Chapter XXVII: Appendix: Dr. Bruno's Reply to Fletcher's Statement

The following remarks appeared in the _Westminster Review_, and gave great annoyance to Dr. Millingen, who thought that he had been accused of having caused the death of Byron by putting off, during four successive days, the operation of bleeding:

Mr. Fletcher has omitted to state that on the second day of Lord
Byron's illness his physician, Dr. Bruno, seeing the sudorific
medicines had no effect, proposed blood-letting, and that his lordship
refused to allow it, and caused Mr. Millingen to be sent for in order
to consult with his physician, and see if the rheumatic fever could
not be cured without the loss of blood.

Mr. Millingen approved of the medicines previously prescribed by Dr.
Bruno, and was not opposed to the opinion that bleeding was necessary;
but he said to his lordship that it might be deferred till the next
day. He held this language for three successive days, while the other
physician (Dr. Bruno) every day threatened Lord Byron that he would
die by his obstinacy in not allowing himself to be bled. His lordship
always answered: 'You wish to get the reputation of curing my disease,
that is why you tell me it is so serious; but I will not permit you to
bleed me.'

After the first consultation with Mr. Millingen, the domestic Fletcher
asked Dr. Bruno how his lordship's complaint was going on. The
physician replied that, if he would allow the bleeding, he would be
cured in a few days. But the surgeon Mr. Millingen, assured Lord Byron
from day to day that it could wait till to-morrow; and thus four days
slipped away, during which the disease, for want of blood-letting,
grew much worse. At length Mr. Millingen, seeing that the
prognostications which Dr. Bruno had made respecting Lord Byron's
malady were more and more confirmed, urged the necessity of bleeding,
and of no longer delaying it a moment. This caused Lord Byron,
disgusted at finding that he could not be cured without loss of blood,
to say that it seemed to him that the doctors did not understand his
malady. He then had a man sent to Zante to fetch Dr. Thomas. Mr.
Fletcher having mentioned this to Dr. Bruno, the latter observed that,
if his lordship would consent to lose as much blood as was necessary,
he would answer for his cure; but that if he delayed any longer, or
did not entirely follow his advice, Dr. Thomas would not arrive in
time: in fact, when Dr. Thomas was ready to set out from Zante, Lord
Byron was dead.

The pistols and stiletto were removed from his lordship's bed--not by
Fletcher, but by the servant Tita, who was the only person that
constantly waited on Lord Byron in his illness, and who had been
advised to take this precaution by Dr. Bruno, the latter having
perceived that my lord had moments of delirium.

Two days before the death a consultation was held with three other
doctors, who appeared to think that his lordship's disease was
changing from inflammatory diathesis to languid, and they ordered
china,[78] opium, and ammonia.

Dr. Bruno opposed this with the greatest warmth, and pointed out to
them that the symptoms were those, not of an alteration in the
disease, but of a fever flying to the brain, which was violently
attacked by it; and that the wine, the china, and the stimulants,
would kill Lord Byron more speedily than the complaint itself could;
while, on the other hand, by copious bleedings and the medicines that
had been taken before he might yet be saved. The other physicians,
however, were of a different opinion; and it was then that Dr. Bruno
declared to his colleagues that he would have no further
responsibility for the loss of Lord Byron, which he pronounced
inevitable if the china were given him. In effect, after my lord had
taken the tincture, with some grains of carbonate of ammonia, he was
seized by convulsions. Soon afterwards they gave him a cup of very
strong decoction of china, with some drops of laudanum. He instantly
fell into a deep lethargic sleep, from which he never rose.

The opening of the body discovered the brain in a state of the highest
inflammation; and all the six physicians who were present at that
opening were convinced that my lord would have been saved by the
bleeding, which his physician, Dr. Bruno, had advised from the
beginning with the most pressing urgency and the greatest firmness.

F. B.

DR. MILLINGEN'S ACCOUNT

Mr. Finlay and myself called upon him in the evening, when we found
him lying on a sofa, complaining of a slight fever and of pains in the
articulations. He was at first more gay than usual; but on a sudden he
became pensive, and, after remaining some few minutes in silence, he
said that during the whole day he had reflected a great deal on a
prediction which had been made to him, when a boy, by a famed
fortune-teller in Scotland. His mother, who firmly believed in
cheiromancy and astrology, had sent for this person, and desired him
to inform her what would be the future destiny of her son. Having
examined attentively the palm of his hand, the man looked at him for a
while steadfastly, and then with a solemn voice exclaimed: 'Beware of
your thirty-seventh year, my young lord--beware!'

He had entered on his thirty-seventh year on the 22nd of January; and
it was evident, from the emotion with which he related this
circumstance, that the caution of the palmist had produced a deep
impression on his mind, which in many respects was so superstitious
that we thought proper to accuse him of superstition. 'To say the
truth,' answered his lordship, 'I find it equally difficult to know
what to believe in this world and what not to believe. There are as
many plausible reasons for inducing me to die a bigot as there have
been to make me hitherto live a freethinker. You will, I know,
ridicule my belief in lucky and unlucky days; but no consideration can
now induce me to undertake anything either on a Friday or a Sunday. I
am positive it would terminate unfortunately. Every one of my
misfortunes--and God knows I have had my share--have happened to me on
one of those days.'

Considering myself on this occasion, not a medical man, but a visitor,
and being questioned neither by his physician nor himself, I did not
even feel Lord Byron's pulse. I was informed next morning that during
the night he had taken diaphoretic infusions, and that he felt himself
better. The next day Dr. Bruno administered a purgative, and kept up
its effects by a solution of cream of tartar, which the Italians call
'imperial lemonade.' In the evening the fever augmented, and as on the
14th, although the pains in the articulations had diminished, the
feverish symptoms were equally strong, Dr. Bruno strongly recommended
him to be blooded; but as the patient entertained a deep-rooted
prejudice against bleeding, his physician could obtain no influence
whatever over him, and his lordship obstinately persevered in refusing
to submit to the operation.

On the 15th, towards noon, Fletcher called upon me and informed me
that his master desired to see me, in order to consult with Dr. Bruno
on the state of his health. Dr. Bruno informed me that his patient
laboured under a rheumatic fever--that, as at first the symptoms had
been of a mild character, he had trusted chiefly to sudorifics; but
during the last two days the fever had so much increased that he had
repeatedly proposed bleeding, but that he could not overcome his
lordship's antipathy to that mode of treatment. Convinced, by an
examination of the patient, that bleeding was absolutely necessary, I
endeavoured, as mildly and as gently as possible, to persuade him;
but, in spite of all my caution, his temper was so morbidly irritable
that he refused in a manner excessively peevish. He observed that, of
all his prejudices, the strongest was against phlebotomy. 'Besides,'
said his lordship, 'does not Dr. Reid observe in his Essays that less
slaughter has been effected by the warrior's lance than by the
physician's lancet? It is, in fact, a minute instrument of mighty
mischief.' On my observing that this remark related to the treatment
of nervous disorders, not of inflammatory ones, he angrily replied:
'Who is nervous, if I am not? Do not these words, besides, apply to my
case? Drawing blood from a nervous patient is like loosening the
chords of a musical instrument, the tones of which are already
defective for want of sufficient tension. Before I became ill, you
know yourself how weak and irritable I had become. Bleeding, by
increasing this state, will inevitably kill me. Do with me whatever
else you please, but bleed me you shall not. I have had several
inflammatory fevers during my life, and at an age when I was much more
robust and plethoric than I am now; yet I got through them without
bleeding. This time also I will take my chance.'

After much reasoning and entreaty, however, I at length succeeded in
obtaining a promise that, should his fever increase at night, he would
allow Bruno to bleed him. Happy to inform the doctor of this partial
victory, I left the room, and, with a view of lowering the impetus of
the circulatory system, and determining to the skin, I recommended the
administration of an ounce of a solution of half a grain of tartarized
antimony and two drachms of nitre in twelve ounces of water.

Early the next morning I called on the patient, who told me that,
having passed a better night than he had expected, he had not
requested Dr. Bruno to bleed him. Chagrined at this, I laid aside all
consideration for his feelings, and solemnly assured him how deeply I
lamented to see him trifle with his life in this manner. I told him
that his pertinacious refusal to be bled had caused a precious
opportunity to be lost; that a few hours of hope yet remained; but
that, unless he would submit immediately to be bled, neither Dr. Bruno
nor myself could answer for the consequences. He might not care for
life, it was true; but who could assure him, unless he changed his
resolution, the disease might not operate such disorganization in his
cerebral and nervous system as entirely to deprive him of his reason?
I had now touched the sensible chord, for, partly annoyed by our
unceasing importunities, and partly convinced, casting at us both the
fiercest glance of vexation, he threw out his arm, and said in the
most angry tone: 'Come; you are, I see, a d----d set of butchers. Take
away as much blood as you will, but have done with it.'

We seized the moment, and drew about twenty ounces. On coagulating,
the blood presented a strong buffy coat. Yet the relief obtained did
not correspond to the hopes we had anticipated, and during the night
the fever became stronger than it had been hitherto. The restlessness
and agitation increased, and the patient spoke several times in an
incoherent manner. The next morning (17th) the bleeding was repeated;
for, although the rheumatic symptoms had completely disappeared, the
cerebral ones were hourly increasing, and this continuing all day, we
opened the vein for the third time in the afternoon. Cold applications
were from the beginning constantly kept on the head; blisters were
also proposed. When on the point of applying them, Lord Byron asked me
whether it would answer the same purpose to apply both on the same
leg. Guessing the motive that led him to ask this question, I told him
I would place them above the knees, on the inside of the thighs. 'Do
so,' said he; 'for as long as I live I will not allow anyone to see my
lame foot.'

In spite of our endeavours, the danger hourly increased; the different
signs of strong nervous affection succeeded each other with surprising
rapidity; twitchings and involuntary motions of the tendons began to
manifest themselves in the night; and, more frequently than before,
the patient muttered to himself and talked incoherently.

In the morning (18th) a consultation was proposed, to which Dr. Lucca
Vaga and Dr. Freiber, my assistant, were invited. Our opinions were
divided. Bruno and Lucca proposed having recourse to antispasmodics
and other remedies employed in the last stage of typhus. Freiber and I
maintained that such remedies could only hasten the fatal termination;
that nothing could be more empirical than flying from one extreme to
the other; that if, as we all thought, the complaint was owing to the
metastasis of rheumatic inflammation, the existing symptoms only
depended on the rapid and extensive progress it had made in an organ
previously so weakened and irritable. Antiphlogistic means could never
prove hurtful in this case; they would become useless only if
disorganization were already operated; but then, when all hopes were
fled, what means would not prove superfluous?

We recommended the application of numerous leeches to the temples,
behind the ears, and along the course of the jugular vein, a large
blister between the shoulders, and sinapisms to the feet. These we
considered to be the only means likely to succeed. Dr. Bruno, however,
being the patient's physician, had, of course, the casting vote, and
he prepared, in consequence, the antispasmodic potion which he and Dr.
Lucca had agreed upon. It was a strong infusion of valerian with
ether, etc. After its administration the convulsive movements and the
delirium increased; yet, notwithstanding my earnest representations, a
second dose was administered half an hour after; when, after
articulating confusedly a few broken phrases, our patient sank into a
comatose sleep, which the next day terminated in death.

Lord Byron expired on the 19th of April, at six o'clock in the
afternoon. Interesting as every circumstance relative to the death of
so celebrated a person may prove to some, I should, nevertheless, have
hesitated in obtruding so much medical detail on the patience of the
reader, had not the accounts published by Dr. Bruno in the
_Westminster Review_, and many of the newspapers, rendered it
necessary that I should disabuse the friends of the deceased; and at
the same time vindicate my own professional character, on which the
imputation has been laid of my having been the cause of Lord Byron's
death by putting off, during four successive days, the operation of
bleeding.

I must first observe that, not knowing a syllable of English, although
present at the conversation I had with Lord Byron, Dr. Bruno could
neither understand the force of the language I employed to surmount
his lordship's deep-rooted prejudice and aversion for bleeding, nor
the positive refusals he repeatedly made before I could obtain his
promise to consent to the operation. Yet he boldly states that I spoke
to Lord Byron in a very undecided manner of the benefits of such an
operation, and that I even ventured to recommend procrastination; and
these, he says, are the reasons that induced him to consent to the
delay--as if he were himself indifferent to such treatment, or as if a
few words from me were sufficient to determine him! Conduct like this
it is not difficult to appreciate: I shall therefore forbear
abandoning myself to the indignation such a falsehood might naturally
excite; nor shall I repel his unwarrantable accusation by relating the
causes of that deep-rooted jealousy which Dr. Bruno entertained
against me from the day he perceived the preference which Lord Byron
indicated in favour of English physicians. This narrow-minded, envious
feeling, as I could prove, prevented him from insisting on immediately
calling me, or other medical men at Missolonghi, to a consultation.
Had he done so, he would have exonerated himself from every
responsibility; but his vanity made him forget the duty he owed to his
patient, and even to himself. For I did not see Lord Byron (medically)
till I was sent for by his lordship himself, without any participation
on the part of Dr. Bruno. I can refute Dr. Bruno's calumnies, not only
from the testimony of others, but even from his own. For the following
extract from the article published in the _Telegrapho Greco_,
announcing the death of Lord Byron, was at the request of Count Gamba
(himself a witness of whatever took place during the fatal illness of
his friend) composed by the doctor:

'Notwithstanding the most urgent entreaties and representations of the
imminent danger attending his complaint made to him from the onset of
his illness, both by his private physician and the medical man sent by
the Greek Committee, it was impossible to surmount the great aversion
and prejudice he entertained against bleeding, although he lay under
imperious want of it' (Vide _Telegrapho Greco_, il di 24 Aprile,
1824).

As to the assertion confidently made by Dr. Bruno, that, had his
patient submitted at the onset of his malady to phlebotomy, he would
have infallibly recovered, I believe every medical man who maturely
considers the subject will be led to esteem this assertion as being
founded rather on presumption than on reason. Positive language, which
is in general so misplaced in medical science, becomes in the present
case even ridiculous; for, if different authors be consulted, it will
appear that the very remedy which is proclaimed by some as the anchor
of salvation, is by others condemned as the instrument of ruin.
Bleeding (as many will be found to assert) favours metastasis in
rheumatic fevers; and, in confirmation of this opinion, they will
remark that in this case, as soon as the lancet was employed, the
cerebral symptoms manifested themselves on the disappearance of the
rheumatic; while those who incline to Dr. Reid's and Dr. Heberden's
opinion will observe that, after each successive phlebotomy, the
cerebral symptoms not only did not remain at the same degree, but
that they hourly went on increasing. In this dilemmatic position it is
evident that, whatever treatment might have been adopted, detractors
could not fail to have some grounds for laying the blame on the
medical attendants. The more I consider this difficult question,
however, the more I feel convinced that, whatsoever method of cure had
been adopted, there is every reason to believe that a fatal
termination was inevitable; and here I may be permitted to observe,
that it must have been the lot of every medical man to observe how
frequently the fear of death produces it, and how seldom a patient,
who persuades himself that he must die, is mistaken. The prediction of
the Scotch fortune-teller was ever present to Lord Byron, and, like an
insidious poison, destroyed that moral energy which is so useful to
keep up the patient in dangerous complaints. 'Did I not tell you,'
said he repeatedly to me, 'that I should die at thirty-seven?'

There is an entry in Millingen's 'Memoirs of Greece' which has not received the attention it deserves--namely, a request made by Byron on the day before his death. It is given by Millingen in the following words:

'One request let me make to you. Let not my body be hacked, or be sent to England. Here let my bones moulder. Lay me in the first corner without pomp or nonsense.'

After Byron's death Millingen informed Gamba of this request, but it was thought that it would be a sacrilege to leave his remains in a place 'where they might some day become the sport of insulting barbarians.'

INDEX

Adam, Sir F., High Commissioner of the Ionian islands:
his tribute to Byron's character, 202

Agraffa, the scene of Cariascachi's depredations, 162

Allegra, Byron's natural daughter:
her life and death, 22;
Byron's feelings for, 35

Americans, Byron on, 131

Anatoliko, Turkish abandonment of, 68

Argostoli, Byron arrives at, 63

_Astarte_, by Earl of Lovelace. See Lovelace

_Augusta, Stanzas and Epistle to_, 290, 324, 364

Barnard, Lady Anne, on Byron's married life, 329 _et seq._

Beecher Stowe scandals, 318, 326

Bentham, Jeremy, and Byron, 108 _et seq._, 119;
amusing anecdote about, 126 _et seq._

Berry, Messrs., Byron's wine merchants:
register of Byron's weight, 19

_Bible, The_, Scott's lines on, 73

_Blackwood's Magazine_ on Byron, 50, 100, 315, 316

Blaquière, Captain, 48;
sails for England, 64;
describes the return of Hatajè to her parents, 137;
eulogy on Byron, 176, 177, 199 _et seq._

Blessington, Lady, _Conversations of Lord Byron_:
describes Byron, 5, 6;
character and reminiscences of Byron, 34 _et seq._, 40, 41

_Bolivar, The_, Byron's yacht, sold to Lord Blessington, 32;
her end, 33

Botzari, Marco, 48;
his death, 66

Bowring, Mr., hon. secretary to the Greek Committee, 126

_Bride of Abydos, The_:
what the poem reveals, 240, 259, 260, 262, 265

Brougham, Mr., spreads the scandal, 340

Broughton, Lord (see Hobhouse, John Cam), _Recollections of a Long
Life_, 201, 247 n., 339 n., 340 n., 359 n.

Browne, Hamilton, goes with Byron to Greece, 47, 48;
Byron's illness, 62;
arrives at Cephalonia, 67

Bruno, Dr., travels with Byron to Greece, 47, 48;
Byron's illness, 59, 62;
medical discussions with Dr. Stravolemo, 79;
his medical treatment of Byron, 124, 163, 166, 168, 169, 193 _et
seq._;
accompanies Byron's body to England, 202;
reply to Fletcher's statement, 403 _et seq._;
Dr. Millingen on, 405 _et seq._

Brydges, Sir Egerton, 291

Burdett, Sir Francis, 11, 208

Byron, George Gordon (sixth Lord):
arrival and habits of life at Pisa, 3, 11, 20-22;
personal appearance, 4-7;
evidence as to his lameness, 7, 8, 191;
portraits of, 9, 10;
inherits the Noel property on death of Lady Noel, 10, 11;
the society and influence of the Shelleys, 11 _et seq._;
discussion on the most perfect ode produced, 11, 12, 58;
religion, 13 _et seq._;
habit of vaunting his vices, 17, 18, 78;
abstinence, 18;
weight register, 19;
fracas at Pisa and Montenero, 21, 22;
his natural daughter Allegra, 22 _et seq._;
effect of Allegra's death on, 24;
dealings with Leigh Hunt, 26 _et seq._;
death of Shelley and Williams, 29, 30;
refuses Shelley's legacy of £2,000, 32;
leaves Pisa with Countess Guiccioli and goes to Albaro, 32;
sells his yacht _The Bolivar_, 33;
feelings on his own position, and desire for reconciliation with his
wife, 33 _et seq._;
admiration for Sir Walter Scott and Shelley, 35;
liaison with Countess Guiccioli, 37, 379, 380;
conduct after separation from his wife, 39 _et seq._;
Lady Blessington on, 40;
anomalies, 41;
opinion of his wife, 42;
admiration for his sister, 42;
affection for his child Ada, 43;
craving for celebrity, 45;
takes up the Greek cause, 46;
travels to Greece with money, arms, and retinue, 47;
arrives at Argostoli, 47, 65;
practical sympathy, 48, 67;
an interesting interview with, 48 _et seq._;
visits the _Fountain of Arethusa_, 51-53;
attacks of illness, 51, 52, 59, 62, 63;
excursion to the _School of Homer_, 54-57;
on the _Waverley Novels_, 57;
at Vathi, 58;
admiration for Southey, Gifford, and others, 59, 60;
reception at Santa Eufemia, 60;
on actors, 61;
journey over the Black Mountain to Argostoli, 63;
action with regard to dissensions in Greece, 64 _et seq._;
resides at Metaxata, 67;
advances £4,000 to the Greeks, 67 _et seq._;
appeal to the Greek nation, 69;
motives in coming to Greece, 70, 71, 94;
discussions with Dr. Kennedy on religion, 72 _et seq._;
favourite books, 79, 82, 100;
helps to rescue workmen, 80;
sails with money from Zante for Missolonghi to join and help the
Greek fleet, 81, 82;
adventurous voyage, 83-86;
reception at Missolonghi, 88;
releases Turkish prisoners, 89, 90, 132;
preparations against Lepanto, 91;
takes 500 Suliotes into his pay, 91;
and Major Parry, 92 _et seq._, 143;
Turks blockade Missolonghi, 96;
verses on his birthday, 96;
presentiment that he would never leave Greece, and his intentions, 97;
some reminiscences of, 98 _et seq._;
wonderful memory, 102;
a popular idol in Greece, 105;
relations with Mavrocordato, 106, 116;
and Colonel Stanhope, 107 _et seq._, 120, 121, 122;
Jeremy Bentham, 108;
dealings with the press, 112, 113;
views of the politics of Greece, 114;
effective mode of reproof, 117;
on the useless supplies sent by the London Committee, 119;
abandonment of the Lepanto project, 121;
illness and feelings as to death, 122-125;
dismisses the Suliotes, 125, 142;
anecdote of _Jerry Bentham's Cruise_, 126 _et seq._;
interest in the working classes, 130;
his politics, 131;
on America, 131;
the story of Hatajè, 133 _et seq._;
Turkish brig ashore, 139;
firmness and tact in difficulties, 140, 156 _et seq._;
desertion of the English artificers, 142, 143;
improvement in his health, 144;
favourite dogs, 145, 227;
daily life, 145, 147;
the unhealthy state of Missolonghi, 146;
bodyguard, 146;
indisposition of, 148;
peasants' respect for, 149;
no desire for self-aggrandizement in Greece, 151 _et seq._;
Greek loan raised in London, 156;
receives the freedom of Missolonghi, 157;
Cariascachi's treachery, 159 _et seq._;
detailed accounts of his last illness, and death, 163 _et seq._, 192
_et seq._, 403 _et seq._;
eulogies on, 174 _et seq._, 201, 205;
Trelawny's opinion of, 178 _et seq._;
effect of his death on Greece, 183 _et seq._, 201;
the funeral oration, 185;
body conveyed to Zante, and thence to England, 198 _et seq._;
arrival of the body in England, 202-204;
character sketch by Colonel Stanhope, 205 _et seq._;
funeral procession and burial at Hucknall-Torkard, 215, 216;
what the poems reveal, 219 _et seq._;
infatuation for Mary Chaworth, 220 _et seq._;
mystery of the _Thyrza_ poems, 221 _et seq._;
romantic attachment to Edleston, 222, 223, 230, 231;
anecdote of Mary Chaworth's gift, 224;
his mother's death, 227;
on death of his friends, 227, 228;
_Childe Harold_, 233, 236, 238, 287, 363;
and the Hon. Mrs. George Lamb, 235;
disbelief in existence after death, 239, 240;
in great dejection writes _The Giaour_, _The Bride of Abydos_, and
_The Corsair_, 240, 256 _et seq._, 277, 278, 281, 303;
and Lady Webster, 240, 241, 259;
persuaded to give up going abroad, 241, 242;
what he wishes the world to believe about Mary Chaworth, 244, 245;
their meetings after her separation from her husband, 246, 258 _et
seq._;
remorse and parting, 249;
suspense and fear preceding the birth of Medora, 253, 260;
reason of separation from his wife, 255;
reproaches Mary Chaworth, 256, 257;
device for a seal, 261, 267;
remarkable letter to Moore, 266;
birth of Medora, 268;
_Lara_, 268, 271, 273;
partly the cause of the scandal about Mrs. Leigh, 270;
effect of Miss Milbanke's first refusal, 271 _et seq._;
_Harmodia_, 274, 275;
_Don Juan_, 276, 304 _et seq._;
_Hebrew Melodies_, 277;
_Herod's Lament for Mariamne_, 278;
his significant communication to his lawyer, 279;
verses to Mary Chaworth, 280, 281;
fear of disgrace, 281;
important correspondence with Murray, 282, 283;
last meeting with Mary Chaworth, 283;
how the secret was kept, 285;
verses to his sister, 286, 287;
_The Dream_, 289, 290;
_Stanzas to Augusta_, 290, 364;
_Manfred_, 291 _et seq._, 328, 364;
his treatment of the scandal, 291, 317, 320;
_The Duel_, 293, 298;
_The Lament of Tasso_, 297;
_Stanzas to the Po_, 298 _et seq._, 370;
_Last Words on Greece_, 311;
on his separation from his wife, 315 _et seq._;
Mrs. Leigh's so-called confession, 319 _et seq._, 356 _et seq._, 368;
_Epistle to Augusta_, 324;
story of his married life, 329 _et seq._;
Sir Ralph Noel requires a separation, 339;
Lady Jersey's party, 352;
parts for the last time from his sister, 352, 366, 392;
consents to separation from his wife, 352;
Lady Byron's written statement of complaints, 353;
letter to Lady Byron as to his will, 355;
Moore's life of, 365 _et seq._;
writes to Moore about the scandal, 367;
letter supposed to be written to Mary Chaworth, 368 _et seq._;
letter compared with one to his sister, 372;
writes to Lady Byron as to the memoir of his life, 382;
asks Lady Byron to make provision for Mrs. Leigh's children, 385, 388;
Goethe on, 400, 401

_Byron, Lord: Letters and Journals of_, by Rowland Prothero, 70 n., 256
n., 260 n.;
_Life of_, by Tom Moore, 365;
_Reminiscences of_, by G. Finlay, 201;
_Sketch of_, by Colonel Stanhope, 201

Byron, Captain George (afterwards seventh Lord), 337, 338

Byron, Hon. Augusta. See Leigh, Hon. Mrs. Augusta

Byron, Hon. Augusta Ada (afterwards Lady King and Countess of Lovelace),
Byron's daughter:
separation from her father, 43, 44, 288;
Hobhouse's opinion of, 206, 207;
her health, 363

Byron, Lady (formerly Miss Milbanke):
property and settlements on marriage, 10;
married life, 36, 329 _et seq._;
her husband's desire for reconciliation, 36, 46, 206;
on Byron's religion, 77, 78;
the result of first refusal of Byron, 206, 272;
_If I am not happy, it will be my own fault_, 216;
on Byron's poetry, 219;
on his indiscreet confidences, 270;
her conduct after the birth of Medora, 285, 289, 321 _et seq._;
interview with Mrs. Leigh at Reigate, 324;
Mrs. Leigh's long visit to, 336;
birth of a daughter, and her husband's treatment, 337;
steps for a separation taken, 338, 341, 351, 352, 357, 358;
her treatment of the abstracted letters, 340, 357;
attempts to extract a confession from Mrs. Leigh, 322, 324, 341, 357,
361 _et seq._;
letters to Mrs. Leigh, 342, 343, 357;
Hodgson's appeal to, 346 _et seq._;
text of the signed statement of her conduct, 353 _et seq._;
Colonel Doyle's advice, 360;
her husband's letter to Mary Chaworth, 368 _et seq._;
and the prospects of Mrs. Leigh's children, 380, 385;
confides in Mrs. Villiers, 381;
letter from Byron, 382;
the weakness of her position, 383, 384;
Cockburn's opinion of, 387;
Lord Lovelace on, 389 _et seq._

Campbell, Dr., Presbyterian divine, 55

Campbell, Thomas, _Battle of the Baltic_, 60

Cariascachi, a Greek chieftain, his treachery, 159 _et seq._

Chaworth, Mary (afterwards Mrs. John Musters):
Byron's infatuation for, and references in his poems to, 220 _et seq._;
unhappy married life and separation, 243 _et seq._;
weakness and repentance, 245 _et seq._;
breakdown of health, and reconciliation with her husband, 251;
describes her own character, 252;
birth of Medora, 254, 268;
how the secret was kept by Mrs. Leigh, 255, 285, 287, 317, 321, 362
_et seq._;
letters to Byron, 267, 368 _et seq._;
last parting with Byron, 283

_Childe Harold_, what the poem reveals, 228, 229, 232 _et seq._, 287, 363

Clairmont, Claire:
her anxiety about her daughter Allegra, 22, 23;
her conduct to Byron, 24, 25

Clare, Lord, and Byron, 208

Clermont, Mrs., 337;
her abstraction of Byron's letters, 340 _et seq._, 378

Cockburn, Sir Alexander, Lord Chief Justice, and the Byron mystery, 358;
his opinion of Lady Byron, 387

Coleridge, Ernest Hartley, on identity of Byron's infatuation, 233, 240,
260

Colocotroni, one of the turbulent capitani, 153

_Congreve rockets_, 92, 93

_Corsair, The_, what the poem reveals, 240, 262 _et seq._, 277, 279

Dacre, Lord, 11

Davies, Scrope B., 98, 352;
Byron's letter to, 227

_Don Juan_, what the poem reveals, 219, 276, 304 _et seq._

Dowden, Professor, _Life of Shelley_: on Byron, 13;
the death of Allegra, 23

Doyle, Colonel Francis:
consulted by Lady Byron as to a separation, 338;
signs Lady Byron's statement of her conduct, 355;
advises Lady Byron to obtain a confession from Mrs. Leigh, 360, 361,
397

Dragomestri, Byron's visit to, 85

_Dream, The_, what the poem reveals, 289, 290

_Duel, The_, the poem's application to Mary Chaworth, 298

Edleston, a chorister at Cambridge:
Byron saves his life and forms a romantic attachment to, 222;
his death, 230, 231

Elphinstone, Miss Mercer, and Byron, 311

Fenton, Captain, 180

Finlay, George, _History of Greece_:
the siege of Missolonghi, 70;
Byron's mode of life at Missolonghi, 98 _et seq._, 148;
on Byron, 176;
_Reminiscences of Byron_, 201;
Byron's last illness, 405

Fletcher, Byron's valet:
Byron's last ride, 164;
ignorance of the doctors, 165, 166;
Byron's last illness and death, 170, 171, 252;
his statement, 192 _et seq._;
accompanies Byron's body to England, 202;
Dr. Bruno's reply to the statement, 403 _et seq._;
Dr. Millingen's account of Byron's last illness, 405 _et seq._

_Florida_, the brig, brings the loan to Greece, and conveys back Byron's
body, 199 _et seq._

Freiber, Dr., German physician, attends Byron, 169

Gamba, Count Pietro:
on Byron's religious opinions, 16, 17;
fracas at Pisa, 20;
goes to Albaro, 32;
travels with Byron to Greece, 47, 48;
on Byron's perseverance and discernment, 65;
on Byron's favourite reading, 79;
Byron's practical sympathy, 80;
accompanies Byron to Missolonghi, 83;
taken prisoner by the Turks, 84;
release and arrival at Missolonghi, 85;
the General Assembly at Missolonghi, 88;
Byron's interview with the two privateer sailors, 91;
becomes editor of the _Greek Telegraph_, 114;
Byron's illness, 121, 143, 148, 163 _et seq._;
arrest of English officers, 157;
Byron's funeral, 184;
conveys Byron's body to Zante, 198

Gamba, Count Ruggiero, Byron's neighbour at Pisa, 3;
leaves Pisa and goes to Montenero, 21;
ordered to leave Montenero, 22;
goes to Albaro, 32;
and Byron, 212

Gamba, Teresa. See Guiccioli, Countess

Gell, Sir William, his writings, 100, 101 n.

George IV. makes 'equivocation' the fashion, 17, 18;
and Sir Walter Scott, 53

_Giaour, The_, what the poem reveals, 240, 256, 257, 265

Gifford, William, Byron's opinion of, 51, 60

Greece:
Byron sails for, 47;
state of the country and army, 64, 87 _et seq._, 118, 180;
Byron advances £4,000, 67;
Byron's appeal to the nation, 69, 70;
preparations against Lepanto, 91;
honours offered to Byron, 151, 152;
Congress at Salona, 153;
Greek loan raised in London, 156;
effect of Byron's death on, 175 _et seq._

_Greece, History of_, by G. Finlay, 70;
by Mitford, 100

_Greek Chronicle_:
Byron's support, 108;
suppression of, 112, 113

_Greek Telegraph_, 103, 113

Guiccioli, Countess, daughter of Count Ruggiero Gamba:
Byron's neighbour at Pisa, 3, 4, 20;
describes Byron, 7 _et seq._;
on the characters of Shelley and Byron, 14, 15;
on Byron's conduct towards Allegra, 23;
on Byron's religion, 74, 78;
anecdote about Mary Chaworth's ring, 224;
_Lady of the Land_, 298, 301, 370;
and Mrs. Leigh, 379

Hancock, Charles, Byron's banker, 82

Hanson, John, Byron's solicitor, 241, 345, 346

_Harmodia_, 274, 275

Hatajè, Byron's kindness to, 133 _et seq._

Hay, Captain, fracas at Pisa, 20, 21

_Hebrew Melodies_, 277

_Hercules_, the, an English brig:
Byron and his suite sail to Greece in it, 47;
Byron lives on board, 64, 65

_Herod's Lament for Mariamne_, 278

Hesketh, Mr., 158, 159

Heywood, Sergeant, consulted by Lady Byron, 338

Hobhouse, John Cam (afterwards Lord Broughton):
and Byron, 35;
persuades Byron to burn his journal, 102;
destroys one of Byron's poems, 208;
Byron's funeral, 215, 216;
and Lady Byron, 216, 320;
life-long friend of Mrs. Leigh, 319.
See also Broughton, Lord

Hodgson, captain of the _Florida_, 203

Hodgson, Rev. Francis:
consulted by Mrs. Leigh, 344 _et seq._;
appeals to Lady Byron, 346 _et seq._

_Hodgson, Rev. F., Memoir of_, 73 n.

Holmes, Mr. James, his portrait of Byron, 9

_Hours of Idleness_, what the poem reveals, 220

Hucknall-Torkard, Byron's burial place, 44

Humphreys, Captain, on state of Greece, 180

Hunt, Sir Aubrey de Vere, 102

Hunt, Leigh:
the story of his literary and money relations with Byron, 26 _et seq._;
Byron's opinion of, 31

Ireland, Dr., Dean of Westminster, refuses burial of Byron in
Westminster Abbey, 203

Jersey, Countess of, her party in honour of Byron, 352

Kean, Edmund, actor, Byron's opinion of, 61

Kemble, John, actor, Byron's opinion of, 61

Kennedy, Dr., Scottish medical man:
tries to 'convert' Byron, 72 _et seq._;
and Hatajè, 136;
Lady Byron on, 77

King, Lady. See Byron, Hon. Augusta Ada

Kinnaird, the Hon. Douglas, Byron's opinion of, 208

Knox, Captain, 51

Knox, Mrs., 50, 54

Lamb, Hon. Mrs. George, and Byron, 235

Lamb, Lady Caroline, spreads the Byron scandal, 270, 317, 340, 390

Lambro, a Suliote chief, 156, 164

_Lara_, what the poem reveals, 268, 271, 273

Leigh, Hon. Mrs. Augusta, half-sister of Lord Byron:
influence over her brother, 42, 73, 245, 261;
and his poetry, 103;
wishes him to go abroad, 242;
first introduction to, and close intimacy with, Mary Chaworth, 250;
loyalty to her brother and Mary Chaworth, 255, 287, 317, 321;
letters from her brother about Mary Chaworth, 258, 267, 268;
simulated confinement and convalescence, 269;
her brother's conduct gives colour to the scandal, 270, 279, 285;
letters to Hodgson on the secret, 272, 344 _et seq._;
spends a month at Newstead with her brother, 279;
the difficulties of keeping the secret, 285, 317, 362 _et seq._;
lines in _Childe Harold_ referring to, 287;
the so-called confession, 289, 322, 324, 325, 341, 357, 361 _et seq._;
_Stanzas to Augusta_, 290, 364;
Lord Lovelace's opinion of her character, 294, 295;
the accusation dealt with in detail, 318 _et seq._;
Lord Stanhope and Frances, Lady Shelley on, 318;
the story of her life, 319;
Hobhouse's advice to, 320;
difficult position with Lady Byron, 321, 341, 362, 367;
her predicament owing to the adoption of Medora, 322;
_Epistle to Augusta_, 324;
letters to Hodgson on her brother's marriage, 332 _et seq._;
a long visit to her brother and Lady Byron, 336;
Lady Byron's feelings towards her, 336, 337, 342, 343, 360;
Lady Byron's confinement, 337;
Mrs. Clermont's treachery, 341;
Lady Jersey's party, 352;
parts for ever from her brother, 352;
Lady Byron's written statement, 353 _et seq._;
letters to Hodgson on her brother, 362;
her line of conduct to Lady Byron, 362 _et seq._;
Moore on Byron's feelings towards her, 366;
pretends that her brother's letter to Mary Chaworth was written to
herself, 368 _et seq._;
a genuine letter, 372;
reply to Lady Byron's advice, 375 _et seq._;
her children's prospects discussed with Lady Byron, 380, 385;
Lady Byron's request, 380;
Lord Lovelace on, 389 _et seq._

Lepanto, preparations against, 91

_Liberal, The_, its unsuccessful career, 31, 32

_Lion_, Byron's favourite dog, 145, 146

Londos, General Andrea, and Byron, 155

Lovelace, Earl of, _Astarte_:
Byron's _Thyrza_, 234 n.;
accusations against Mrs. Leigh, 249, 269 _et seq._, 287, 288, 318,
321, 322, 338, 341, 362, 366 _et seq._, 368 _et seq._, 385 _et
seq._, 390;
describes Mrs. Leigh's character, 294;
_Manfred_, the key of the mystery, 326 _et seq._, 364;
Byron's mutability, 339;
Lady Byron's written statement, 353 _et seq._;
important letters from Byron, 368 _et seq._, 385, 386;
and Lady Byron, 387

Lushington, Dr.:
advises Lady Byron, 338, 351, 352, 357, 358, 383, 387;
his opinion on Byron's letters abstracted by Mrs. Clermont, 341;
signs Lady Byron's statement, 353 _et seq._

_Magdalen_, a fragment, 269

Maitland, Sir Thomas, High Commissioner of the Ionian Islands, 52, 61;
character and death, 115, 116

_Manfred_, the supposed key to the mystery, 291 _et seq._, 328, 364

_Marino Faliero_, 100

Marshall, Mrs. Julian, _Life and Letters of Mary Wollstonecraft
Shelley_, 178, 180

Masi, Sergeant-Major, fracas at Pisa, 20, 21

Matthews, Charles Skinner, one of Byron's best friends, his death, 227

Mavrocordato, Prince, Governor-General of Western Greece:
and Byron, 66, 68, 70, 202;
brings the Greek fleet to Missolonghi, 81;
Byron's arrival at Missolonghi, 85;
Byron's interview with two privateer sailors, 91;
his jealousy, 105, 106;
infraction of neutrality in Ithaca, 115;
Byron's opinion of, 116;
opposition by Colonel Stanhope, 119, 153;
and Odysseus, 153 _et seq._;
Byron's last illness and death, 164 _et seq._;
effect of Byron's death on, 177, 202;
Trelawny's opinion of, 179, 180;
his efforts for Greece, 181;
issues a proclamation on Byron's death, 183, 184

Medora, birth of, 254, 268;
_Childe Harold_, 288;
adoption by Mrs. Leigh, 322

Medwin, Captain Thomas:
his description of Byron, 4, 6, 11;
on Byron's life at Pisa, 20;
_The Angler in Wales_, 33 n.

Melbourne, Lady, persuades Byron not to go abroad, 242

Metaxata, Byron's residence at, 65, 79

Meyer, Jean Jacques, editor of the _Greek Chronicle_, 112

Milbanke, Miss. See Byron, Lady

Milbanke, Sir Ralph, his property, 10

Millingen, Dr.:
on Byron's character, 95;
on Parry, 96;
Byron a favourite in Greece, 105, 177;
on the Greek press, 113;
Byron's illness, 124;
Byron's kind treatment of Hatajè, 133 _et seq._;
on Cariascachi's treachery, 161;
on Byron's unhappiness and anxieties, 162;
attends Byron in his last illness and death, 167 _et seq._, 190, 193
_et seq._, 403 _et seq._;
on Mavrocordato, 181

Missolonghi:
blockade of, 66, 96;
Turks retire from, 70;
Greek squadron at, 81;
description of, 87;
Byron's arrival and life at, 88, 99;
release of Turkish prisoners, 133;
Turkish brig-of-war runs ashore off, 139;
effect of Byron's death, 175, 183 _et seq._

Mitford, William, _History of Greece_, 100

_Monthly Literary Recreations_, 101 n.

_Monthly Review_, Byron's reviews in, 100, 101 n.

Moore, Thomas:
letters from Shelley and Byron, 13, 14, 266;
and Byron, 36;
on the _Thyrza_ poems, 229;
Byron's love for Mary Chaworth, 238, 246, 266, 279;
criticism on his _Life of Byron_, 365

Moore, Sir John, ode on the death of, 58

Muir, Dr., principal medical officer at Cephalonia, 82

Muir, General Skey, 82

Murray, John, Byron's publisher:
Byron's letters to, 30, 31;
_Childe Harold_, 50;
asks for Byron to be buried in Westminster Abbey, 203;
and Mrs. Leigh, 269;
Byron's copyrights, 281;
_Epistle to Augusta_, 324

Musters, John, husband of Mary Chaworth:
the ring incident and engagement, 224, 225;
separation from his wife, 245;
behaviour to his wife, 246;
reconciliation, 251;
cuts down the _peculiar diadem of trees_, 289

Napier, Colonel, British Resident Governor of Argostoli, 48, 80

Newstead Abbey: sale of, 99;
Byron's visits, 226, 227

Noel, Lady, Byron's mother-in-law:
Byron inherits the Noel property on her death, 10;
her bequest of Byron's portrait, 43 n.;
advice as to her daughter's separation from Byron, 338;
and Mrs. Leigh, 362

Noel, Sir Ralph, writes to Byron requiring a separation, 339

O'Doherty, Ensign, Byron's opinion of his poetry, 100

Odysseus, Greek insurgent leader:
his opposition to Mavrocordato, 153;
and Trelawny, 179, 180

Osborne, Lord Sidney, and Sir Thomas Maitland, 115;
goes to Missolonghi, 198;
eulogy of Byron's conduct in Greece, 201

Parry, Major:
his arrival at Missolonghi, 91, 92;
his peculiarities, 92 _et seq._;
practical joke on, 95;
on Byron's intentions in Greece, 97, 98;
on the relationship between Mavrocordato and Byron, 116;
on Byron's mode of reproof, 117;
account of Byron's illness, 121;
anecdote of _Jerry Bentham's Cruise_, 126;
Turkish brig-of-war ashore, 139;
artillery at Missolonghi, 144;
on Byron's mode of life, 145;
on Byron's power in Greece, 151, 152;
Byron's last illness and death, 164 _et seq._, 196;
his opinion of Byron, 175

Phillips, Thomas, his portrait of Byron, 9

Pigot, Elizabeth, Byron's letters to, 222, 223

Pisa: Shelley's description of, 3;
Byron's life at, 20

_Po, Stanzas to the_, what they reveal, 298 _et seq._, 370

Pope, Alexander, Homer, 51

Prothero, Rowland E.:
_Letters and Journals of Lord Byron_, 70 n., 125, 256 n., 260 n., 383

_Quarterly Review_, the, 50, 100

_Recollections of a Long Life._ See Broughton, Lord

Roberts, Captain, describes the wreck of _The Bolivar_, 33

Robertson, Rev. Frederick, Lady Byron's spiritual adviser, 324

Robinson, Crabb, 77

Romilly, Sir Samuel, consulted by Lady Byron, 338

Salona, Congress at, 152, 153

Sanders, Mr. George, painter, his portrait of Byron, 9

_Sardanapalus_, a tragedy, 101

Sass, Lieutenant, death of, 141

Schilitzy, a Greek, accompanies Byron to Greece, 47

Scott, Captain, commands the _Hercules_, in which Byron travels to
Greece, 47

Scott, Dr., surgeon, and Byron, 54, 58

Scott, Sir Walter:
Byron's opinion of, 35, 51, 55, 79;
his denial of the authorship of the _Waverley Novels_, 53

Segati, Marianna, Byron's liaison with, 371

Shakespeare, William, Byron's opinion of, 101

Shelley, Percy Bysshe:
describes Pisa, 3;
and Byron, 11 _et seq._;
fracas at Pisa, 20, 21;
and Allegra, 22;
leaves Pisa for Lerici, 26;
and Leigh Hunt, 26 _et seq._;
his death, 30;
Byron's opinion of, 30, 35;
his legacy to Byron, 32

_Shelley, Life and Letters of Mary Wollstonecraft_, by Mrs. Julian
Marshall, 178

Stanhope, Col. the Hon. Leicester:
arrives in Cephalonia to co-operate with Byron, 68;
on Byron's character, 78, 174;
begs Byron to come to Missolonghi, 81;
on Byron's conduct in Greece, 91, 107;
interviews and misunderstandings with Byron, 108 _et seq._;
his conduct in Greece, 119, 153;
accompanies Byron's body to England, 199, 202;
_Greece in 1823 and 1824_, and _Sketch of Byron_, 201;
character sketch of Byron, 205 _et seq._

Stanhope, Earl, historian, opinion of Mrs. Leigh, 318

Stephen, Sir Leslie, and Mrs. Leigh's letters, 357

Stowe. See Beecher Stowe

Stravolemo, Dr., physician, and Dr. Bruno, 79

Suliotes:
Byron takes 500 into his pay, 91;
false alarm, 123;
serious fracas, 140;
their dismissal, 142

Swift, William, bootmaker at Southwell, his evidence of Byron's
lameness, 8

Taaffe, Mr., fracas at Pisa, 20, 21

Thomas, Dr., invited to attend Byron in his last illness, 168, 193 _et
seq._

Thorwaldsen, his marble bust of Byron, 10

_Thyrza_ poems, what they reveal, 221, 232, 235

Tita, Giovanni Battista Falcieri, Byron's faithful servant, 97, 166, 169
_et seq._

Toole, Mr., receives Byron at Santa Eufemia, 60

Trelawny, Edward John:
arrives at Pisa, 4;
describes Byron and his peculiarities, 5, 17, 18;
on Leigh Hunt and Byron, 28;
effect of Shelley's death, 32;
lays up _The Bolivar_, 32;
travels with Byron to Greece, 47, 48;
and Byron's seizure, 62;
mistaken views of Byron's motives, 64, 65;
unhealthiness of Missolonghi, 87;
his opinion of Byron, 178 _et seq._;
and Mavrocordato, 179;
on Byron's deformity, 191, 192

Tricoupi, Spiridion, pronounces funeral oration over Byron, 185

Vaga, Dr. Lucca, Greek physician, attends Byron in his last illness,
169, 408

Vathi, Byron at, 58

Villiers, Hon. Mrs., and Mrs. Leigh, 357, 362, 367;
Lady Byron confides the secret to, 381, 394

Vivian, Charles, his death, 30

Volpiotti, Constantine, spy under Byron's roof, 162

Watson's _Philip II._, 102

Webster, Lady Frances Wedderburn, and Byron, 240, 241, 259

Wentworth, Lord, Byron inherits his property, 10

West, William Edward, American painter, his portrait of Byron, 9

Wildman, Colonel Thomas, 44

Wildman, Mrs., owner of Byron's boot-trees and the bootmaker's statement
as to Byron's deformity, 7, 8

Williams, Edward, and Leigh Hunt, 29;
on Byron's treatment of Mrs. Hunt, 29;
his death, 30

Wilmot, Robert John, signs Lady Byron's statement, 355, 357, 359

Wilson, John, 60

Wilson, General Sir Robert, known as 'Jaffa Wilson,' 110

Wordsworth, William, 60;
Byron reviews his poems, 101 n.

York, Duke of, and Sir Walter Scott, 53

Young, Charles, actor, Byron's opinion of, 61

Zante, Byron at, 83, 198

THE END

BILLING AND SONS, LTD., PRINTERS, GUILDFORD

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Medwin, in his book 'The Angler in Wales,' vol. ii., p. 211, says: 'The _right_ foot, as everyone knows, being twisted inwards, so as to amount to what is generally known as a club-foot.'

[2] Letter to Mr. Gisborne, January 12, 1822. Professor Dowden's 'Life of Shelley,' vol. ii., p. 447.

[3] 'Lord Byron.'

[4] 'Letters and Journals of Lord Byron,' edited by Rowland Prothero, vol. vi., appendix iii.

[5] 'Life of Shelley,' vol. ii., p. 494.

[6] Henry Dunn kept a British shop at Leghorn.

[7] For Byron's opinion of Shelley's poetry, see appendix to 'The Two Foscari': 'I highly admire the poetry of "Queen Mab" and Shelley's other publications.'

[8] 'The Angler in Wales,' by Thomas Medwin, vol. ii., pp. 144-146.

[9] Lady Noel left by her will to the trustees a portrait of Byron, with directions that it was not to be shown to his daughter Ada till she attained the age of twenty-one; but that if her mother were still living, it was not to be so delivered without Lady Byron's consent.

[10] It was at this time that Byron endeavoured to suppress the fact that he had written 'The Age of Bronze.'

[11] Dr. Bruno.

[12] Byron's sobriquet for Walter Scott.

[13] 'Letters and Journals of Lord Byron,' edited by Rowland Prothero, vol. vi., p. 259.

[14] 'Memoir of Rev. F. Hodgson,' vol. ii., p. 150.

[15] 'Diary,' vol. iii., pp. 435, 436.

[16] Parry, p. 170.

[17] Byron wrote a review of Wordsworth's 'Poems' in _Monthly Literary Recreations_ for July, 1807, and a review of Gell's 'Geography of Ithaca' in the _Monthly Review_ for August, 1811.

[18] General Sir Robert Wilson (1777-1849), commonly known as 'Jaffa Wilson,' entered Parliament in 1818. Having held Napoleon up to horror and execration for his cruelty at Jaffa, Wilson subsequently became one of his strongest eulogists. Being by nature a demagogue, he posed as a champion in the cause of freedom and civil government; he accused England of injustice and tyranny towards other nations, and prophesied her speedy fall. He warmly espoused the cause of Queen Caroline, and was present at the riot in Hyde Park on the occasion of her funeral, when there was a collision between the Horse Guards and the mob. For his conduct on that occasion, despite a long record of gallant service in the field, Wilson was dismissed the Army in 1821, but was reinstated on the accession of William IV. He appears to have been both foolish and vain, and fond of creating effect. He was constantly brooding over services which he conceived to have been overlooked, and merits which he fancied were neglected. He attached himself to the ultra-radicals, and puffed himself into notoriety by swimming against the stream. A writer in the _Quarterly Review_ (Vol. xix., July, 1818) says: 'The obliquity of his (Wilson's) perceptions make his talents worse than useless as a politician, and form, even in his own profession, a serious drawback to energy however great, and to bravery however distinguished.'

[19] High Commissioner of the Ionian Islands.

[20] Acting as Secretary to High Commissioner.

[21] Vol. vi., p. 326.

[22] One of the turbulent capitani who was playing for his own hand. He was at one time a member of the Executive Body, and was afterwards proclaimed by the Legislative Assembly as an enemy of the State.

[23] A leader of Greek insurgents--Byron calls him Ulysses--who broke away from Government control to form an independent party in opposition to Mavrocordato, with whose views Byron sympathized. Trelawny and Colonel Stanhope believed in Odysseus, who after having acquired great influence in Eastern Greece was proclaimed by the Government, imprisoned, and murdered while in captivity.

[24] 'Life and Letters of Mary Wollstonecraft Shelley,' edited by Mrs. Julian Marshall.

[25] For further evidence on this point, see 'Letters of Lord Byron,' edited by Rowland Prothero, vol. i., pp. 9-11.

[26] It is difficult to reconcile this with Millingen's statement.

[27] _Edinburgh Review_, April, 1871, pp. 294-298.

[28] He succeeded Sir Thomas Maitland as High Commissioner of the Ionian Islands.

[29] This must be taken _cum grano salis_.

[30] They appear to have met accidentally in Trinity Walks a few days earlier. Edleston did not at first recognize Byron, who had grown so thin.

[31] Edleston, who some time previously had given Byron a 'Cornelian' as a parting gift on leaving Cambridge for the vacation.

[32] Edleston had died five months before Byron heard the sad news.

[33] 'I think it proper to state to you that this stanza alludes to an event which has taken place since my arrival here, and not to the death of any _male_ friend.'--Lord Byron to Mr. Dallas.

[34] That this Thyrza was no passing fancy is proved by Lord Lovelace's statement in 'Astarte' (p. 138): 'He had occasionally spoken of Thyrza to Lady Byron, at Seaham and afterwards in London, _always with strong but contained emotion_. He once showed his wife a beautiful tress of Thyrza's hair, _but never mentioned her real name_.'

[35] Captain (afterwards Commodore) Walter Bathurst was mortally wounded at the Battle of Navarino, on October 20, 1827.--'Battles of the British Navy,' Joseph Allen, vol. ii., p. 518.

[36] The last line was in the first draft.

[37] Medwin (edition of 1824), p. 63.

[38] 'A power of fascination rarely, if ever, possessed by any man of his age' ('Recollections of a Long Life,' by Lord Broughton, vol. ii., p. 196).

[39] 'Letters and Journals of Byron,' vol. iii., p. 406, edited by Rowland E. Prothero.

[40] Moore had rented a cottage in Nottinghamshire, not very remote from Newstead Abbey.

[41] See 'Letters and Journals of Lord Byron,' edited by Rowland Prothero, vol. ii., pp. 267, 269, 278, 292.

[42] 'Had I not written "The Bride" (in four nights), I must have gone mad by eating my own heart--bitter diet.'--'Journals and Letters,' vol. ii., p. 321.

[43]

'Hail be you, Mary, mother and May,
Mild, and meek, and merciable!'
_An Ancient Hymn to the Virgin._

[44] Mary was 'the last of a time-honoured race.' The line of the Chaworths ended with her.

[45] It will be remembered that Byron had announced 'The Corsair' as 'the last production with which he should trespass on public patience for some years.' With the loss of Mary's love his inspiration was gone.

[46]

'With hackbut bent, my secret stand,
Dark as the purposed deed, I chose,
And mark'd where, mingling in his band,
Trooped Scottish pikes and English bows.'
SIR WALTER SCOTT: _Cadyow Castle_.

[47] Mary's allusion to the seal is explained by an entry in Byron's journal, November 14, 1813. The seal is treasured as a memento of Byron by the Musters family.

[48] No one, we presume, will question the identity of the person mentioned in 'The Dream':

'Upon a tone,
A touch of hers, his blood would ebb and flow,
And his cheek change tempestuously--his heart
Unknowing of its cause of agony.'

[49] 'Astarte,' p. 134.

[50] Lady Caroline Lamb also asserted that Byron showed her some letters which contained some such expression as this: "Oh! B----, if we loved one another as we did in childhood--_then_ it was innocent." The reader may judge whether such a remark would be more natural from Augusta, or from Mary Chaworth.

[51] October 14, 1814.

[52] See the poem 'Remember Him': 'Thy soul from long seclusion pure.'

[53]

'OPHELIA. O heavenly powers, restore him!'
_Hamlet_, Act III., Scene i.

[54]

'The song, celestial from thy voice,
But sweet to me from none but thine.'
_Poetry of Byron_, vol. iv.: 'To Thyrza.'

[55]

'Siede la terra, dove nata fui,
Su la marina dove il Po discende.'
_Inferno_, Canto V., 97, 98.

[56] Although not near the source of the Po itself, Byron, at Ferrara, was not very far from the point where the Po di Primaro breaks away from the Po, and, becoming an independent river, flows into the dark blue Adriatic, about midway between Comachio and Ravenna.

[57] Shortly afterwards he translated 'The Episode of Francesca,' line for line, into English verse.

[58] 'Beppo,' stanza 83.

[59] 'Astarte,' p. 166.

[60] Lady Byron and Rev. F. Robertson drew up a memorandum of this conversation, April 8, 1851.

[61] 'Astarte,' p. 137.

[62] 'Recollections of a Long Life,' by Lord Broughton, vol. ii., p. 297.

[63] _Ibid._, vol. ii., pp. 219, 239.

[64] 'Lady Byron said that she founded her determination [to part from her husband] on some communication from London.'--'Recollections of a Long Life,' vol. ii., p. 255.

[65] 'There is reason to believe that Lord Chief Justice Cockburn privately saw letters [in 1869] of 1813 and 1814 which proved the fact of incest, and the overwhelming effect of the evidence therein contained.'--'Astarte,' p. 54.

[66] 'Astarte,' p. 77.

[67] Hanson.

[68] Leigh.

[69] 'Recollections of a Long Life,' vol. ii., p. 303.

[70] A fortnight before writing 'Stanzas to the Po.'

[71] 'Short name of three or four letters obliterated.'--'Astarte,' p. 180.

[72] Short name of three or four letters obliterated.

[73] Marianna (Anglice: Mary Anne).

[74] Lady Byron (see 'Astarte,' p. 166).

[75] His sister's society.

[76] In case Byron altered his will.

[77] Vol. v., p. 1.

[78] Tinct. chinæ corticis; tinct. cinchonæ.