor and
the Brazilian Chambers was very simple and sensible. It was
not sufficient to decree the suppression of the traffic, but
it was necessary to open up to the agriculturists new ways and
means by which they should, within a longer or shorter delay,
dispense with black labourers. The Legislature, to provide
for this necessity, took proper means to attract European
colonization. Several attempts tried on this new basis have
been attended with the happiest results. Little colonies have
sprung up, especially in the south of the empire, and are in
a flourishing condition. The planters and landed proprietors
throughout the empire give a decided preference to free over
slave labour, as experience teaches them that it is infinitely
to their advantage.’

It is impossible too highly to eulogise the conduct of his Imperial Majesty in reference to the slave trade; but as one evidence, which may be useful by way of example in a certain portion of the world that regards itself as far more advanced than Brazil, I transcribe the following extract from a letter dated Rio, November 14th, 1853, and which appeared in some of the English papers in January last:—

‘The “Pernambucana,” one of the vessels of the Brazilian Steam
Packet Company, was wrecked near St. Catherine’s, and upwards
of 40 passengers drowned. This disaster afforded an opportunity
for a display of heroism and bravery rarely equalled. A black
sailor, belonging to the vessel, succeeded with many others
in reaching the shore; numbers had perished in the attempt,
and but few of the passengers remained upon the wreck. All of
these, including a mother and six children, did Simon save. It
is pleasing to add that the Brazilians were by no means slow
in marking their appreciation of, and rewarding, this heroic
action. A subscription was opened in the Praça do Commercio,
and the amount subscribed in two days exceeded seven contos
of reis, or about £800. The Emperor and Empress, whose hands
are always open for the succour of the needy, or the reward
of the meritorious, contributed 900 milreis, and the total
amount already received approaches to £1,000. In addition to
this, a statue of the black is to be placed in the exchange. An
unfortunate circumstance, peculiarly annoying to our English
community in Rio, may be noticed in connection with this
affair. The promoters of the subscription, persons of great
influence and respectability, brought the black to the Praça
do Commercio, not merely to gratify the curiosity of those who
were anxious to see one become so celebrated, but to afford
any information which parties connected with the victims or
survivors might require. The director of the month, who was
unfortunately an Englishman, objected to the presence of a
black in the _sala_, and in spite of the remonstrances of all
present, insisted upon his immediate removal. This arbitrary
proceeding has called forth some severe articles in the public
papers, and it is provoking that one of us who pretend to
so much philanthropy for the race should have shown so much
prejudice against the colour. This heroic fellow, with whom the
Emperor of the Brazils expressed himself proud to shake hands,
was driven from the exchange because he was an African! And by
an Englishman!’

I cannot learn that this conduct has called for any reprobation in England; that there have been any encomiums passed by our abolitionist press or declaimers on the monarch of that country wherein partiality for the slave trade was declared by the highest authority amongst us to be ineradicable, except by violent measures on the part of England. Nor, indeed, can I find that there has been the least desire to make the _amende_ in any way to Brazil for all the calumnies so long heaped upon her; for even that portion of the Slave Trade Treaties Report quoted, which relates to Brazil (and which has been circulated throughout the Brazilian press), has been passed over with indifference by our purists and censors. Nay, more, within a very short period preceding the date of these remarks, a tale of horrors was tricked out for the regalement of our _gobemouche_ public in this country by a pair of travelling philanthropic malevolents concerning a certain planter in Pernambuco inviting his brother planters of the province to a grand spectacle of boiling a slave alive; and the name of her Britannic Majesty’s consul was actually adduced as that of a witness to the act. The absurdity was, of course, scouted in Brazil as the conjuration of a diseased fancy; but the journals here that gave currency to the figment have evinced small alacrity in recording the contradiction elicited on the spot. So in the case of the imperial conduct towards Simon. Had the President of the United States acted as the Emperor did in this instance, or had a North American Uncle Tom performed any portion of what the Brazilian black achieved, dramas and novels by the score would have appeared, and, in fact, we should never have heard the last of it.[49]

Though she has made wonderful strides in the right direction—advances positively marvellous, considering the locality, and even as contrasted with what would have been the case in England at this present day, had a large section of otherwise enlightened men amongst us had had their way—still, commercially speaking, Brazil has yet much to do in the shape of reform. A great deal of the old leaven of Portuguese exclusiveness and exaction remain to this day, although it is not carried to such an absurd extent as at Lisbon, where is placed in the hands of every shipmaster visiting the port a document,[50] which, considering that its provisions are enforced by a civilised mercantile nation of Europe in the second half of the nineteenth century, and in a great port whence once sailed some of the mightiest maritime enterprises in history, deserves to be regarded as a curiosity of commercial literature, and is preserved as such in a note. No wonder the trade of Lisbon should dwindle down to a mere cypher, and the finances of the country be in so deplorable a state. Any nation issuing such a document as this places itself on a par with, if not on a lower footing than, China or Japan. In Brazilian ports you have the same ordeal of health visits, police, and custom-house searchers, before you can even leave the ship; and if a vessel arrives after dusk, no matter where from, coasting or otherwise, she must remain till morning for the visit, after which she is a kind of custom-house prey, watched and pounced upon in every possible manner, if all is not found to be strictly in accordance with the long string of regulations, numbered like a criminal code; and woe betide the unfortunate shipmaster or merchant, importing goods, who innocently falls into the trap laid for him. It is a case of heavy fines, damages, and often confiscation of ship or property; although it can be clearly and satisfactorily proved that no one is to blame in the matter, and that there has been no fraudulent intention whatever. The stipulations of the custom-house code are being continually infringed, and yet, like the laws of the Medes and Persians, it altereth not! All this is very sad, and unworthy of a country that looks to commerce for its intercourse with Europe, and as a main source of revenue and social progress. The only excuse lies in the force of habit, founded on inveterate prejudice, bequeathed by the old superannuated mother country.[51]

It is true that our own fiscal system twenty years ago contained much of the objectionable matter alluded to, although it was never distinguished by those absurd forms and regulations that are not only a check to personal liberty, but involve the loss of much valuable time. If some public-spirited minister, who took a right and far-seeing view of the true interests of Brazil, were to grapple fairly with this subject, and had the moral courage to bring forward liberal measures, I firmly believe that he would carry them. For instance, let him abolish the farce of visiting vessels, both inwards and outwards, for sanitary or other state purposes; and as regards customs’ revenue, once let the duties be reduced to a scale that would render smuggling unprofitable, and there would be no need of a commercial code or of fines and restrictions. All experience proves that where duties have to be levied for the absolute necessities of the state, the more moderate the scale the less chance there is for smuggling, and the greater the increase and encouragement to consumption of the articles imported, which can then be sold at cheaper rates. It is notorious that for many years after the trade with Brazil was opened, not half, probably not a quarter, of the duties entitled to be levied found their way into the public treasury; and although a good deal of this iniquity has been done away with by the firmness of a few public servants,[52] yet the temptation remains, and some parties still profit by illegal importation at the expense of legitimate traders. I repeat my strong conviction that Brazil might derive a much larger revenue under a moderate scale of duties, and she could then afford to wipe away all the existing restrictions on commerce and shipping. It is true that she has done something, both in reduction of her tariff as well as of her anchorage dues, a step in the right direction, which, for her own sake, it is devoutly to be hoped she will soon follow up vigorously.

As regards the social condition of the Brazilian empire, there is doubtless still much room for improvement. Where is there not? But when we recollect that until 1808 there was not a printing-press in the whole country—and now behold no large town without its journal, generally very admirably managed, and when we see educational establishments, many on a very large and highly efficient scale, in nearly every province of the empire—certainly we cannot say her progress has been slow. Previously to that time the only instruction imparted was through the convents, and consequently it was tinctured with all the old monastic and narrow-minded leaven attached to those institutions, whose downfall in Spain and Portugal was soon followed by similar measures in Brazil. Secular education became extended; seminaries and schools were established, both under the patronage of government and by private individuals; newspapers increased, and are now multiplied to the number of upwards of 50, including scientific and literary; and the whole course of things was changed; but without so far resulting in any general plan by which instruction is communicated to the masses of the people. French being the principal medium of intercommunication between the better classes and all foreigners, and being very generally spoken, publications in that language are necessarily most in request; and an assortment of French reading of the latest Parisian stamp may be had in Rio equal to what is procurable in any second-rate town in the country it comes from. It is needless to say that French fashions, in other than strictly intellectual items, prevail among all the educated classes in the Brazilian capital; and by ministering to such tastes a large number of native French derive considerable profit. In addition to the educational advantages already enumerated, and the list might be greatly extended were we to include the libraries, &c., some excellent institutions of a charitable nature abound, as well as hospitals; the one last founded of this class at Rio is on a most magnificent scale, in a small bay near the entrance of the port, where an admirably executed marble statue of the Emperor has also been most fittingly placed.[53] As it is under his auspices it has been commenced, and by his munificence and example, and that of his estimable consort, it has become one of the noblest edifices of the kind in existence on either side of the Atlantic.

Another of the social evils of Brazil is the difficulty of obtaining a labouring population, a necessity consequent on the importation of slaves having ceased. It is one which, unless seriously and promptly dealt with, must entail very momentous consequences: a continuous immigration of free labourers appears to be the only solution of the question. But whence are they to come in anything like the required numbers? It is quite clear that European labourers cannot work with slaves, nor will the hardy islanders of the Atlantic consent to do so; people, moreover, are needed who can bear the climate, and will put up with hardships which only those acclimated can be expected to endure—that is, the climate of the more torrid parts of the Brazils; for there are vast regions, larger than the whole United Kingdom, where out-door labour is perfectly practicable to natives of Great Britain, and where some of such natives have settled and prospered as agriculturists, as we shall have occasion to refer to in speaking of the Banda Oriental, in respect to the adjoining Brazilian province of Rio Grande do Sul. The only alternative seems to be coolies from China; and with the present propensities of that class, no doubt numbers would flock to Brazil, if the needful encouragement and facilities were given. At all events the experiment might easily be tried, and the sooner it is done the better.[54] Some parties are sanguine enough to believe that the aborigines of the country, the remnants of the Indian tribes, might be brought under civilized rule, and instructed so as eventually to be rendered capable of replacing slaves; but this plan seems very problematical, unless in those districts where they have already been accustomed to mingle and work with the other inhabitants, as in the northern provinces of Bahia and Pernambuco. In the latter province especially, there is a very fine race of men called Sertanejos, who make good labourers, and are very useful in bringing produce to market by means of horses. The number of men so employed may be imagined when, by the law of Pernambuco, one man must accompany every horse; and in the busy season 2,000 horses have been known to pass the toll-bar inwards, and the same number outwards, making altogether 4,000, although the edict alluded to is not very strictly enforced, the distance travelled by these horses being from 50 to 300 miles. It is literally impossible to form a proximate conjecture as to the number of Indians in Brazil, the estimates of various authorities ranging from one-fourth of a million to a million and a half, divided into Indios, Mansos, and Tapirios; the former partially civilized and speaking some Portuguese, the latter still savage. Nearly all the tribes are of large stature; and though exceedingly low in the scale of civilization, possess many of the virtues of the barbarian, especially when uncontaminated by the vices of the white man, or proximity to him. For the most part they are warlike, the climate by no means enervating their bodies or subduing their spirit; and though in some respects ferocious when excited, the practice of cannibalism towards prisoners taken in battle is quite extinct, if indeed it ever really existed. Some of the tribes exhibit an extraordinary antipathy to the negroes, which is the more remarkable as the marriages of people of colour with whites are very common, and degrees of black that would throw a citizen of the United States into a fever of indignation are looked upon with philosophic indifference, both by Brazilians and natives of Portugal in Brazil. Probably this is one reason why slaves in Brazil are treated with a kindness and humanity altogether unexampled in any other part of the world, a fact upon which all authorities are agreed, notwithstanding some shocking exceptions that were wont to be practised towards newly-imported unfortunates from the coast of Africa, a custom now fortunately at an end. No doubt a wise and conciliatory policy exercised towards those Indian tribes who still occupy large districts of Brazil would be attended with beneficial results; but this is a work of time. What the country now wants is immediate labour, and for a supply of this, emigration of some kind is the only available source. The towns are already beginning to feel the effects of the diminution, and wages have consequently risen considerably; whilst in the interior the value of slaves has greatly increased, a preliminary perhaps to their future emancipation.

Before quitting the subject of Rio improvements, I may note an interesting excursion made over a short line of railway, and the first ever attempted in this country, which is to connect the city with Petropolis (the mountain and summer residence of the court and upper classes), and which was recorded as below in the ‘Journal do Commercio’ of the 6th September, 1853, the day on which we left Rio for the River Plate.[55]

Respecting the mercantile position of Brazil generally, I turned with some considerable curiosity to the edition published in the course of the present year, 1854, of ‘M’Culloch’s Commercial Dictionary,’ a work of deserved authority and influence, as every business man is aware, though, I regret to be obliged to add, the article on the country I am now treating of does not sustain the character to which the volume is in so many other respects entitled. I had expected, as the result of recent events in Brazil, some marked modification in the writer’s opinions as expressed under this head in former editions, but could find none; and indeed the whole of his remarks, which I annex, would appear, from internal evidence, to be as emphatic as in previous editions, notwithstanding the date on his title-page, and his assertion in the preface that the latest information had been brought to bear on every point. He says:—

‘The imports into Brazil, which are chiefly from Great Britain,
consist principally of our cottons, woollens, linen, iron and
steel, hardware, butter, and other articles, amounting in all,
in ordinary years, to about £2,500,000. It is frequently,
no doubt, said that our exports to Brazil amount to double
that sum, or to more than £5,000,000. But there is no room
or ground for any such statement. The return is not derived
from Brazil, but from our own Custom-house; and there is no
reason why the merchants should undervalue the exports to
Brazil more than to any other country. The commercial policy of
Brazil has, on the whole, been characterised by considerable
liberality. The duties on imports and exports have been
mostly moderate, and have been imposed more for the sake of
revenue than of protection. In October, 1847, the legislature
of Brazil issued a decree, imposing 33⅓ per cent. higher
duties on the ships and produce of those nations which did
not admit the ships and produce of Brazil into their ports
on a fair footing of reciprocity. This decree was, in part,
provoked by our policy in regard to the slave trade, and was
in avowed retaliation of the high discriminating duties we
had imposed on Brazilian and other slave-grown sugar. But the
modified views of the Brazilian government in regard to the
slave-trade, and the admission of slave-grown sugars into our
markets under reasonable duties, which are to be equalised
with those on British colonial sugars in 1854, occasioned, in
1849, the revocation of the discriminating duties referred
to. A provincial duty of 15 per cent., imposed in some of
the provinces on hides and other articles, has also been
repealed. Great Britain enjoys the largest share of the trade
of Brazil; and that share will, it is probable, be a good deal
increased, when the duties on foreign and colonial sugars are
equalised in 1854. The abolition of the discriminating duty on
foreign coffee in the course of the year 1851 has occasioned
a considerable increase in the imports of Brazilian coffee.
The commerce of Brazil has sustained great injury from the
wretched state of the currency and of the finances; the value
of the former, which consists almost wholly of paper, being
excessively depreciated and liable to extreme fluctuations,
and the revenue being inadequate to meet the expenditure.
Latterly, however, vigorous efforts have been made to increase
the revenue; and it is hoped that, in the event of the finances
being placed on a better footing, measures may also be taken to
improve the currency.’

The concluding passage, as to the inadequacy of the income to the expenditure, is altogether questionable; and the admission of such an assertion into a work of the character just quoted from, betrays a determination altogether inexplicable, for of course it is impossible to put it down to the score of ignorance. The rapid and progressive liquidation of the national debt, and the unfailing punctuality of the dividends, added to the price Brazilian stocks command in the British market, sufficiently bespeak the healthiness of Brazilian finance. I have not been able to discover upon what data it is that Mr. M’Culloch fixes the annual imports of British produce into Brazil at so low a figure as he mentions in the foregoing extract, and which figure has appeared in successive editions of his work for many years back. But it is quite incorrect; and, at least, as much below the actual amount as the one he condemns as too high. A witness before the committee on Slave Trade Treaties last year, a gentleman officially connected with the Brazilian embassy, and having the best means of knowing the accuracy of what he said, declared the amount of trade during the year 1852 between Great Britain and the Brazils to be about three millions and a half sterling per annum of imports, entirely from England. Those imports[56] are sold there on one year’s credit; so that every year there are £7,000,000 of English goods in Brazil. There is always a deposit of British goods equal to one year’s consumption, and one year’s consumption due. Besides that, there is a national debt to England of £6,000,000 sterling; Brazil has to pay interest for that. Then there is the internal debt, where £600,000 of bonds belong to Englishmen; which makes a total of £13,600,000 of British property engaged in Brazil.

Hence, then, the magnitude of the interests in this country as affected by our relations with Brazil. Nor are the interests of humanity at large on a less extensive scale. The witness last adverted to—and I can state of my own knowledge that the authority he adduces is a most competent one—an Englishman long resident in Brazil, in the public service of that country, says:—

‘Allow me to cite from the writings of an Englishman who
appears to be very well acquainted with the affairs of the
Brazils: it is an article about a book published by Sir
Woodbine Parish, from the British Quarterly Review for
February, 1853. The book is about the River Plate, but there
are in the article of the Review two or three little passages
to which I will beg the attention of the Committee; beginning
about the attack of Caseros, where Rosas had been put down.
He says, “On this occasion, however, the Brazilian alliance
introduced a regular, well disciplined, and properly commanded
army into the contest, and in the hour of Buenos Ayrean defeat,
it was to its humanity, order, discipline, and obedience that
the troops of Rosas appealed; Surrender to the blue pants
(so the Brazilian infantry was termed), they do not kill!
was their cry.” This is to prove that Brazilians are not so
blackened in civilization as they generally think in Europe,
and not so inhuman; “and thus a body not exceeding 3,000 men
had upwards of 5,000 prisoners, not one of whom was injured; on
the contrary, a contingent of Rosas’ army refused to surrender
to the Oriental forces of Urquiza; but on the appearance of
a Brazilian officer (Captain Petra) at once laid down their
arms; nor was this example of humanity lost on the Argentines
themselves, in the subsequent occurrences at Buenos Ayres.”
I have read that to show that the Brazilian people are ill
judged of, and that they are more desirous to put an end to
slavery than they have had credit for, on account of the point
of civilization they have come to, and on account of the
circumstance of its being to their interest. The article of the
Review contains still the following observations: “Nor ought
the events we have narrated to be uninstructive to Europe; for
they teach the impolicy of England and France attempting to
precipitate, either by diplomatic or military agency, events in
distant countries, whose circumstances they are so imperfectly
acquainted with; and the shortsightedness of prohibiting the
intervention of a nation materially and geographically, as well
as politically, concerned. They teach us also the dignity and
office of the Empire of Brazil in the political system of the
world; and how much more that state may be made to contribute
its share to the great mass of human happiness, by promoting
its welfare, than, as has been done, by wounding its pride.”
Thus by promoting its welfare, and coming to an amicable
understanding with it, there would have been a much fairer
result, perhaps much quicker, than by wounding its pride, and
by much stronger measures.’

This is most just and true; and though the cause of irritation to Brazil, indirectly glanced at in the concluding sentence, has happily passed away, it is no less necessary to remember with what forbearance that country endured the slights and indignities put upon her, and with what magnanimity she forbore from soliciting the aid of a neighbouring nation that might have required small inducement to vindicate the honour and inviolability of the Brazilian flag; for there cannot be a question that the government of Washington would very gladly avail itself of any opportunity that might contribute to strengthen the connection between the States and Brazil, though it is remarkable that some attempt of the kind has not been made, in the mode of which the establishment of such a steam company as the one I represent is an example.[57]

COMMERCE OF BRAZIL.

(STATISTICS LATELY ISSUED SHOW THE FOLLOWING COMPARATIVE RESULTS IN ROUND NUMBERS.)

1839 and 1844.—Average annual value of imports and exports, 13 millions sterling.

1845 and 1849.—Average annual value was 16 millions sterling, or an increase of 3 millions.

In this latter period the average yearly number of vessels employed was

10,694; tonnage, 1,937,944;
------ ---------
of which 5,464 ” 953,654 inw.
5,230 ” 914,290 outw.
------ ---------
vessels, 10,694 tons, 1,937,944
------ ---------

showing an average increase over the former period of 1839 to 1844 of

vessels, 34 per cent.
tonnage, 42 ”

Of the above figures, the imports averaged

in value, 49 per cent,
exports, 51 ”
---
100
---

During the same period, the proportions of foreign and coasting trade were:

foreign imports and exports, 76 per cent.
coasting ” ” 24 ”
---
100
---

Of the aforesaid total imports and exports,

Great Britain figures for 36 per cent.
United States ” 16 ”
other parts of the world 58 ”
---
100
---

And in the total value of imports,

Great Britain figures for 50 per cent.
France ” 10 ”
United States ” 11 ”
other parts ” 29 ”
---
100
---

Ditto in exports:
Great Britain ” 24 ”
United States ” 23 ”
other parts ” 53 ”
---
100
---

The percentage of this commerce divided amongst the ports of Brazil, is as follows:

Rio Janeiro, 53 per cent.
Bahia, 17 ”
Pernambuco, 13 ”
Other ports, 17 ”
---
100
---

The value of imports and exports bearing about a relative proportion to these figures.

COFFEE, SUGAR, AND HIDES, EXPORTED FROM RIO JANEIRO, IN 1847, 1848, 1849, 1850, 1851, 1852, 1853.