Chapter IX: Part 9

String tied round right upper arm with metal talisman box attached
to it, to drive away devils. String round ankle for the same
purpose.

Quarter-anna rolled up in cotton cloth, and worn on upper arm in
performance of a vow.

A man, who had dislocated his shoulder when a lad, had been
tattooed with a figure of Hanuman (the monkey god) over the
deltoid muscle to remove the pain.

Necklet of coral and ivory beads worn as a vow to the Goddess
Huligamma, whose shrine is in Hyderabad.

Necklets of ivory beads and a gold disc with the Vishnupad (feet
of Vishnu) engraved on it. Purchased from a religious mendicant
to bring good luck.

Myasa Bedar women are said [118] to be debarred from wearing toe-rings. Both Uru and Myasa women are tattooed on the face, and on the upper extremities with elaborate designs of cars, scorpions, centipedes, Sita's jade (plaited hair), Hanuman, parrots, etc. Men are branded by the priest of a Hanuman shrine on the shoulders with the emblem of the chank shell (Turbinella rapa) and chakram (wheel of the law) in the belief that it enables them to go to Swarga (heaven). When a Myasa man is branded, he has to purchase a cylindrical basket called gopala made by a special Medara woman, a bamboo stick, fan, and winnow. Female Bedars who are branded become Basavis (dedicated prostitutes), and are dedicated to a male deity, and called Gandu Basavioru (male Basavis). They are thus dedicated when there happens to be no male child in a family; or, if a girl falls ill, a vow is made to the effect that, if she recovers, she shall become a Basavi. If a son is born to such a woman, he is affiliated with her father's family. Some Bedar women, whose house deities are goddesses instead of gods, are not branded, but a string with white bone beads strung on it, and a gold disc with two feet (Vishnupad) impressed on it, is tied round their neck by a Kuruba woman called Pattantha Ellamma (priestess to Uligamma). Bedar girls, whose house deities are females, when they are dedicated as Basavis, have in like manner a necklace, but with black beads, tied round the neck, and are called Hennu Basavis (female Basavis). For the ceremony of dedication to a female deity, the presence of the Madiga goddess Matangi is necessary. The Madigas bring a bent iron rod with a cup at one end, and twigs of Vitex Negundo to represent the goddess, to whom goats are sacrificed. The iron rod is set up in front of the doorway, a wick and oil are placed in the cup, and the impromptu lamp is lighted. Various cooked articles of food are offered, and partaken of by the assembled Bedars. Bedar women sometimes live in concubinage with Muhammadans. And some Bedars, at the time of the Mohurram festival, wear a thread across the chest like Muhammadans, and may not enter their houses till they have washed themselves.

According to the Mysore Census Report, 1901, the chief deity of the Bedars is "Tirupati Venkataramanaswami worshipped locally under the name of Tirumaladevaru, but offerings and sacrifices are also made to Mariamma. Their guru is known as Tirumalatatacharya, who is also a head of the Srivaishnava Brahmans. The Uru Boyas employ Brahmans and Jangams as priests." In addition to the deities mentioned, the Bedars worship a variety of minor gods, such as Kanimiraya, Kanakarayan, Uligamma, Palaya, Poleramma, and others, to whom offerings of fruits and vegetables, and sacrifices of sheep and goats are made. The Dewan of Sandur informs me that, in recent times, some Myasa Bedars have changed their faith, and are now Saivas, showing special reverence to Mahadeva. They were apparently converted by Jangams, but not to the fullest extent. The guru is the head of the Ujjani Lingayat matt (religious institution) in the Kudligi taluk of Bellary. They do not wear the lingam. In the Madras Census Report, 1901, the patron deity of the Boyas is said to be Kanya Devudu.

Concerning the religion of the Boyas, Mr. Mainwaring writes as follows. "They worship both Siva and Vishnu, and also different gods in different localities. In the North Arcot district, they worship Tirupatiswami. In Kurnool, it is Kanya Devudu. In Cuddapah and Anantapur, it is Chendrugadu, and many, in Anantapur, worship Akkamma, who is believed to be the spirit of the seven virgins. At Uravakonda, in the Anantapur district, on the summit of an enormous rock, is a temple dedicated to Akkamma, in which the seven virgins are represented by seven small golden pots or vessels. Cocoanuts, rice, and dal (Cajanus indicus) form the offerings of the Boyas. The women, on the occasion of the Nagalasauthi or snake festival, worship the Nagala swami by fasting, and pouring milk into the holes of 'white-ant' hills. By this, a double object is fulfilled. The 'ant' heap is a favourite dwelling of the naga or cobra, and it was the burial-place of Valmiki, so homage is paid to the two at the same time. Once a year, a festival is celebrated in honour of the deceased ancestors. This generally takes place about the end of November. The Boyas make no use of Brahmans for religious purposes. They are only consulted as regards the auspicious hour at which to tie the tali at a wedding. Though the Boya finds little use for the Brahman, there are times when the latter needs the services of the Boya. The Boya cannot be dispensed with, if a Brahman wishes to perform Vontigadu, a ceremony by which he hopes to induce favourable auspices under which to celebrate a marriage. The story has it that Vontigadu was a destitute Boya, who died from starvation. It is possible that Brahmans and Sudras hope in some way to ameliorate the sufferings of the race to which Vontigadu belonged, by feeding sumptuously his modern representative on the occasion of performing the Vontigadu ceremony. On the morning of the day on which the ceremony, for which favourable auspices are required, is performed, a Boya is invited to the house. He is given a present of gingelly (Sesamum) oil, wherewith to anoint himself. This done, he returns, carrying in his hand a dagger, on the point of which a lime has been stuck. He is directed to the cowshed, and there given a good meal. After finishing the meal, he steals from the shed, and dashes out of the house, uttering a piercing yell, and waving his dagger. He on no account looks behind him. The inmates of the house follow for some distance, throwing water wherever he has trodden. By this means, all possible evil omens for the coming ceremony are done away with."

I gather [119] that some Boyas in the Bellary district "enjoy inam (rent free) lands for propitiating the village goddesses by a certain rite called bhuta bali. This takes place on the last day of the feast of the village goddess, and is intended to secure the prosperity of the village. The Boya priest gets himself shaved at about midnight, sacrifices a sheep or a buffalo, mixes its blood with rice, and distributes the rice thus prepared in small balls throughout the limits of the village. When he starts out on this business, the whole village bolts its doors, as it is not considered auspicious to see him then. He returns early in the morning to the temple of the goddess from which he started, bathes, and receives new cloths from the villagers."

At Hospet the Bedars have two buildings called chavadis, built by subscription among members of their community, which they use as a meeting place, and whereat caste councils are held. At Sandur the Uru Bedars submit their disputes to their guru, a Srivaishnava Brahman, for settlement. If a case ends in a verdict of guilty against an accused person, he is fined, and purified by the guru with thirtham (holy water). In the absence of the guru, a caste headman, called Kattaintivadu, sends a Dasari, who may or may not be a Bedar, who holds office under the guru, to invite the castemen and the Samaya, who represents the guru in his absence, to attend a caste meeting. The Samayas are the pujaris at Hanuman and other shrines, and perform the branding ceremony, called chakrankitam. The Myasa Bedars have no guru, but, instead of him, pujaris belonging to their own caste, who are in charge of the affairs of certain groups of families. Their caste messenger is called Dalavai.

The following are examples of exogamous septs among the Boyas, recorded by Mr. Mainwaring:--

Mukkara, nose or ear ornament.
Majjiga, butter-milk.
Kukkala, dog.
Pula, flowers.
Pandhi, pig.
Chilakala, paroquet.
Hastham, hand.
Yelkameti, good rat.
Misala, whiskers.
Nemili, peacock.
Pegula, intestines.
Mijam, seed.
Uttareni, Achyranthes aspera.
Puchakayala, Citrullus Colocynthis.
Gandhapodi, sandal powder.
Pasula, cattle.
Chinthakayala, Tamarindus indica.
Avula, cow.
Udumala, lizard (Varanus).
Pulagam, cooked rice and dhal.
Boggula, charcoal.
Midathala, locust.
Potta, abdomen.
Utla, swing for holding pots.
Rottala, bread.
Chimpiri, rags.
Panchalingala, five lingams.
Gudisa, hut.
Tota, garden.
Lanka, island.
Bilpathri, Ægle Marmelos.
Kodi-kandla, fowl's eyes.
Gadidhe-kandla, donkey's eyes.
Joti, light.
Namala, the Vaishnavite namam.
Nagellu, plough.
Ulligadda, onions.
Jinkala, gazelle.
Dandu, army.
Kattelu, sticks or faggots.
Mekala, goat.
Nakka, jackal.
Chevvula, ear.
Kotala, fort.
Chapa, mat.
Guntala, pond.
Thappata, drum.
Bellapu, jaggery.
Chimala, ants.
Genneru, Nerium odorum.
Pichiga, sparrows.
Uluvala, Dolichos biflorus.
Geddam, beard.
Eddula, bulls.
Cheruku, sugar-cane.
Pasupu, turmeric.
Aggi, fire.
Mirapakaya, Capsicum frutescens.
Janjapu, sacred thread.
Sankati, ragi or millet pudding.
Jerripothu, centipede.
Guvvala, pigeon.

Many of these septs are common to the Boyas and other classes, as shown by the following list:--

Avula, cow--Korava.
Boggula, charcoal--Devanga.
Cheruku, sugar-cane--Jogi, Odde.
Chevvula, ear--Golla.
Chilakala, paroquet--Kapu, Yanadi.
Chimala, ants--Tsakala.
Chinthakayala, tamarind fruit--Devanga.
Dandu, army--Kapu.
Eddula, bulls--Kapu.
Gandhapodi, sandal powder--a sub-division of Balija.
Geddam, beard--Padma Sale.
Gudisa, hut--Kapu.
Guvvala, pigeon--Mutracha.
Jinkala, gazelle--Padma Sale.
Kukkala, dog--Orugunta Kapu.
Lanka, island--Kamma.
Mekala, goat--Chenchu, Golla, Kamma, Kapu, Togata, Yanadi.
Midathala, locust--Madiga.
Nakkala, jackal--Dudala, Golla, Mutracha.
Nemili, peacock--Balija.
Pichiga, sparrow--Devanga.
Pandhi, pig--Asili, Gamalla.
Pasula, cattle--Madiga, Mala.
Puchakaya, colocynth--Komati, Viramushti.
Pula, flowers--Padma Sale, Yerukala.
Tota, garden--Chenchu, Mila, Mutracha, Bonthuk Savara.
Udumala, lizard--Kapu, Tottiyan, Yanadi.
Ulligadda, onions--Korava.
Uluvala, horse-gram--Jogi.
Utla, swing for holding pots--Padma Sale.

At Hospet, the preliminaries of a marriage among the Myasa Bedars are arranged by the parents of the parties concerned and the chief men of the keri (street). On the wedding day, the bride and bridegroom sit on a raised platform, and five married men place rice stained with turmeric on the feet, knees, shoulders, and head of the bridegroom. This is done three times, and five married women then perform a similar ceremony on the bride. The bridegroom takes up the tali, and, with the sanction of the assembled Bedars, ties it on the bride's neck. In some places it is handed to a Brahman priest, who ties it instead of the bridegroom. The unanimous consent of those present is necessary before the tali-tying is proceeded with. The marriage ceremony among the Uru Bedars is generally performed at the bride's house, whither the bridegroom and his party proceed on the eve of the wedding. A feast, called thuppathuta or ghi (clarified butter) feast, is held, towards which the bridegroom's parents contribute rice, cocoanuts, betel leaves and nuts, and make a present of five bodices (ravike). At the conclusion of the feast, all assemble beneath the marriage pandal (booth), and betel is distributed in a recognised order of precedence, commencing with the guru and the god. On the following morning four big pots, smeared with turmeric and chunam (lime) are placed in four corners, so as to have a square space (irani square) between them. Nine turns of cotton thread are wound round the pots. Within the square the bridegroom and two young girls seat themselves. Rice is thrown over them, and they are anointed. They and the bride are then washed by five women called bhumathoru. The bridegroom and one of the girls are carried in procession to the temple, followed by the five women, one of whom carries a brass vessel with five betel leaves and a ball of sacred ashes (vibuthi) over its mouth, and another a woman's cloth on a metal dish, while the remaining three women and the bridegroom's parents throw rice. Cocoanuts and betel are offered to Hanuman, and lines are drawn on the face of the bridegroom with the sacred ashes. The party then return to the house. The lower half of a grinding mill is placed beneath the pandal, and a Brahman priest invites the contracting couple to stand thereon. He then takes the tali, and ties it on the bride's neck, after it has been touched by the bridegroom. Towards evening the newly married couple sit inside the house, and close to them is placed a big brass vessel containing a mixture of cooked rice, jaggery (crude sugar) and curds, which is brought by the women already referred to. They give a small quantity thereof to the couple, and go away. Five Bedar men come near the vessel after removing their head-dress, surround the vessel, and place their left hands thereon. With their right hands they shovel the food into their mouths, and bolt it with all possible despatch. This ceremony is called bhuma idothu, or special eating, and is in some places performed by both men and women. All those present watch them eating, and, if any one chokes while devouring the food, or falls ill within a few months, it is believed to indicate that the bride has been guilty of irregular behaviour. On the following day the contracting couple go through the streets, accompanied by Bedars, the brass vessel and female cloth, and red powder is scattered broadcast. On the morning of the third and two following days, the newly married couple sit on a pestle, and are anointed after rice has been showered over them. The bride's father presents his son-in-law with a turban, a silver ring, and a cloth. It is said that a man may marry two sisters, provided that he marries the elder before the younger.

The following variant of the marriage ceremonies among the Boyas is given by Mr. Mainwaring. "When a Boya has a son who should be settled in life, he nominally goes in search of a bride for him, though it has probably been known for a long time who the boy is to marry. However, the formality is gone through. The father of the boy, on arrival at the home of the future bride, explains to her father the object of his visit. They discuss each other's families, and, if satisfied that a union would be beneficial to both families, the father of the girl asks his visitor to call again, on a day that is agreed to, with some of the village elders. On the appointed day, the father of the lad collects the elders of his village, and proceeds with them to the house of the bride-elect. He carries with him four moottus (sixteen seers) of rice, one seer of dhal (Cajanus indicus), two seers of ghi (clarified butter), some betel leaves and areca nuts, a seer of fried gram, two lumps of jaggery (molasses), five garlic bulbs, five dried dates, five pieces of turmeric, and a female jacket. In the evening, the elders of both sides discuss the marriage, and, when it is agreed to, the purchase money has to be at once paid. The cost of a bride is always 101 madas, or Rs. 202. Towards this sum, sixteen rupees are counted out, and the total is arrived at by counting areca nuts. The remaining nuts, and articles which were brought by the party of the bridegroom, are then placed on a brass tray, and presented to the bride-elect, who is requested to take three handfuls of nuts and the same quantity of betel leaves. On some occasions, the betel leaves are omitted. Betel is then distributed to the assembled persons. The provisions which were brought are next handed over to the parents of the girl, in addition to two rupees. These are to enable her father to provide himself with a sheet, as well as to give a feast to all those who are present at the betrothal. This is done on the following morning, when both parties breakfast together, and separate. The wedding is usually fixed for a day a fortnight or a month after the betrothal ceremony. The ceremony differs but slightly from that performed by various other castes. A purohit is consulted as to the auspicious hour at which the tali or bottu should be tied. This having been settled, the bridegroom goes, on the day fixed, to the bride's village, or sometimes the bride goes to the village of the bridegroom. Supposing the bridegroom to be the visitor, the bride's party carries in procession the provisions which are to form the meal for the bridegroom's party, and this will be served on the first night. As the auspicious hour approaches, the bride's party leave her in the house, and go and fetch the bridegroom, who is brought in procession to the house of the bride. On arrival, he is made to stand under the pandal which has been erected. A curtain is tied therein from north to south. The bridegroom then stands on the east of the curtain, and faces west. The bride is brought from the house, and placed on the west of the curtain, facing her future husband. The bridegroom then takes up the bottu, which is generally a black thread with a small gold bead upon it. He shows it to the assembled people, and asks permission to fasten it on the bride's neck. The permission is accorded with acclamations. He then fastens the bottu on the bride's neck, and she, in return, ties a thread from a black cumbly (blanket), on which a piece of turmeric has been threaded, round the right wrist of the bridegroom. After this, the bridegroom takes some seed, and places it in the bride's hand. He then puts some pepper-corns with the seed, and forms his hands into a cup over those of the bride. Her father then pours milk into his hand, and the bridegroom, holding it, swears to be faithful to his wife until death. After he has taken the oath, he allows the milk to trickle through into the hands of the bride. She receives it, and lets it drop into a vessel placed on the ground between them. This is done three times, and the oath is repeated with each performance. Then the bride goes through the same ceremony, swearing on each occasion to be true to her husband until death. This done, both wipe their hands on some rice, which is placed close at hand on brass trays. In each of these trays there must be five seers of rice, five pieces of turmeric, five bulbs of garlic, a lump of jaggery, five areca nuts, and five dried dates. When their hands are dry, the bridegroom takes as much of the rice as he can in his hands, and pours it over the bride's head. He does this three times, before submitting to a similar operation at the hands of the bride. Then each takes a tray, and upsets the contents over the other. At this stage, the curtain is removed, and, the pair standing side by side, their cloths are knotted together. The knot is called the knot of Brahma, and signifies that it is Brahma who has tied them together. They now walk out of the pandal, and make obeisance to the sun by bowing, and placing their hands together before their breasts in the reverential position of prayer. Returning to the pandal, they go to one corner of it, where five new and gaudily painted earthenware pots filled with water have been previously arranged. Into one of these pots, one of the females present drops a gold nose ornament, or a man drops a ring. The bride and bridegroom put their right hands into the pot, and search for the article. Whichever first finds it takes it out, and, showing it, declares that he or she has found it. This farce is repeated three times, and the couple then take their seats on a cumbly in the centre of the pandal, and await the preparation of the great feast which closes the ceremony. For this, two sheep are killed, and the friends and relations who have attended are given as much curry and rice as they can eat. Next morning, the couple go to the bridegroom's village, or, if the wedding took place at his village, to that of the bride, and stay there three days before returning to the marriage pandal. Near the five water-pots already mentioned, some white-ant earth has been spread at the time of the wedding, and on this some paddy (unhusked rice) and dhal seeds have been scattered on the evening of the day on which the wedding commenced. By the time the couple return, these seeds have sprouted. A procession is formed, and the seedlings, being gathered up by the newly married couple, are carried to the village well, into which they are thrown. This ends the marriage ceremony. At their weddings, the Boyas indulge in much music. Their dresses are gaudy, and suitable to the occasion. The bridegroom, if he belongs to either of the superior gotras, carries a dagger or sword placed in his cummerbund (loin-band). A song which is frequently sung at weddings is known as the song of the seven virgins. The presence of a Basavi at a wedding is looked on as a good omen for the bride, since a Basavi can never become a widow."

In some places, a branch of Ficus religiosa or Ficus bengalensis is planted in front of the house as the marriage milk-post. If it withers, it is thrown away, but, if it takes root, it is reared. By some Bedars a vessel is filled with milk, and into it a headman throws the nose ornament of a married woman, which is searched for by the bride and bridegroom three times. The milk is then poured into a pit, which is closed up. In the North Arcot Manual it is stated that the Boya bride, "besides having a golden tali tied to her neck, has an iron ring fastened to her wrist with black string, and the bridegroom has the same. Widows may not remarry or wear black bangles, but they wear silver ones."

"Divorce," Mr. Mainwaring writes, "is permitted. Grounds for divorce would be adultery and ill-treatment. The case would be decided by a panchayat (council). A divorced woman is treated as a widow. The remarriage of widows is not permitted, but there is nothing to prevent a widow keeping house for a man, and begetting children by him. The couple would announce their intention of living together by giving a feast to the caste. If this formality was omitted, they would be regarded as outcastes till it was complied with. The offspring of such unions are considered illegitimate, and they are not taken or given in marriage to legitimate children. Here we come to further social distinctions. Owing to promiscuous unions, the following classes spring into existence:--

1. Swajathee Pure Boyas, the offspring of parents who
Sumpradayam. have been properly married in the proper
divisions and sub-divisions.
2. Koodakonna The offspring of a Boya female, who is
Sumpradayam. separated or divorced from her husband who
is still alive, and who cohabits with
another Boya.
3. Vithunthu The offspring of a Boya widow by a Boya.
Sumpradayam.
4. Arsumpradayam. The offspring of a Boya man or woman,
resulting from cohabitation with a member
of some other caste.

The Swajathee Sumpradayam should only marry among themselves. Koodakonna Sumpradayam and Vithunthu Sumpradayam may marry among themselves, or with each other. Both being considered illegitimate, they cannot marry Swajathee Sumpradayam, and would not marry Arsumpradayam, as these are not true Boyas, and are nominally outcastes, who must marry among themselves."

On the occasion of a death among the Uru Bedars of Hospet, the corpse is carried on a bier by Uru Bedars to the burial-ground, with a new cloth thrown over, and flowers strewn thereon. The sons of the deceased each place a quarter-anna in the mouth of the corpse, and pour water near the grave. After it has been laid therein, all the agnates throw earth into it, and it is filled in and covered over with a mound, on to the head end of which five quarter-anna pieces are thrown. The eldest son, or a near relation, takes up a pot filled with water, and stands at the head of the grave, facing west. A hole is made in the pot, and, after going thrice round the grave, he throws away the pot behind him, and goes home without looking back. This ceremony is called thelagolu, and, if a person dies without any heir, the individual who performs it succeeds to such property as there may be. On the third day the mound is smoothed down, and three stones are placed over the head, abdomen, and legs of the corpse, and whitewashed. A woman brings some luxuries in the way of food, which are mixed up in a winnowing tray divided into three portions, and placed in the front of the stones for crows to partake of. Kites and other animals are driven away, if they attempt to steal the food. On the ninth day, the divasa (the day) ceremony is performed. At the spot where the deceased died is placed a decorated brass vessel representing the soul of the departed, with five betel leaves and a ball of sacred ashes over its mouth. Close to it a lamp is placed, and a sheep is killed. Two or three days afterwards, rice and vegetables are cooked. Those who have been branded carry their gods, represented by the cylindrical bamboo basket and stick already referred to, to a stream, wash them therein, and do worship. On their return home, the food is offered to their gods, and served first to the Dasari, and then to the others, who must not eat till they have received permission from the Dasari. When a Myasa Bedar, who has been branded, dies his basket and stick are thrown into the grave with the corpse.

In the Mysore Census Report, 1891, the Mysore Bedars are said to cremate the dead, and on the following day to scatter the ashes on five tangedu (Cassia auriculata) trees.

It is noted by Buchanan [120] that the spirits of Baydaru men who die without having married become Virika (heroes), and to their memory have small temples and images erected, where offerings of cloth, rice, and the like, are made to their names. If this be neglected, they appear in dreams, and threaten those who are forgetful of their duty. These temples consist of a heap or cairn of stones, in which the roof of a small cavity is supported by two or three flags; and the image is a rude shapeless stone, which is occasionally oiled, as in this country all other images are."

Bedar.--See Vedan.

Begara.--Begara or Byagara is said to be a synonym applied by Canarese Lingayats to Holeyas.

Behara.--Recorded, at times of census, as a title of various Oriya castes, e.g., Alia, Aruva, Dhobi, Gaudo, Jaggali, Kevuto, Kurumo, Ronguni, and Sondi. In some cases, e.g., among the Rongunis, the title is practically an exogamous sept. The headman of many Oriya castes is called Behara.

Bejjo.--A sub-division of Bhondari, and title of Kevuto.

Belata (Feronia elephantum: wood-apple).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba.

Bellapu (jaggery: palm-sugar).--An exogamous sept of Boya.

Bellara.--"The Bellaras, or Belleras," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [121] "are a somewhat higher caste of basket and mat-makers than the Parava umbrella-makers and devil-dancers. They speak a dialect of Canarese (see South Canara Manual, Vol. II). They follow the aliya santana law (inheritance in the female line), but divorce is not so easy as amongst most adherents of that rule of inheritance, and divorced women, it is said, may not marry again. Widows, however, may remarry. The dead are either burned or buried, and a feast called Yede Besala is given annually in the name of deceased ancestors. The use of alcohol and flesh, except beef, is permitted. They make both grass and bamboo mats."

Bellathannaya (jaggery: crude sugar).--An exogamous sept of Bant.

Belle (white).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba. The equivalent bile occurs as a gotra of Kurni.

Belli.--Belli or Velli, meaning silver, has been recorded as an exogamous sept of Badaga, Korava, Kuruba, Madiga, Okkiliyan, Toreya, and Vakkaliga. The Belli Toreyas may not wear silver toe-rings.

Vellikkai, or silver-handed, has been returned as a sub-division of the Konga Vellalas.

Belu (Feronia elephantum).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba.

Benayito.--A sub-division of Odiya.

Bende (Hibiscus esculentus).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba. The mucilaginous fruit (bendekai or bandicoy) of this plant is a favourite vegetable of both Natives and Europeans. The nick-name Bendekai is sometimes given, in reference to the sticky nature of the fruit, to those who try to smooth matters over between contending parties.

Bengri (frog).--A sept of Domb.

Benia.--A small caste of Oriya cultivators and palanquin-bearers in Ganjam. It is on record [122] that in Ganjam honey and wax are collected by the Konds and Benias, who are expert climbers of precipitous rocks and lofty trees. The name is said to be derived from bena, grass, as the occupation of the caste was formerly to remove grass, and clear land for cultivation.

Benise (flint stone).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba.

Benne (butter).--A gotra of Kurni.

Bepari.--Bepari is, in the Madras Census Report, described as "a caste allied to the Lambadis. Its members worship a female deity called Banjara, speak the Bepari or Lambadi language, and claim to be Kshatriyas." Bhonjo, the title of the Rajah of Gumsur, was returned as a sub-caste. The Rev. G. Gloyer [123] correctly makes the name Boipari synonymous with Brinjari, and his illustration of a Boipari family represents typical Lambadis or Brinjaris. Bepari and Boipari are forms of Vyapari or Vepari, meaning a trader. The Beparis are traders and carriers between the hills and plains in the Vizagapatam Agency tracts. Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao informs me that "they regard themselves as immune from the attacks of tigers, if they take certain precautions. Most of them have to pass through places infested with these beasts, and their favourite method of keeping them off is as follows. As soon as they encamp at a place, they level a square bit of ground, and light fires in the middle of it, round which they pass the night. It is their firm belief that the tiger will not enter the square, from fear lest it should become blind, and eventually be shot. I was once travelling towards Malkangiri from Jeypore, when I fell in with a party of these people encamped in the manner described. At that time, several villages about Malkangiri were being ravaged by a notorious man-eater (tiger)."

Beralakoduva (finger-giving).--A section of the Vakkaligas, among whom the custom of sacrificing some of the fingers used to prevail. (See Morasu.)

Beri Chetti.--The Beri Chettis, or principal merchants, like other Chettis and Komatis, claim to be Vaisyas, "but they will not admit that the Komatis are on a par with them, and declare that they alone represent the true Vaisya stock." [124] With regard to their origin, the Kanyakapurana states that a certain king wanted to marry a beautiful maiden of the Komati caste. When the Komatis declined to agree to the match, the king began to persecute them, and those Komatis who left the country out of fear were called Beri or Bediri (fear) Chettis. The story is, in fact, similar to that told by the Nattukottai Chettis, and the legend, no doubt, refers to persecution of some king, whose extortion went beyond the limits of custom. Another derivation of the word Beri is from perumai, greatness or splendour. The name Beri, as applied to a sub-division of the Komatis, is said to be a corruption of bedari, and to denote those who fled through fear, and did not enter the fire-pits with the caste goddess Kanyakamma.

The legend of the Beri Chettis, as given by Mr. H. A. Stuart, [124] states that "Kaveripuram near Kumbakonam was formerly the town in which the caste principally resided. The king of the country attempted to obtain a Beri Chetti maiden in marriage, but was refused, and he therefore persecuted them, and drove them out of his dominions, forbidding interchange of meals between them and any other caste whatever--a prohibition which is still in force."

The Beri Chettis have a number of endogamous divisions, named after geographical areas, towns, etc., such as Tirutaniyar, Acharapakaththar, Telungu, Pakkam, Musalpakam. Among these there is an order of social precedence, some of the divisions interdining, others not.

The Beri Chettis are, like the Kammalans (artisan class), a leading caste of the left-hand section, and the following story is narrated. While the Beris were living at Kaveripuram in a thousand houses, each house bearing a distinct gotra (house name,) a king, who took wives from among all castes, wanted the Beris to give him one of their maidens. Though unwilling, they promised to do so, but made up their minds to get over the difficulty by a ruse. On the day fixed for the marriage, all the Beri families left the place, after a male black dog had been tied to the milk-post of the marriage pandal (booth). When he learnt what had occurred, the king was very angry, and forbade all castes to take water from the Beris. And this led to their joining the left-hand section.

The Beri Chettis resort to the panchayat system of administration of affairs affecting the caste, and the headman, called Peridanakkaran, is assisted by a barber of the left-hand section. They are in favour of infant marriages, though adult marriage is not prohibited. They are not allowed to tie plantain trees to the posts of the wedding pandal, with the trees touching the ground. If this is done, the Paraiyans, who belong to the right-hand section, cut them down. This custom is still observed in some out-of-the way villages. Upanayanam, or investiture with the sacred thread, is either performed long before marriage, or by some along with the marriage rite. A man or boy, after investiture, always wears the thread.

Most of the Beri Chettis are meat-eaters, but some profess to be vegetarians.

It is said that there is much dispute between the Beri Chettis and the Komatis regarding their relative positions, and each caste delights to tell stories to the detriment of the other. In general estimation, however, the Beris are deemed a little inferior to the Komatis." [125] The claim of the Beri Chettis to be Vaisyas is based on the following legend, as given by Mr. Stuart. [126] "In the time of the Cholas, they erected a water-pandal, and Komatis claimed the right to use it, which was at once denied. The king attempted to solve the question by reference to inscriptions in the Kamakshiamma temple at Conjeeveram, but without success. He then proposed that the rivals should submit to the ordeal of carrying water in an unbaked pot. This was agreed to, and the Beri Chettis were alone successful. The penalty for failure was a fine of Rs. 12,000, which the Komatis could not pay, and they were therefore obliged to enslave themselves to a Beri Chetti woman, who paid the fine. Their descendants are still marked men, who depend upon Beri Chettis for their subsistence. The great body of the Komatis in the country were not parties to the agreement, and they do not now admit that their inferiority has ever been proved." According to another version of the legend, during the reign of the Cholas, a water-pandal was erected by the Beris, and the Komatis claimed the right to use it. This was refused on the ground that they were not Vaisyas. The question at issue was referred to the king, who promised to enquire into it, but did not do so. A Viramushti (caste beggar of the Beri Chettis and Komatis) killed the king's horse and elephant. When questioned as to his reason for so doing, he explained that it was to call the king's attention to the dispute, and restored the animals to life. The king then referred both parties to Conjeeveram, where a sasanam (copper-plate grant) was believed to exist. To procure this document, the decapitation of twelve human beings was necessary, and the Viramushti sacrificed his twelve children. According to the document, the Beris were Vaisyas, and the Komatis were ordered to be beheaded. But some Beris interceded on their behalf, and they were pardoned on condition that they would pay a sum of money. To secure the necessary money, they became slaves to a rich Beri woman. Ever since this incident, the Komatis have been the children of the Beris, and their descendants are called Pillaipuntha Komati, or Komati who became a son. For the services which he rendered, the Viramushti is said to have been presented with a sasanam, and he is treated as a son by the caste men, among whom he has some influence. For example, the Beri Chettis may not plant in their back-yards Moringa pterygosperma, Dolichos Lablab, or a red variety of Amarantus. If the Viramushti found the first of these planted, he would destroy it, and demand a fine of three fanams. For Dolichos the fine is six fanams, and for Amarantus one fanam. The rearing of pigs, goats, and fowls by the Beri Chettis is forbidden under penalty of a fine. If a Beri Chetti woman carries a water-pot on her head, the Viramushti will throw it down, and demand a fine of twelve fanams. The women are not allowed to carry on sales at a public fair, under penalty of excommunication. The Beri Chettis and Komatis should not do business together.

The Kammalans and Chettis are regarded as friends, and there is a Tamil proverb "Settiyum Kammalanum onnu," i.e., the Chetti and Kammalan are one. In this connection the following legend is quoted. "In the town of Kanda, anciently the Camalas (artificers of five sorts) lived closely united together, and were employed by all ranks of men, as there were no artificers besides them. They feared and respected no king, which offended certain kings, who combined against them, taking with them all kinds of arms. But, as the fort (Kanda Kottai, or magnetic fort), in which the Camalar lived, was entirely constructed of loadstone, this attracted, and drew the weapons away from the hands of the assailants. The kings then promised a great reward to any one who should burn down the fort. No one dared to do this. At length the courtesans of a temple engaged to effect it, and took the pledge of betel and areca, engaging thereby to do so. The kings, greatly rejoicing, built a fort opposite, filled with such kind of courtesans, who, by their singing, attracted the people from the fort, and led to intercourse. One of these at length succeeded in extracting from a young man the secret, that, if the fort was surrounded with varacu straw, set on fire, it might be destroyed. The king accordingly had this done, and, in the burning down of the fort, many of the Camalar lost their lives. Some took to ships belonging to them, and escaped by sea. In consequence, there were no artificers in that country. Those taken in the act of endeavouring to escape were beheaded. One woman of the tribe, being pregnant, took refuge in the house of a Chetti, and escaped, passing for his daughter. From a want of artificers, who made implements for weavers, husbandmen, and the like, manufactures and agriculture ceased, and great discontent arose in the country. The king, being of clever wit, resorted to a device to discover if any of the tribe remained, to remedy the evil complained of. This was to send a piece of coral, having a fine tortuous aperture running through it, and a piece of thread, to all parts of the country, with promise of great reward to any one who should succeed in passing the thread through the coral. None could accomplish it. At length the child that had been born in the Chetty's house undertook to do it; and, to effect it, he placed the coral over the mouth of an ant-hole, and having steeped the thread in sugar, placed it at some little distance. The ants took the thread, and drew it through the coral. The king, seeing the difficulty overcome, gave great presents, and sent much work to be done, which that child, under the council and guidance of its mother, performed. The king sent for the Chetty, and demanded an account of this young man, which the Chetty detailed. The king had him plentifully supplied with the means especially of making ploughshares, and, having married him to the daughter of a Chetty, gave him grants of land for his maintenance. He had five sons, who followed the five different branches of work of the Camalar tribe. The king gave them the title of Panchalar. Down to the present day there is an intimate relation between these five branches, and they intermarry with each other; while, as descendants of the Chetty tribe, they wear the punul, or caste-thread of that tribe." [127]

The Acharapakam Chettis are known as Malighe Chettis, and are connected with the Chettis of this legend. Even now, in the city of Madras, when the Beri Chettis assemble for the transaction of caste business, the notice summoning the meeting excludes the Malighe Chettis, who cannot, like other Beri Chettis, vote at elections, meetings, etc., of the Kandasami temple.

Some Beri Chettis, Mr. Stuart writes, "worship Siva, and some Vishnu, and a few are Lingayats, who do not marry into families with a different worship. They bury, while the others burn their dead. All the divisions wear the sacred thread, and do not tolerate widow remarriage. Unlike Komatis, their daughters are sometimes married after puberty."

Berike.--The children of a Boya widow by a man of her own caste, with whom she lives, are said [128] to drift into a distinct section called Berike.

Bestha.--The Besthas are summed up, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, as "a Telugu caste, the hereditary occupation of which is hunting and fishing, but they have largely taken to agriculture, and the professions of bearers and cooks." In the Census Report, 1901, it is stated that "the fisherman caste in the Deccan districts are called Besthas and Kabberas, while those in some parts of the Coimbatore and Salem districts style themselves Toreyar, Siviyar, and Parivarattar. These three last speak Canarese like the Kabberas, and seem to be the same as Besthas or Kabberas. Kabbera and Toreya have, however, been treated as distinct castes. There are two endogamous sub-divisions in the Bestha caste, namely the Telaga and the Parigirti. Some say that the Kabbili or Kabberavandlu are a third. The Parigirti section trace their descent from Sutudu, the famous expounder of the Mahabharata. Besthas employ Brahmans and Satanis (or Jangams, if Saivites) for their domestic ceremonies, and imitate the Brahman customs, prohibiting widow remarriage, and worshipping Siva and Vishnu as well as the village deities. The Maddi sub-caste is said to be called so, because they dye cotton with the bark of the maddi tree (Morinda citrifolia)." It is suggested, in the Gazetteer of the Bellary district, that the Besthas are really a sub-division of the Gangimakkalu Kabberas, who were originally palanquin-bearers, but, now that these vehicles have gone out of fashion, are employed in divers other ways. It may be noted that the Siviyars of Coimbatore say that they are Besthas who emigrated from Mysore in the troublous times of the Muhammadan usurpation. The name Siviyar, they say, was given to them by the Tamils, as, being strong and poor, they were palanquin-bearers to officers on circuit and others in the pre-railway days. Their main occupations at the present day are tank and river fishing.

In the Manual of the North Arcot district, it is noted that many Besthas "trade, and are in a flourishing condition, being most numerous above the ghats. The name Bestha appears to have no meaning, but they call themselves Sutakulam, and say they are descendants of the rishi Suta Mahamuni. The term Suta also applies to the offspring of a Kshatriya by a Brahman, but it seems more probable that the Besthas gained the name from their superiority in the culinary art, suta also meaning cook. They are divided into Telugu Besthas and Parigirti Besthas, the difference between them being chiefly one of religious observance, the former being in the habit of getting themselves branded on the shoulders with the Vaishnavite emblems--chank and chakram--and the latter never undergoing this ceremony. It is a rule with them to employ Dasaris as the messengers of a death, and Tsakalas, as those of a birth, or of the fact that a girl has reached womanhood. Their chief object of worship is Hanuman, the monkey god, a picture or figure of whom they always have in their houses for domestic worship."

In connection with the names Parigirti or Pakirithi which have been recorded as divisions of the Besthas, it may be observed that, in some parts of the Telugu country, the term Pakirithi is used as a substitute for Vaishnava. This word has become converted into Parigirti or Parikithi, denoting that the Besthas are Vaishnavites, as opposed to Saivites. Some Besthas, when questioned as to the origin of their caste, said that they had no purandam to help them. The word used by them is a corruption of puranam.

The Besthas are summed up, in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, as "fishermen, boatmen, and palanquin-bearers, who are known by different names according to the localities they live in. In the eastern districts they are called Bestha, in the southern Toraya, Ambiga and Parivara (boatmen), while in the western parts their names are Kabyara and Gangemakkalu. The Telugu-speaking population call themselves Boyis. Their chief occupations are fishing, palanquin-bearing, and lime-burning. Some of them are employed by Government as peons (orderlies), etc., while a large number are engaged in agricultural pursuits. The Boyis obey a headman called the Pedda (big) Boyi. The Toraya does not intermarry either with the Kabyara or the Boyi, whom he resembles in every way. The Kabyara or Karnatic Besthas proper never carry the palanquin, but live by either farming or lime-burning. They have a headman known as the Yajaman."

I have often seen Besthas in Mysore fishing on tanks from rafts, with floats made of cane or cork-wood supporting their fish-baskets. The Besthas use small cast-nets, and it is thought by them that the employment of drag-nets worked by several men would bring bad luck to them. When a new net is used for the first time, the first fish which is caught is cut, and the net smeared with its blood. One of the meshes of the net is burnt, after incense has been thrown into the fire. If a snake becomes entangled in a net when it is first used, it is rejected, and burnt or otherwise disposed of.

The tribal deity of the Telugu Besthas is Kamamma, and, when this goddess is worshipped, Mala Pambalas are engaged to recite the legendary story relating to her. They never offer the flesh of animals or liquor to the goddess.

Like other Telugu castes, the Besthas have intiperulu or exogamous septs and gotras. In connection with some of the latter, certain prohibitions are observed. For example, the jasmine plant (malle) may not be touched by members of the malle gotra, and the ippa tree (Bassia latifolia) may not be touched or used by members of the Ippala gotra. Writing at the beginning of the last century, Buchanan [129] informs us that "everywhere in Karnata the palanquin-bearers are of Telinga descent. In the language of Karnata they are called Teliga Besthas, but in their own dialect they are called Bai. Their proper occupations, beside that of carrying the palanquin, are fishing, and distillation of rum. Wealthy men among them become farmers, but none of the caste hire themselves out as farm servants. Their hereditary chiefs are called Pedde Bui, which, among the Europeans of Madras, is bestowed on the headman of every gentleman's set." In a note on the Bestha Boyis, or fishermen bearers of Masulipatam in the days of the East India Company, Mr. H. G. Prendergast writes [130] that they were "found to be peculiarly trustworthy servants. When their English masters went on promotion to Madras, they were accompanied by their trusty Boyis, and, from that day to this, Bestha Boyis have been employed as attendants in public and mercantile offices in Madras, and have continued to maintain their good reputation."

Of the use of the word Boy (a corruption of Boyi) for palanquin-bearer, numerous examples are quoted by Yule and Burnell. [131] Thus Carraccioli, in his life of Lord Clive, records that, in 1785, the Boys with Colonel Lawrence's palankeen, having struggled a little out of the time of march, were picked up by the Marattas. Writing in 1563, Barras states [132] that "there are men who carry the umbrella so dexterously to ward off the sun that, although their master trots on his horse, the sun does not touch any part of his body and such men are called Boi."

The insigne of the Besthas, as recorded at Conjeeveram, is a net. [133]

Besya (a prostitute).--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a sub-caste of Oriya Gunis. It is a form of the word Vesya.

Betta (hill).--A sub-division of Kurumba.

Bevina.--Bevina or Beva (nim or margosa: Melia Azadirachta) has been recorded as an exogamous sept of Kuruba, and a sub-division of Kadu Kurumba. The nim tree is held sacred by Hindus, and takes an important part in many of the ceremonials connected with the small-pox goddess and other village deities.

Bhag (tiger).--A sept of numerous classes in Vizagapatam, e.g., Bhumia, Bottada, Domb, Gadaba, Mattiya, Omanaito, Pentiya, and Rona. The equivalent Bhago occurs among some classes in Ganjam.

Bhagavatulu.--Recorded as play-actors in the Telugu country. Their name is derived from the fact that they perform stories and episodes from the Bhagavatam, one of the Puranas.

Bhakta.--See Bagata.

Bhandari.--See Kelasi.

Bhande.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as "a class of potters in the Ganjam Maliahs, a sub-division of Kumbharo. The name is derived from the Sanskrit bhanda, a pot."

Bharadwaja.--A Brahmanical gotra of Bhatrazus. Bharadwaja was a rishi, the son of Brihaspati, and preceptor of the Pandavas.

Bhatia.--Nearly four hundred members of this caste were returned at the Madras Census, 1901. It is recorded in the Bombay Gazetteer, that "the Bhatias claim to be Bhati Rajputs of the Yadav stock. As a class they are keen, vigorous, enterprising, thrifty, subtle and unscrupulous. Some of the richest men in Bombay started life without a penny. A large number of Bhatias are merchant traders and brokers, and within the last fifty years they have become a very wealthy and important class." Like the Nattukottai Chettis of Southern India, the Bhatias undertake sea voyages to distant countries, and they are to be found eastward as far as China.

Bhatta.--A sub-division of Gaudo.

Bhatkali.--A class of Muhammadans on the west coast, who are said to have originally settled at Bhatkal in North Canara.

Bhatrazu.--The Bhats, Bhatrazus, or Bhatrajus are described, in the Mysore Census Reports, 1891 and 1901, as musicians and ballad-reciters, who "speak Telugu, and are supposed to have come from the Northern Circars. They were originally attached to the courts of the Hindu princes as bards or professional troubadours, reciting ballads in poetry in glorification of the wondrous deeds of local princes and heroes. Hyder Ali, although not a Hindu, delighted to be constantly preceded by them, and they are still an appendage to the state of Hindu and Mussalman Chiefs. They have a wonderful faculty in speaking improvisatore, on any subject proposed to them, a declamation in measures, which may be considered as a sort of medium between blank verse and modulated verse. But their profession is that of chanting the exploits of former days in front of the troops while marshalling them for battle, and inciting them to emulate the glory of their ancestors. Now many of them are mendicants."