Chapter XVII (2)

The climate of this district is at least as favourable to the agriculturist as that of Kingston, Upper Canada, and is quite salubrious. Special science thus describes it:--

Professor Hind, who spent two summers in the country in charge
of an expedition sent out by the Canadian Government, writes:
“The basin of Lake Winnipeg extends over twenty-eight degrees
of longitude, and ten degrees of latitude. The elevation of its
eastern boundary, at the Prairie Portage, 104 miles west of Lake
Superior, is 1480 feet above the sea, and the height of land
at the Vermillion Pass is less than 5000 feet above the same
level. The mean length of this great inland basin is about 920
English miles, and its mean breadth 380 miles; hence its area is
approximately 360,000 square miles, or a little more than that of
Canada.

“Lake Winnipeg, at an altitude of 628 feet above the sea,
occupies the lowest depression of this great inland basin,
covering with its associated lakes, Manitobah, Winnipegosis,
Dauphin, and St. Martin, an area slightly exceeding 13,000 square
miles, or nearly half as much of the earth’s surface as is
occupied by Ireland.

“The outlet of Lake Winnipeg is through the contracted and rocky
channel of Nelson River, which flows into Hudson’s Bay.

“The country, possessing a mean elevation of 100 feet above Lake
Winnipeg, is very closely represented by the outline of Pembina
Mountain, forming part of the eastern limit of the cretaceous
series in the north-west of America.

“The area occupied by this low country, which includes a large
part of the valley of Red River, the Assiniboine, and the main
Saskatchewan, may be estimated at 70,000 square miles, of which
nine-tenths are lakes, marsh, or surface rock of Silurian or
Devonian age, and, generally so thinly covered with soil as to be
unfit for cultivation, except in small isolated areas.

“Succeeding this low region there are the narrow terraces of
the Pembina Mountain, which rise in abrupt steps, except in the
valleys of the Assiniboine, Valley River, Swan River, and Red
Deer’s River, to the level of a higher plateau, whose eastern
limit is formed by the precipitous escarpments of the Riding,
Duck, and Porcupine Mountains, with the detached outliers,
Turtle, Thunder, and Pasquia Mountains. This is the great
_prairie plateau_ of Rupert’s Land; it is bounded towards the
south-west and west by the Grand Coteau de Missouri, and the
extension of the tableland between the two branches of the
Saskatchewan, which forms the eastern limit of the _plains_ of
the north-west. The area of the prairie plateau, in the basin of
Lake Winnipeg, is about 120,000 square miles; it possesses a mean
elevation of 1100 feet above the sea.

“The plains rise gently as the Rocky Mountains are approached,
and at their western limit have an altitude of 4000 feet above
the sea level. With only a very narrow belt of intervening
country, the mountains rise abruptly from the plains, and present
lofty precipices that frown like battlements over the level
country to the eastward. The average altitude of the highest part
of the Rocky Mountains is 12,000 feet (about lat. 51 deg). The
forest extends to the altitude of 7000 feet, or 2000 feet above
the lowest pass.

“The _fertile belt_ of arable soil, partly in the form of
rich, open prairie, partly covered with groves of aspen, which
stretches from the Lake of the Woods to the foot of the Rocky
Mountains, averages 80 to 100 miles in breadth.”

Dr. James Hector, and all the explorers, agree in their descriptions of this region. It is difficult to reach; but is it so difficult to reach as the shores of America itself were, 300, or 200, or 100 years ago? We cannot conceive what a century has done in America, or at home. How little, then, can we conjecture what the next fifty years will effect in these distant lands! The map, which now is crowded with the names of cities where red men roamed _in terra incognita_ so recently as the beginning of this century, should reprove any incredulity. The nations are like water. When a country is filled above its capacity, its surplus overflows. As soon as all the eligible districts of Canada are occupied, the streams of settlers will pour westwards; tracks and roads will be made; and, if the land be good, it will soon be filled with people. As to the great regions which lie to the west, and open on the Pacific, it can only be said that they are to us what California was to the United States on the first discovery of gold; and that after fifty years they may be less than California is now, if steps be not taken to bind them up with British interests, and to oppose the Americanisation with which they are threatened. Without reference to the Far West, or the Far North-West,--without regard to the Red River and Assiniboia or to British Columbia, there is before us the great fact, that out of the Canadas, and the British North American Provinces and dependencies, can be created a powerful Confederation attached to this country, and capable of the grandest development in spite of climatic influences. We have already given a slight sketch of the extent and capability of these provinces, and hinted at the difficulties that may arise in the working of the Confederation. Canada is now more than threatened with the loss of the advantages which were supposed to depend on the Reciprocity Treaty, and Great Britain is formally warned that she must prepare to meet Federal encroachments on the Lakes. Mr. Galt, in a very elaborate speech, exhaustive of the topics connected with the financial aspect of the future Confederation, lately laid before his hearers a series of calculations which deserve close attention, and which are, we believe, entitled to full confidence. The United States at the end of the year 1865 will either have effected the subjugation of the South by the destruction of all her armies in the field, or she will see an increase to her debt of at least forty millions sterling, or she will have arranged a compromise with the South of which one feature will be the assumption of the Southern debt. In the first case, the North must prepare for a long and costly military occupation. In no case as yet have the trade and commerce of any Southern port or city subjugated and held by Union troops, paid the Federal Government for the cost of holding it. In the second case, increase of taxation must fall with such a crushing weight on the poorer classes, especially in the agricultural States, as to force many of the people to take refuge in Canada, unless deterred by unforeseen obstacles. In the third case, the immediate result will be to throw on the Northern States for some considerable period, a greater amount of debt, and of consequent derangement, than they would have been subjected to by either of the preceding conditions. There can be no just comparison between the United States and the projected Confederation, except in the ratio of taxation _per capita_. And, if we take income, expenditure, and possible debt at the end of 1865, and contrast the financial position of the British Confederate with that of the American Federalist, we will find that the advantage is decidedly on the side of the latter.

According to the Hon. A. T. Galt, the following is a fair statement of the revenue and expenditure of the provinces, of the debts and liabilities, of the trade exports and imports, and of all the assets and demands by which the future Confederation would be influenced, excluding of course the cost of such undertakings as great intercolonial roads or enlargements of canals. Mr. Galt may not be a favourite with some theorists of the Colonial Office; he certainly is not popular at Washington, and he is not more honoured at home than most prophets, but he is an able, clear-headed, trustworthy man:--

THE FINANCIAL POSITION OF THE PROVINCES.

Debt, 1863. Income, 1863. Outlay, 1863.
Nova Scotia $4,858,547 $1,185,629 $1,072,274
New Brunswick 5,702,991 899,991 884,613
Newfoundland (1862) 946,000 480,000 479,420
Prince Edward Island 240,673 197,384 171,718
----------- ----------- -----------
Maritime Provinces $11,748,211 $2,763,004 $2,608,025
Canada 67,263,994 9,760,316 10,742,807
----------- ----------- -----------
Totals $79,012,205 $12,523,320 $13,350,832

INCREASED REVENUES IN 1864.

Canada, without the produce of the new taxes $1,500,000
New Brunswick 100,000
Nova Scotia 100,000
-----------
$1,700,000
Deficit of 1863 $827,512
Surplus of 1864 872,488
-----------
$1,700,000

Total Revenues of all the Colonies, 1864 $14,223,320
Outlay 13,350,832
-----------
Estimated Surplus $872,488

THE POSITION OF THE CONFEDERATION, ESTIMATED ON THE BASIS OF 1864.

Revenue now Local Revenues Subsidy to Difference,
produced for which would be paid to available for
General not go into the each the purposes
Government. general Chest. Province. of the Genl.
Canada $11,250,000 $1,297,043 $2,006,121 Government.
Nova Scotia 1,300,000 107,000 264,000
New Brunswick 1,000,000 89,000 264,000
Prince Edward
Island 200,000 32,000 153,728
Newfoundland 480,000 5,000 369,000
----------- ---------- ----------
$14,230,000 $1,530,043 $3,056,849 $9,643,108

Difference
Expenditure. Local Outlay. payable by
the Genl.
Canada $9,800,000 $2,260,149 Government.
Nova Scotia 1,222,555 667,000
New Brunswick 834,518 424,047
Prince Edward Island 171,718 124,016
Newfoundland 479,000 479,000
----------- ----------
$12,507,591 $3,954,212 $8,553,379
----------
Surplus at the disposal of the General Government $1,089,729

AVERAGE OF THE PRESENT TARIFFS.

Canada 20 per cent. Newfoundland 11 per cent
Nova Scotia 10 ” Prince Edward Island 10 ”
New Brunswick 15½ ”

FUTURE POSITION OF THE PROVINCES.

Estimated Outlay Estimated Local
for 1864 under Outlay under
Local Revenues. present Government. the Union.
Nova Scotia $107,000 $667,000 $371,000
New Brunswick 89,000 404,047 353,000
Prince Edward
Island 32,000 171,718 124,015
Newfoundland 5,000 479,000 250,000
--------- --------- ----------
$233,000 $1,721,765 $1,098,015
Canada 1,297,043 { [1] 2,021,979 [3]
{ [2] 238,170
---------- ---------- ----------
$1,530,043 $3,981,914 [3]

[1] Average of the last four years.

[2] Interest on excess of debt.

[3] Not estimated by Mr. Galt, for reasons given in the speech.

THE AUDITOR’S STATEMENT OF THE LIABILITIES OF CANADA

Debenture Debt, direct and indirect $65,238,649 21
Miscellaneous liabilities 64,426 14
Common School Fund 1,181,958 85
Indian Fund 1,577,802 46
Banking Accounts 3,396,982 81
Seigniorial Tenure:--
Capital to Seigniors $2,889,711 09
Chargeable on Municipalities’ Fund 196,719 66
On account of Jesuits’ Estates 140,271 87
Indemnity to the Townships 891,500 00
--------- 4,118,202 62
----------------
$75,578,022 09
Less--Sinking Funds $4,883,177 11
Cash and Bank Accounts 2,248,891 87
--------------- 7,132,068 98
----------------
$68,445,953 11
From which, for reasons given in his speech,
Mr. Galt deducted the Common School Fund 1,181,958 85
----------------
Leaving as Net Liabilities $67,263,994 26

IMPORTS, EXPORTS, AND TONNAGE OF THE PROVINCES.

Sea-going Tonnage.
Imports. Exports. Inward and Outward.
Canada $45,964,000 $41,831,000 2,133,000
Nova Scotia 10,201,391 8,420,968 1,432,954
New Brunswick 7,764,824 8,964,784 1,386,980
Prince Edward Island 1,428,028 1,627,540 No returns.
Newfoundland 5,242,720 6,002,312 ” ”
----------- ----------- -----------
$70,600,963 $66,846,604 4,952,934
66,846,604 Lake Tonnage 6,907,000
------------ -----------
Total Trade $137,447,567 Total Tons 11,859,934

A people of more than four millions will owe something over £13,000,000, as compared with a people of thirty millions owing £900,000,000 sterling; and with a trade of £27,000,000 a-year there is no compensating power in any commercial superiority the United States may possess to establish an equation. If the expenses of the local and of the Federal Governments be properly kept in hand, the condition of the British Confederation, in a pecuniary point of view at all events, must be infinitely better than that of the Federal Union either by itself or with the Southern States.

The Confederation which has just been proposed by delegates at Quebec, and which will come before Parliament soon after this volume escapes from the printers, vests the Executive in the Sovereign of Great Britain; a superfluous investiture, unless the delegates meant rebellion; and it provides for its administration according to the British constitution, by the Sovereign or authorised representative. It does not appear very plain how the Sovereign of a mixed monarchy with a limited franchise for the people can administer his quasi-republican and unaristocratic viceroyalty according to the principles of the British constitution; particularly, as the Sovereign or his representative is to be the Commander-in-Chief of the land and naval forces of the Confederation, which are thus expressly removed from the control of the War-Office at home. Difficulties of a merely technical character will no doubt be overcome. But the King of Great Britain and Ireland, in whom the Executive is vested, will have to deal with a Transatlantic House of Commons founded on abstract returns of population, and elected by the provinces according to their local laws; so that some members will represent universal suffrage, and others limited constituencies, which is very different indeed from the House of Commons of Great Britain and Ireland.

In the Upper House a Wensleydale peerage is reproduced. It is to consist of seventy-six members nominated by the Sovereign for life, of whom twenty-four are assigned to Upper Canada, and twenty-four to Lower Canada, ten for Nova Scotia, ten for New Brunswick, four for Newfoundland, and four for Prince Edward Island. The Lower House, far less aristocratic in its relations to Lower and Upper Canada, has eighty-two members from the latter, and sixty-five from the former, nineteen from Nova Scotia, fifteen for New Brunswick, eight for Newfoundland, and five for Prince Edward Island. “Saving the Sovereignty of England,” the powers of the Federal Parliament, as enumerated under thirty-seven different heads, are very large, and on such heads as currency and coinage seem to trench on dangerous ground, and in the last head of all are dangerously vague. The appointment of the Lieutenant-Governor by the Federal Government itself is obviously open to exception, because it is anomalous; but as all the principles as well as the details of the measure will receive the most careful consideration, it is not necessary to treat the proposal as an accomplished fact, although it certainly is most desirable to treat every article with respectful attention, and to give every weight to the expressed opinion of the delegates. Among the objects specially indicated for the future action of the Confederate or Federal Government are the completion of the Intercolonial Railway from Rivière du Loup to Truro, in Nova Scotia, through the Province of New Brunswick, and the completion of communication with the North-Western territories, so as to open the trade to the Atlantic seacoast; both to be effected as soon as the Federal finances permit. Here there is the most tangible proposal for the opening up of the great regions to which I have called attention; and the Valley of the Saskatchewan is promised the facility which is alone wanting to make it the seat of a flourishing colony. When the Red River Settlement is once connected with Lake Superior, the way to the sea is open, but the advantages of access to the world will be increased enormously as soon as the railway is pushed on to the shores of Lake Huron from Nova Scotia.

So eager is one to grasp at the benefits which some such Confederation promises to confer, that the perils to the prerogative of the Crown, and to the body so formed, are apt to lie hid from view. But they must be well guarded against; and I for one am persuaded that it would be far better for us to see the Provinces of British America independent than to behold them incorporated with the Northern Republic. The greatest of all these internal perils is in the maintenance of the Local Parliaments, which may come into collision with the Federal Government on local questions impossible to foresee, or define, or adjust; but as the delegates considered the plan of a complete Legislative Union quite incompatible with the reserved rights of a portion of the Confederation, the only way left to escape the mischiefs which threaten the future life of the new body is to bind those Local Parliaments within the most narrow limits, consistent with local utility and existence.

It is not for the sake of our future connection, but for their own integrity and happiness that such a course is recommended. They have “an awful example” at their doors. The torrents of blood which have deluged the soil of the North American Republics all welled out of the little chink in the corner-stone of the Constitution, on one side of which lay States’ Rights, and on the other Federal Authority. Without some justification in law and in argument, such men as Calhoun, and Stephens, and Davis, would never have reasoned, and planned, and fought, and worked a whole people up to make war against the Union. Sad as the spectacle is of a community of freemen waging war against the principles of self-government, it must be admitted that their instinct may be sounder than their reasoning, and that they are engaged in a struggle for self-preservation, in which they have swelled their proportions into that of a gigantic despotism, but have after all attained a giant’s port and strength. It is impossible to say whether the corruption which Montesquieu has declared to be the destruction of a democracy, has yet seized upon the tremendous impersonation of brute force, of unconquerable will, of passion, of lust of empire, which now rules in the Capitol, and occupies the throne whereon feebly sat heretofore the mild impuissance of the old Federal Executive; but if the pictures which have been presented to us be true, there is a prophetic meaning in the words of the philosophic Frenchman:--“Les politiques grecs, qui vivaient dans le gouvernement populaire, ne reconnaissaient d’autre force qui pût le soutenir que celle de la vertu. Ceux d’aujourd’hui ne nous parlent que des manufactures, de commerce, de finances, de richesse, et de luxe même.” The giant’s feet may be of clay, and his body may be of that artificial stiffening which gives to worthless stuffs a temporary substantiality, but behind the giant stand the great American people, with hands dyed in their brothers’ gore, and who, having sacrificed friendship, traditions, constitution, and liberty at home, will think but little of adding to the pyre of their angry passions the peace and happiness of others.

THE END.

BRADBURY AND EVANS, PRINTERS, WHITEFRIARS.

London; Bradbury & Evans, 11 Bouverie Street.]

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE

Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been
corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within
the text and consultation of external sources.

Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text,
and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained.

Several instances of ‘Plattsburg’ changed to ‘Plattsburgh’.
Pg x: ‘Montmorency’ changed to ‘Montmorenci’.
Pg xii: ‘Rouse’s Points’ changed to ‘Rouse’s Point’.
Pg 6: ‘of illw-ill’ replaced by ‘of ill-will’.
Pg 7: ‘and his clientelle’ replaced by ‘and his clientele’.
Pg 19: ‘on toe Sleepy’ replaced by ‘on to Sleepy’.
Pg 28: ‘Shenectady!’ replaced by ‘Schenectady!‘.
Pg 56: ‘a bran new’ replaced by ‘a brand new’.
Pg 79: ‘then we clomb’ replaced by ‘then we climb’.
Pg 87: ‘on a clean day’ replaced by ‘on a clear day’.
Pg 100: ‘the sheen sides’ replaced by ‘the sheer sides’.
Pg 101: ‘fresh refts made’ replaced by ‘fresh rifts made’.
Pg 141: ‘melons, tomatos’ replaced by ‘melons, tomatoes’.
Pg 178: ‘Van Rensellaer’ replaced by ‘Van Rensselaer’.
Pg 225: ‘a per centage’ replaced by ‘a percentage’.
Pg 254: ‘betwen stumps’ replaced by ‘between stumps’.
Pg 276: ‘and Winnepeg,’ replaced by ‘and Winnipeg,’.
Pg 277: ‘3,478,380 miles’ replaced by ‘3,478,380 square miles’.
Pg 287: ‘of the Restegouche’ replaced by ‘of the Restigouche’.