Chapter XV: Part 15

Of the cock festival at Cranganore, the following, account is given by Mr. T. K. Gopal Panikkar [169] in his interesting little book on Malabar and its folk. "In the midst of its native charms is situated a temple dedicated to Kali, the goddess who presides over the infectious diseases, cholera and small-pox. She is a virgin goddess, whom no quantity of blood will satisfy. The temple is an old-fashioned one, presenting no striking architectural peculiarities. The priestly classes attached to it are not, as usual, Brahmins, but a peculiar sect called Adigals, of whom there are but three families in the whole of Malabar. The Brahmins are purposely excluded from participation in the poojah ceremonies, lest their extreme sanctity might increase the powers of the goddess to a dangerous extent. Poojahs are daily offered to her. An annual festival known as Bharani, connected with this goddess, plays a most important part in the religious history of Malabar. It comes off in the Malayalam month of Meenam (about March or April). Pilgrimages undertaken to the temple on this occasion are potent enough to safeguard the pilgrims, and their friends and relations, from the perilous attacks of cholera and small-pox. Hence people resort thither annually by thousands from almost all parts of Malabar; and, the more north you go, the stronger will you find the hold which the goddess has upon the popular imagination. The chief propitiatory offering on the occasion is the sacrifice of cocks. In fact, every family makes a point of undertaking this sacred mission. People arrange to start on it at an auspicious moment, on a fixed day in small isolated bodies. Preparations are made for the journey. Rice, salt, chillies, curry-stuffs, betel leaves and nuts, a little turmeric powder and pepper, and, above all, a number of cocks form an almost complete paraphernalia of the pilgrimage. These are all gathered and preserved in separate bundles inside a large bag. When the appointed hour comes, they throw this bag on their shoulders, conceal their money in their girdles, and, with a native-fashioned umbrella in the one hand and a walking-stick in the other, they start, each from his own house, to meet the brother pilgrims at the rendezvous. Here a foreman is selected practically by common consent. Then commences the vociferous recitation of that series of obscene songs and ballads, which characterises the pilgrimage all along. The foreman it is that opens the ball. He is caught up by others in equally loud and profuse strains. This is continued right up till the beginning of their homeward journey. Nobody whom they come across on the way can successfully escape the coarse Billingsgate of these religious zealots. Even women are not spared. Perhaps it is in their case that the pilgrims wax all the more eloquently vulgar. A number of cock's feathers are stuck or tied upon the tip of a stick, and with this as a wand they begin to dance and pipe in a set style, which is extremely revolting to every sense of decency. Some of the pilgrims walk all the distance to the temple, while others go by boat or other conveyance; but in neither case do they spare any passer-by. Hundreds of gallons of arrack and toddy are consumed during the festival. The pilgrims reach the temple in their dirty attire. The temple premises are crowded to overflowing. The worship of the goddess is then commenced. The offerings consist of the sacrifice of cocks at the temple altar, turmeric powder, but principally of pepper, as also some other objects of lesser importance. A particular spot inside the temple is set apart for the distribution of what is called manjal prasadam (turmeric powder on which divine blessings have been invoked). The work of doling it out is done by young maidens, who are during the process subjected to ceaseless volleys of vile and vulgar abuse. Now, leaving out of account the minor ceremonies, we come to the principal one, viz., the sacrifice of cocks. The popular idea is that the greater the number of cocks sacrificed, the greater is the efficacy of the pilgrimage. Hence men vie with one another in the number of cocks that they carry on the journey. The sacrifice is begun, and then there takes place a regular scramble for the sanctified spot reserved for this butchering ceremony. One man holds a cock by the trunk, and another pulls out its neck by the head, and, in the twinkling of an eye, by the intervention of a sharpened knife, the head is severed from the trunk. The blood then gushes forth in forceful and continuous jets, and is poured on a piece of granite specially reserved. Then another is similarly slaughtered, and then as many as each of the pilgrims can bring. In no length of time, the whole of the temple yard is converted into one horrible expanse of blood, rendering it too slippery to be safely walked over. The piteous cries and death throes of the poor devoted creatures greatly intensify the horror of the scene. The stench emanating from the blood mixing with the nauseating smell of arrack renders the occasion all the more revolting. One other higher and more acceptable kind of offering requires more than a passing mention. When a man is taken ill of any infectious disease, his relations generally pray to this goddess for his recovery, solemnly covenanting to perform what goes by the name of a thulabharum ceremony. This consists in placing the patient in one of the scale-pans of a huge balance, and weighing him against gold, or more generally pepper (and sometimes other substances as well), deposited in the other scale-pan. Then this weight of the substance is offered to the goddess. This is to be performed right in front of the goddess in the temple yard. The usual offerings being over, the homeward journey of the pilgrims is begun. Though the festival is called Bharani, yet all the pilgrims must vacate the temple on the day previous to the Bharani day. For, from that day onwards, the temple doors are all shut up, and, for the next seven days, the whole place is given over to the worst depredations of the countless demons over whom this blood-thirsty goddess holds sway. No human beings can safely remain there, lest they might become prey to these ravenous demons. In short, the Bharani day inaugurates a reign of terror in the locality, lasting for these seven days. Afterwards, all the dirt is removed. The temple is cleansed and sanctified, and again left open to public worship. The pilgrims return, but not in the same manner in which they repaired thither. During the backward journey, no obscene songs or expressions are indulged in. They are to come back quietly and calmly, without any kind of demonstrations. They get back to their respective homes, and distribute the sandals and other pujah substances to their relations and friends who have elected to remain at home; and the year's pilgrimage is brought to a close."

"The month Karkkatakam," Mr. Fawcett writes, "when the Malayalis say the body is cool, is the time when, according to custom, the Nayar youths practice physical exercises. At Payoli in North Malabar, when I was there in 1895, the local instructor of athletics was a Paravan, a mason by caste. As he had the adjunct Kurup to his name, it took some time to discover the fact. Teachers of his ilk are invariably of the Paravan caste, and, when they are believed to be properly accomplished, they are given the honorific Kurup. So carefully are things regulated that no other person was permitted to teach athletics within the amsham (a local area, a small county), and his womenfolk had privileges, they only being the midwives who could attend on the Nayar women of the amsham. His fee for a course of exercises for the month was ten rupees. He, and some of his pupils, gave an exhibition of their quality. Besides bodily contortions and somersaults, practiced in a long low-roofed shed having a sandy floor, there is play with the following instruments:--watta; cheruvadi, a short stick; and a stick like a quarter-staff called a sariravadi, or stick the length of one's body. The watta is held in the right hand as a dagger; it is used to stab or strike and, in some ingenious way, turn over an opponent. The total length of the watta is two feet, and of the cheruvadi about three feet. The latter is squared at the ends, and is but a short staff. It is held in the right hand a few inches from the end, and is used for striking and guarding only. The sariravadi is held at or near one end by one or by both hands. The distance between the hands is altered constantly, and so is the end of the stick, which is grasped now by one, now by another end by either hand, as occasion may require; sometimes it is grasped in the middle. The performance with these simple things was astonishing. I should say the watta and the cheruvadi represented swords, or rather that they were used for initiation or practice in swordsmanship, when the Nayars were the military element in Malabar. The opponents, who faced each other with the sariravadi or quarter-staff, stood thirty feet apart, and, as if under the same stimulus, each kicked one leg high in the air, gave several lively bounds in the air, held their staff horizontally in front with out-stretched arms, came down slowly on the haunches, placed the staff on the ground, bent over, and touched it with the forehead. With a sudden bound they were again on their feet, and, after some preliminary pirouetting, went for each other tooth and nail. The sword play, which one sees during festive ceremonies, such as a marriage or the like, is done by the hereditary retainers, who fight imaginary foes, and destroy and vanquish opponents with much contortion of body, and always indulge in much of this preliminary overture to their performance. There is always, by way of preliminary, a high kick in the air, followed by squatting on the haunches, bounding high, turning, twisting, pirouetting, and all the time swinging the sword unceasingly above, below, behind the back, under the arm or legs, in ever so many impossible ways. Nayar shields are made of wood, covered with leather, usually coloured bright red. Within the boss are some hard seeds, or metal balls loose in a small space, so that there is a jingling sound like that of the small bells on the ankles of the dancer, when the shield is oscillated or shaken in the hand. The swords are those which were used ordinarily for fighting. There are also swords of many patterns for processional and other purposes, more or less ornamented about the handle, and half way up the blade."

"The Nayars," Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar writes, "have a distinct feudal organisation, and the division of their territories had an unmistakeable reference to it. The territorial unit was the desam, presided over by a Dasavazhi. A number of desams adjoining one another constituted a nadu, which was under the jurisdiction of a chieftain called the Naduvazhi. Above the Naduvazhis was the Rajah, the highest suzerain in the country. In course of time, each nadu split itself up into a certain number of taras, over the affairs of which a Karanavan, or elder, presided. An assembly of these Karanavans constituted the six hundred--an old socio-military organisation of the Nayars in mediæval times. These six hundred are referred to in two places in the second Syrian Christian document, which bears the date 925 A.D. In a South Travancore inscription, dated 371 M.E., the same organisation is referred to as Venattarunuru, or the six hundred of Venad, and one of their duties evidently related to the supervision of the working of temples and charitable institutions connected therewith. As Venad was divided into eighteen districts in ancient days, there might have been altogether eighteen six hundred in the country. The Naduvazhis possessed considerable authority in all social matters and possessed enough lands to be cultivated by their Kudiyans. A feudal basis was laid for the whole organisation. Large numbers served as soldiers in times of war, and cultivated their lands when the country was quiet. In modern times, none of them take to military service in Travancore, except those employed as sepoys in the Nayar Brigade."

Concerning the organisation of the Nayars, Mr. Logan writes that they were, "until the British occupied the country, the militia of the district (Malabar). This name implies that they were the 'leaders' of the people. Originally they seem to have been organised into six hundreds, and each six hundred seems to have had assigned to it the protection of all the people in a nad or country. The nad was in turn split up into taras, a Dravidian word signifying originally a foundation, the foundation of a house, hence applied collectively to a street, as in Tamil teru, in Telugu teruvu, and in Canarese and Tulu teravu. The tara was the Nayar territorial unit of organisation for civil purposes, and was governed by representatives of the caste, who were styled Karanavar or elders. The six hundred was probably composed exclusively of those Karanavar or elders, who were in some parts called Mukhyastans (chief men), or Madhyastans (mediators), or Pramanis (chief men), and there seem to have been four families of them to each tara, so that the nad must have originally consisted of one hundred and fifty taras. This tara organisation of the protector caste played a most important part in the political history of the country, for it was the great bulwark against the tyranny and oppression of the Rajas. The evidence of the Honourable East India Company's linguist (interpreter, agent) at Calicut, which appears in the diary of the Tellicherry Factory under date 28th May, 1746, deserves to be here reproduced. He wrote as follows: 'These Nayars, being heads of the Calicut people, resemble the parliament, and do not obey the king's dictates in all things, but chastise his ministers when they do unwarrantable acts.' The parliament referred to must have been the kuttam (assembly) of the nad. The kuttam answered many purposes when combined action on the part of the community was necessary. The Nayars assembled in their kuttams whenever hunting, or war, or arbitration, or what not was in hand, and this organisation does not seem to have been confined to Malabar, for the koot organisation of the people of South Canara gave the British officers much trouble in 1832-33. In so far as Malabar was concerned, the system seems to have remained in an efficient state down to the time of the British occupation, and the power of the Rajas was strictly limited. Mr. Murdoch Brown, of Anjarakandi, who knew the country well, thus wrote to Mr. Francis Buchanan in the earliest years of the present (nineteenth) century regarding the despotic action of the Rajas when constituted, after the Mysorean conquest the revenue agents of the Government of Haidar Ali. 'By this new order of things, these latter (the Rajas) were vested with despotic authority over the other inhabitants, instead of the very limited prerogatives that they had enjoyed by the feudal system, under which they could neither exact revenue from the lands of their vassals, nor exercise any, direct authority in their districts.' And again, 'The Raja was no longer what he had been, the head of a feudal aristocracy with limited authority, but the all-powerful deputy of a despotic prince, whose military force was always at his command to curb or chastise any of the chieftains who were inclined to dispute or disobey his mandates.' [170] From the earliest times, therefore, down to the end of the eighteenth century, the Nayar tara and nad organization kept the country from oppression and tyranny on the part of the rulers, and to this fact more than to any other is due the comparative prosperity, which the Malayali country so long enjoyed, and which made Calicut at one time the great emporium of trade between the East and the West. But, besides protection, the Nayars had originally another most important function in the body politic. Besides being protectors, they were also supervisors or overseers, a duty which, as a very ancient deed testifies, was styled kanam--a Dravidian word derived from the verb kanuka (to see, etc). Parasu Raman (so the tradition preserved in the Keralolpatti runs) separated the Nayars into taras, and ordered that to them belonged the duty of supervision (lit. kan = the eye), the executive power (lit. kei = the hand, as the emblem of power), and the giving of orders (lit. kalpana, order, command), so as to prevent the rights from being curtailed, or suffered to fall into disuse. The Nayars were originally the overseers or supervisors of the nad, and they seem to have been employed in this capacity as the collectors of the share of produce of the land originally reserved for Government purposes. As remuneration for this service, and for their other function as protectors, another share of the produce of the soil seems to have been reserved specially for them. It be well worth the study of persons acquainted with other districts of the Presidency to ascertain whether somewhat similar functions to these (protection, and supervision) did not originally appertain to the Kavalgars of Tamil districts and the Kapus in the Telugu country, for both of these words seem to have come from the same root as the Malayalam kanam. And it is significant that the Tamil word now used for proprietorship in the soil is kani-yatchi, to which word the late Mr. F. W. Ellis in his paper on Mirasi Rights assigned a similar derivation."

The occupation of the Nayars is described by Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar as "comprising all kinds of worldly pursuits. So late as the end of the eighteenth century, there were with the then Maharaja of Travancore a hundred thousand soldiers, consisting of Nayars and Chovas, armed with arrows, spears, swords and battle-axes. The chief occupation of the Nayars is agriculture. Cultivation of a slipshod, time-honoured type is the forte of the Nayar, for which he has always found time from times of old, though engaged in other occupations as well. In the Velakali, a kind of mock fight, which is one of the items of the utasom programme in every important temple in Malabar, the dress worn by the Nayars is supposed to be their ancient military costume. Even now, among the Nayars who form the Maharaja's own Brigade, agriculture, to which they are enabled to attend during all their off-duty days, goes largely to supplement their monthly pay. Various other occupations, all equally necessary for society, have been, according to the Keralavakasakrama, assigned to the Nayars, and would seem to have determined their original sub-divisions. They are domestic servants in Brahman and Kshatriya houses and temples, and deal in dairy produce, as well as being engaged in copper-sheet roofing, tile-making, pottery, palanquin-bearing, and so on. But these traditional occupations are fast ceasing under the ferment of a new civilisation. In the matter of education, the Nayars occupy a prominent position. Almost every Nayar girl is sent to the village school to learn the three R's, quite as much as a matter of course as the schooling of boys. This constitutes a feature of Malabar life that makes it the most literate country in all India, especially in respect of the female sex. After Ramanujam Ezhuttachchan developed and enriched the Malayalam language, numerous Asans or village teachers came into existence in different parts of Malabar. After a preliminary study of Malayalam, such as desired higher, i.e., Sanskrit education, got discipled to an Ambalavasi or a Sastri. Even to-day the estimable desire to study Sanskrit is seen in some Nayar youths, who have readily availed themselves of the benefit of the local Sanskrit college. In respect of English education, the Nayars occupy a prominent position. The facility afforded by the Government of Travancore for the study of English is being largely availed of by Nayars, and it is a matter deserving to be prominently recorded that, in recent years, several Nayar girls have passed the Matriculation examination of the University of Madras."

It is noted, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that "the Nayars as a class are the best educated and the most advanced of the communities in Malabar (excepting perhaps the Pattar Brahmans, who are not strictly a Malayalam class), and are intellectually the equals of the Brahmans of the East Coast. Many of them have risen to the highest posts in Government, and the caste has supplied many of the leading members of the learned professions."

Nayi (dog).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba.

Nayinar.--Nayinar, Nayanar, or Nainar, has been recorded as a section of Vellalas, who are thought to be descended from Jains who were converted to Hinduism, and as a title of Jains, Kaikolans, Pallis, and Udaiyans. Nayanikulam occurs as a synonym of Boya. The word Nayinar is the same as Nayaka, meaning lord or master, and the Saivite saints, being religious teachers, are so called, e.g., Sundara Murti Nayanar.

Nayinda.--Recorded, in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, as the name of a caste, which follows the hereditary occupation of barber, and also of agriculture. "They are," it is there said, "members of the village hierarchy. They are paid, like the Agasa (washerman), in kind for their services. They are also fiddlers, and have the exclusive right of wind instruments. They are known as Kelasiga or Hajam. They are both Saivites and Vaishnavites. A section of them wear the lingam, and follow Lingayetism. They are known as Silavanta. These people are largely in requisition at feasts, marriages, etc., when they form the music band." Kelasi is the name of a Canarese barber caste, and Hajam is a Hindustani word for barber.

Nedungadi.--This name, denoting a settlement in Nedunganad in the Walluvanad taluk of Malabar, has been returned as a sub-caste of Nayars and Samantas.

Nekkara.--A small class of washermen in South Canara. The women only are said to do the washing, while the men are employed as devil-dancers.

Nellika (Phyllanthus Emblica).--An illam of Tiyan.

Nellu (paddy, unhusked rice).--A gotra of Kurni.

Nemilli (peacock).--An exogamous sept of Boya and Balija.

Nerali (Eugenia Jambolana).--An exogamous sept of Gangadikara Holeya.

Nerati.--Nerati or Neravati is a sub-division of Kapu.

Nese.--An occupational term, meaning weaver applied to several of the weaving castes, but more especially to the Kurnis. It is noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that "in the inscriptions of Raja Raja the Chola king, about the beginning of the eleventh century, the Paraiyan caste is called by its present name. It had then two sub-divisions, Nesavu (the weavers) and Ulavu (the ploughman)."

Netpanivandlu (neyyuta, to weave).--Recorded by the Rev. J. Cain [171] as a name for Mala weavers.

Nettikotala.--In a note on the Nettikotalas or Neththikotalasi, Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao writes that they correspond to the Kalladi Siddhans of the Tamil country. The name means those who cut their foreheads. They are mendicants who beg from Gavara Komatis, whom they are said to have assisted in days of old by delaying the progress of Raja Vishnu Vardhana. (See Komati.) When their dues are not promptly paid, they make cuts in their foreheads and other parts of the body, and make blood flow.

Neyige.--The silk and cotton hand-loom weavers of the Mysore Province are, in the Census Report, 1891, dealt with collectively under the occupational name Neyige (weaving), which includes Bilimagga, Devanga, Khatri, Patvegar, Sale, Saurashtra (Patnulkaran), Seniga and Togata.

Neytikkar.--Weavers of coir (cocoanut fibre) mats in Malabar.

Neyyala.--The Neyyala are a Telugu fishing caste found chiefly in Vizagapatam and Ganjam, for the following note on whom I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. The name is derived from the Telugu neyyalu, meaning fried rice or cholam (Sorghum vulgare), which is made by female members of the caste, especially during the harvest season, into balls with jaggery (crude sugar). These are carried about the country by the men for sale to those engaged in reaping the crop and others. As payment, they receive from, the reapers a portion of the grain which they are cutting. A further occupation of the caste is fishing with konti vala, or koyyala vala i.e., nets supported on a row of bamboo sticks, which are placed in shallow water, and dragged by two men.

The Naga (cobra) is reverenced by the caste. A Brahman officiates at marriages, during which the sacred thread is worn. The remarriage of widows is permitted, provided that the woman has no children by her first husband. Divorce is not allowed. The dead are burnt, and the chinna (little) and pedda rozu (big day) death ceremonies are observed.

As a caste, the Neyyalas do not drink intoxicating liquor, and eat only in Brahman houses. Their usual title is Ayya.

Neyye (clarified butter).--An occupational sub-division of Komati.

Nila (blue).--An exogamous sept of Medara.

Nilagara (indigo people).--The name of a class of dyers, who are, in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, included in the Kumbara or potter caste.

Nili (indigo).--An exogamous sept of Padma Sale and Togata.

Nirganti.--Recorded, in the Mysore and Coorg Gazetteer, as a regulator and distributor of water to irrigated lands. He is usually a Holeya by caste.

Nirpusi (wearers of sacred ashes).--Recorded, at times of census, as a sub-division of Pandya Vellalas. Nirpusi Vellala is described, in the Gazetteer of the South Arcot district, as a name current in the South Arcot district meaning Vellalas who put on holy ash, in reference to certain Jains, who formerly became Saivites taking off their sacred threads, and putting holy ashes on their foreheads.

Nityadasu.--Nityadasu, or Nityulu, meaning immortal slaves, is a name by which some Mala Dasaris style themselves.

Nodha.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a very small caste of hill cultivators and earth-workers in the Oriya country.

Nokkan.--The Nokkans, who often go by the name of Jadipillais (children of the caste), are a class of mendicants, who beg from members of the Palli caste. The word Nokkan is said to mean 'he who looks'. The Nokkans make periodical visits to villages where Pallis live, and receive from them a small fee in money. They attend at Palli marriages, and, during processions, carry flags (palempores) bearing devices of Hanuman, tigers, Agni, etc., which are made at Kalahasti.

The Nokkans claim fees from the Pallis, because one of their ancestors helped them. The legend runs as follows. During the reign of a Palli king at Conjeeveram, a car, bearing the idol of the god, stood still, and could not be moved. A human sacrifice was considered necessary, but no one would offer himself as a victim. A Nokkan came forward, and allowed his only daughter, who was pregnant, to be sacrificed. Pleased at his behaviour, the king ordered that the Pallis should in future treat the Nokkans as their Jadipillais. Some Nokkans say that they were presented with copper-grants, one of which is reputed to be in the possession of one Nokka Ramaswami of Mulavayal village in the Ponneri taluk of the Chingleput district.

In the course of their rounds, the Nokkans repeat the story of the origin of the Pallis, one version of which runs as follows. Two Asuras, Vathapi and Enadhapi, who were ruling at Ratnagiripatnam, obtained at the hands of Siva, by means of severe tapas (penance), the following boon. No child should die within their dominions, and the Asuras should be invincible, and not meet their death at the hands of uterine-born beings. The Devatas and others, unable to bear the tyranny of the Asuras, prayed to Brahma for rescue. He directed them to the Rishi Jambuvamuni, who was doing penance on the banks of the river Jumna. This Rishi is said to have married a woman named Asendi, who was born from the cheeks of Parvati. Hearing the request of the Devatas, the Rishi lighted the sacred fire, and therefrom arose a being called Rudra Vanniyan, and forty other warriors, including Nilakanta, Gangabala, and Vajrabahu. The Pallis are descended from these fire-born heroes. (See Palli)

Nokkans wear the sacred thread, and carry with them a big drum and a gourd pipe like that used by snake-charmers.

Noliya.--A synonym used by Oriya castes for the Telugu Jalaris.

Nonaba.--A territorial sub-division of Vakkaliga. The name is derived from Nonambavadi, one of the former great divisions of the Tanjore country.

Nottakaran.--The office of village Nottakaran, or tester, has been abolished in modern times. It was generally held by a goldsmith, whose duty was to test the rupees when the land revenue was being gathered in, and see that they were not counterfeit.

Nuchchu (broken rice).--A gotra of Kurni.

Nukala (coarse grain powder).--An exogamous sept of Padma Sale.

Nulayan.--In the Madras Census Report, 1901, ninety-six individuals are recorded as belonging to a small caste of Malayalam fishermen and boatmen. The Nulayans are found in Travancore, and were returned in the census of Malabar, as the two small British settlements of Anjengo and Tangacheri in Travancore are under the jurisdiction of the Collector of Malabar.

Nune (oil).--An occupational sub-division of Komati.

Nunia (nuno, salt).--A sub-division of Odiya.

Nurankurup.--An occupational name for Paravans settled in Malabar, whose employment is that of lime-burners (nuru, lime).

Nurbash.--Recorded, at the census, 1901, as a synonym of Dudekula. A corruption of nurbaf (weaving).

Nuvvala (gingelly: Sesamum indicum).--An exogamous sept of Kamma and Medara. Gingelly seeds, from which an oil is extracted, "form an essential article of certain religious ceremonies of the Hindus, and have therefore received the names of homa-dhanya or the sacrificial grain, and pitri-tarpana or the grain that is offered as an oblation to deceased ancestors." (U. C. Dutt.) During the death ceremonies of some Brahmans, libations of water mixed with gingelly seeds, called tilothakam, and a ball of rice, are offered daily to two stones representing the spirit of the deceased.

Nyayam (justice).--An exogamous sept of Padma Sale.

O

Occhan.--The Occhans are a class of temple priests, usually officiate as pujaris at Pidari and other Amman (Grama Devata) temples. They are for the most part Saivites, but some belong to the Vadagalai or Tengalai Vaishnava sects. Some of the pujaris wear the sacred thread when within the temple. Their insignia are the udukkai, or hour-glass shaped drum, and the silambu, or hollow brass ring filled with bits of brass, which rattle when it is shaken. In the Chingleput district, some Occhans act as dancing-masters to Devadasis, and are sometimes called Nattuvan.

The name Occhan is derived from the Tamil ochai, meaning sound, in reference to the usual mode of invoking the Grama Devatas (village deities) by beating on a drum and singing their praises. It has been suggested that Occhan is a contracted form of Uvacchan, which occurs in certain old inscriptions. [172] Of these, the oldest is dated Sakha 1180 (A.D. 1258), and refers to the tax on Uvacchas. Another inscription, in which the same tax is referred to, is dated Sakha 1328 (A.D. 1406). In both these inscriptions, Uvacchan has been interpreted as referring to Jonakas, who are a class of Muhammadans. This is one of the meanings given by Winslow, [173] who also gives "a caste of drummers at temples, Occhan."

In the northern districts, the Occhans are divided into five sections, called Marayan, Pandi, Kandappan, Periya or Pallavarayan, and Pulavan. Marayan is also the name of temple priests in Travancore, on whom the title Occhan is bestowed as a mark of royal favour by the Travancore sovereigns. [174] The Occhans have many titles, e.g., Archaka or Umai Archaka, Devar, Parasaivan, Mudaliar, Vallabarayan, Pusali, Pulavar, and Kamban. Of these, the last two are said to be derived from the Tamil epic poet Kamban, who is traditionally believed to have belonged to the Occhan caste. There is a legend that Kamban was on his way to the residence of a king, when he heard an oil-monger, who was driving his bulls, remonstrate with them, saying "Should you kick against each other because the poet Kamban, like the Occhan he is, hums his verse?" On hearing this, Kamban approached the oil-monger, and went with him to the king, to whom he reported that he had been insulted. By order of the king, the oil-monger burst forth into verse, and explained how his bulls had taken fright on hearing Kamban's impromptu singing. Kamban was greatly pleased with the poet oil-monger, and begged the king to let him go with honours heaped on him.

In the southern districts, more especially in Madura and Tinnevelly, it is usual for an Occhan to claim his paternal aunt's daughter in marriage. In the northern districts, a man may also marry his maternal uncle's or sister's daughter. Brahman Gurukkals officiate at marriages. In their puberty, marriage, and death ceremonies, the Occhans closely follow the Pallis or Vanniyans. The dead are burnt, and Brahmans officiate at the funeral ceremonies.

The caste is an organised one, and there is usually a headman, called Periyathanakaran, at places where Occhans occur.

Oda vandlu (boatmen).--A synonym of Mila, a fishing caste in Ganjam and Vizagapatam. Some prosperous Milas have adopted Oda Balija as their caste name. (See Vada.)

Odan.--An occupational name of a class of Nayars, who are tile-makers.

Odari.--The Odaris or Vodaris are Tulu-speaking potters in the South Canara district. Those who have abandoned the profession of potter call themselves Mulia, as also do some potters, and those who are employed as pujaris (priests) at bhuthasthanas (devil shrines). In many cases, the headman combines the duties of that office with those of pujari, and is called Mulia. Otherwise his title is Gurikara.

The Canarese potters in South Canara, in making pots, use the ordinary wheel, which is rotated by means of a long stick. The wheel of the Odaris is more primitive, consisting of a small disc, concave above, made of unburnt clay, fitting by means of a pebble pivot into a pebble socket, which is rotated by hand.

Like other Tulu castes, the Odaris worship bhuthas, but also reverence Venkataramana.

In their marriage ceremonial, the Odaris follow the Bant type. At the betrothal, the headmen or fathers of the contracting couple exchange betel, and the party of the future bridegroom give a ring to the people of the bride-elect. The marriage rites are completed in a single day. A bench is placed within the marriage pandal (booth), and covered with clothes brought by the Madivali (washerman caste). The bridegroom is conducted thither by the bride's brother, and, after going round three times, takes his seat. He is generally preceded by women carrying lights, rice and fruits before him. The lamp is hung up, and the other articles are deposited on the ground. One by one, the women throw a grain of rice, first over the lamp, and then a few grains over the head of the bridegroom. Then the barber comes, and, after throwing rice, shaves the face of the bridegroom, using milk instead of water. The bride is also shaved by a barber woman. The pair are decorated, and brought to the pandal, where those assembled throw rice over their heads, and make presents of money. Their hands are then united by the headman, and the dhare water poured over them by the maternal uncle of the bride.

An interesting rite in connection with pregnancy is the presentation of a fowl or two to the pregnant woman by her maternal uncle. The fowls are tended with great care, and, if they lay eggs abundantly, it is a sign that the pregnant woman will be prolific.

The dead are either buried or cremated. If cremation is resorted to, the final death ceremonies (bojja) must be celebrated on the eleventh or thirteenth day. If the corpse has been buried, these ceremonies must not take place before the lapse of at least a month.

Odde.--The Oddes or Voddas, who are commonly called Wudders, are summed up by Mr. H. A. Stuart [175] as being "the navvies of the country, quarrying stone, sinking wells, constructing tank bunds, and executing other kinds of earthwork more rapidly than any other class, so that they have got almost a monopoly of the trade. They are Telugu people, who came originally from Orissa, whence their name. Were they more temperate, they might be in very good circumstances, but, as soon as they have earned a small sum, they strike work and have a merry-making, in which all get much intoxicated, and the carouse continues as long as funds last. They are very ignorant, not being able even to calculate how much work they have done, and trusting altogether to their employer's honesty. They are an open-hearted, good-natured lot, with loose morals, and no restrictions regarding food, but they are proud, and will only eat in the houses of the higher castes, though most Sudras look down upon them. Polygamy and divorce are freely allowed to men, and women are only restricted from changing partners after having had eighteen. Even this limit is not set to the men."

Women who have had seven husbands are said to be much respected, and their blessing on a bridal pair is greatly praised. There is a common saying that a widow may mount the marriage dais seven times.

In the Census Report, 1871, the Oddes are described as being "the tank-diggers, well-sinkers, and road-makers of the country who live in detached settlements, building their huts in conical or bee-hive form, with only a low door of entrance. They work in gangs on contract, and every one, except very old and very young, takes a share in the work. The women carry the earth in baskets, while the men use the pick and spade. The babies are usually tied up in cloths, which are suspended, hammock fashion, from the boughs of trees. They are employed largely in the Public Works Department, and in the construction and maintenance of railways. They are rather a fine-looking race, and all that I have come across are Vaishnavites in theory, wearing the trident prominently on their foreheads, arms, and breasts. The women are tall and straight. They eat every description of animal food, and especially pork and field-rats, and all drink spirituous liquors."

Of the Oddes, the following brief accounts are given in the Nellore, Coimbatore, and Madura Manuals:--

Nellore.--"These people are the tank-diggers. They sometimes engage in the carrying trade, but beyond this, they only move about from place to place as they have work. The word Vodde or Odde is said to be a corruption of the Sanskrit Odhra, the name for the country now called Orissa, and the people are ordinarily supposed to have emigrated from the Uriya country. Besides Telugu, they are said to speak a peculiar dialect among themselves; and, if this should turn out to be Uriya, the question might be regarded as settled. The laborious occupation of the men tends to develop their muscles. I have seen some very fine men among the tribe."

Coimbatore.--"Numerous, owing to the hard nature of the subsoil and the immense and increasing number of irrigation wells, which demand the labour of strong men accustomed to the use of the crowbar, pick-axe, and powder. They are black, strong, and of good physique, highly paid, and live on strong meat and drink."

Madura.--"An itinerant caste of tank-diggers and earth-workers. They are Telugus, and are supposed to have come southward in the time of the Nayyakkans. Possibly Tirumala sent for them to dig out his great teppakulam, and assist in raising gopuras. They are a strong, hard-working class, but also drunken, gluttonous, and vicious. And but little faith can be placed in their most solemn promises. They will take advances from half a dozen employers within a week, and work for none of them, if they can possibly help it."

In Mysore numbers of Oddes are now permanently settled in the outskirts of large towns, where both sexes find employment as sweepers, etc., in connection with sanitation and conservancy. Some Oddes are, at the present time (1908), employed at the Mysore manganese mines. The tribe is often found concerting with the Korachas, Koramas, and other predatory classes in committing dacoities and robberies, and it has passed into a proverb that they would rather bear any amount of bodily torture than confess or disclose the truth regarding the crimes attributed to them. Some Oddes have settled down as agriculturists and contractors, and some are very prosperous. For example, there are a few Oddes near Kuppam in the North Arcot district, whose credit is so good that any rich merchant would advance them large sums of money. A wealthy Odde, worth nearly a lakh of rupees, worried my assistant for half an anna, wherewith to purchase some betel leaf. It is recorded by Bishop Whitehead, [176] in the diary of a tour in the Nizam's Dominions, that, at Khammamett, "the Waddas who have become Christians have for some time past possessed land and cattle of their own, and are well-to-do people. One of the headmen, who was presented to me after service, said that he had 80 acres of land of his own."

Some of the timber work in the Nallamalai hills, in the Kurnool district, is done by Oddes, who fell trees, and keep bulls for dragging the timber out of the forests. Under the heading "Uppara and Vadde Vandlu," the Rev. J. Cain gives [177] the following account of the distribution of wages. "The tank-diggers had been paid for their work, and, in apportioning the share of each labourer, a bitter dispute arose because one of the women had not received what she deemed her fair amount. On enquiry it turned out that she was in an interesting condition, and therefore could claim not only her own, but also a share for the expected child."

A legend is current to the effect that, long ago, the Oddes were ordered to dig a tank, to enable the Devatas and men to obtain water. This was done, and they demanded payment, which was made in the form of a pinch of the sacred ashes of Siva to each workman, in lieu of money. When they reached home, the ashes turned into money, but they were not satisfied with the amount, and clamoured for more. The god, growing angry, cursed them thus: "What you obtain in the forests by digging shall be lost as soon as you reach high ground." Parvati, taking pity on them, asked Siva to give them large sums of money. Whereon Siva, hollowing out a measuring-rod, filled it with varahans (gold coins), and gave it to the maistry. He also filled a large pumpkin with money, and buried it in a field, where the Oddes were working. The measuring-rod was pawned by the maistry for toddy. The Oddes, noticing the raised mound caused by the burying of the pumpkin, left it untouched to show the depth that they had dug. A buffalo, which was grazing in a field close by, exposed the pumpkin, which the Oddes, not suspecting its contents, sold to a Komati.

According to another legend, the Oddes were employed by God, who had assumed a human form, and was living amongst them. On one occasion, God had to perform a certain ceremony, so he gave the Oddes an advance of three days' pay, and ordered them not to worry him. This they failed to do, and were accordingly laid under a curse to remain poor for ever.

A further legend is current among the Oddes to the effect that, when Siva and Parvati were walking one sultry day upon the earth, they got very hot and thirsty. The drops of perspiration which fell from Siva were changed by him into a man with a pick and crowbar, while those falling from Parvati turned into a woman carrying a basket. The man and woman quickly sunk a well, with the cooling waters of which the god and goddess refreshed themselves, and in gratitude promised the labourers certain gifts, the nature of which is not now known, but neither was satisfied, and both grumbled, which so incensed Siva that he cursed them, and vowed that they and their descendants should live by the sweat of their brows.

Among the Oddes, the following sayings are current:--

The Oddes live with their huts on their heads (i.e., low huts), with light made from gathered sticks, on thin conji (gruel), blessing those who give, and cursing those who do not.

Cobras have poison in their fangs, and Oddes in their tongues.

Though wealth accumulates like a mountain, it soon disappears like mist.

At recent times of census, the following occupational sub-divisions were returned:--Kallu or Rati (stone-workers) and Mannu (earth-workers), Manti or Bailu (open space), between which there is said to be no intermarriage. The endogamous sub-divisions Natapuram and Uru (village men), Bidaru (wanderers), and Konga (territorial) were also returned. Beri was given as a sub-caste, and Odderazu as a synonym for the caste name. In Ganjam, Bolasi is said to be a sub-division of the Oddes. The caste titles are Nayakan and Boyan. The similarity of the latter word to Boer was fatal, for, at the time of my visit to the Oddes, the South African war was just over, and they were afraid that I was going to get them transported, to replace the Boers who had been exterminated. Being afraid, too, of my evil eye, they refused to fire a new kiln of bricks for the new club chambers at Coimbatore until I had taken my departure.

It is noted, in the Mysore Census Report, 1891, that "the caste divides itself into two main branches, the Kallu and Mannu Vaddas, between whom there is no social intercourse of any kind, or intermarriage. The former are stone-workers and builders, and more robust than the latter, and are very dexterous in moving large masses of stone by rude and elementary mechanical appliances. They are hardy, and capable of great exertion and endurance. The Kallu Vaddas consider themselves superior to the Mannu Vaddas (earth diggers). Unlike the Kallu Vaddas, the Mannu Vaddas or Bailu Vaddas are a nomadic tribe, squatting wherever they can find any large earthwork, such as deepening and repairing tanks, throwing up embankments, and the like. They are expert navvies, turning out within a given time more hard work than any other labouring class." The Mannu Oddes eat rats, porcupines, and scaly ant-eaters or pangolins (Manis pentadactyla).

Of exogamous septs, the following may be cited:--

Bandollu, rock.
Bochchollu, hairs.
Cheruku, sugarcane.
Enumala, buffalo.
Goddali, axe.
Gampa, basket.
Idakottu, break-down.
Jambu (Eugenia Jambolana).
Komali, buffoon.
Santha, a fair.
Sivaratri, a festival.
Manchala, cot.
Sampangi (Michelia Champaca).
Thatichettu, palmyra palm.
Bandari (Dodonoea viscosa).
Devala, belonging to god.
Donga, thief.
Malle, jasmine.
Panthipattu, pig-catcher.
Panthikottu, pig-killer.
Upputholuvaru, salt-carrier.
Pitakala, dais on which a priest sits.
Thappata, drum.

At the Mysore census, 1901, a few returned gotras, such as arashina (turmeric), huvvina (flowers), honna (gold), and akshantala (rice grain).

"The women of the Vaddevandlu section of the tank-digger caste," the Rev. J. Cain writes, [178] "only wear the glass bracelets on the left arm, as, in years gone by (according to their own account), a seller of these bracelets was one day persuading them to buy, and, leaving the bracelets on their left arms, went away, promising to return with a fresh supply for their right arms. As yet he has not re-appeared." But an old woman explained that they have to use their right arm when at work, and if they wore bangles on it, they would frequently get broken.

In some places, tattooing on the forehead with a central vertical line, dots, etc., is universally practiced, because, according to the Odde, they should bear tattoo marks as a proof of their life on earth (bhulokam) when they die. Oddes, calling themselves Pachcha Botlu, are itinerant tattooers in the Ganjam, Vizagapatam and Godavari districts. While engaged in performing the operation, they sing Telugu songs, to divert the attention of those who are being operated on.

The office of headman, who is known as Yejamanadu, Samayagadu, or Pedda (big) Boyadu, is hereditary, and disputes, which cannot be settled at a council meeting, are referred to a Balija Desai Chetti, whose decision is final. In some cases, the headman is assisted by officers called Chinna (little) Boyadu, Sankuthi, and Banthari. An Odde, coming to a place where people are assembled with shoes on, is fined, and described as gurram ekki vachchinavu (having come on a horse). The Oddes are very particular about touching leather, and beating with shoes brings pollution. Both the beater and the person beaten have to undergo a purificatory ceremony, and pay a fine. When in camp at Dimbhum, in the Coimbatore district, I caught hold of a ladle, to show my friend Dr. Rivers what were the fragrant contents of a pot, in which an Odde woman was cooking the evening meal. On returning from a walk, we heard a great noise proceeding from the Odde men who had meanwhile returned from work, and found the woman seated apart on a rock and sobbing. She had been excommunicated, not because I touched the ladle, but because she had afterwards touched the pot. After much arbitration, I paid up the necessary fine, and she was received back into her caste.

When a girl reaches puberty, she is confined in a special hut, in which a piece of iron, margosa leaves (Melia Azadirachta), sticks of Strychnos Nux-vomica, and the arka plant (Calotropis gigantea) are placed, to ward off evil spirits. For fear of these spirits she is not allowed to eat meat, though eggs are permitted. On the seventh day, a fowl is killed, waved in front of the girl, and thrown away. At the end of the period of pollution, the hut is burnt down. Sometimes, when the girl bathes on the first day, a sieve is held over her head, and water poured through it. In some places, on the eleventh day, chicken broth, mixed with arrack (liquor), is administered, in order to make the girl's back and waist strong. The hen, from which the broth is made, must be a black one, and she must have laid eggs for the first time. The flesh is placed in a mortar, pounded to a pulp, and boiled, with the addition of condiments, and finally the arrack.

Both infant and adult marriages are practiced. The marriage ceremony, in its simplest form, is, according to Mr. F. S. Mullaly, [179] not a tedious one, the bride and bridegroom walking three times round a stake placed in the ground. In the more elaborate ritual, on the betrothal day, the bride-price, etc., are fixed, and an adjournment is made to the toddy shop. The marriage rites are, as a rule, very simple, but, in some places, the Oddes have begun to imitate the marriage ceremonies of the Balijas. On the third day, the contracting couple go in procession to a tank, where the bridegroom digs up some mud, and the bride carries three basketfuls thereof to a distance. The following story is narrated in connection with their marriage ceremonies. A certain king wanted an Odde to dig a tank, which was subsequently called Nidimamidi Koththacheruvu, and promised to pay him in varahalu (gold coins). When the work was completed, the Odde went to the king for his money, but the king had no measure for measuring out the coins. A person was sent to fetch one, and on his way met a shepherd, who had on his shoulders a small bamboo stick, which could easily be converted into a measure. Taking this stick, he returned to the king, who measured out the coins, which fell short of the amount expected by the Oddes, who could not pay the debts, which they had contracted. So they threw the money into the tank, saying "Let the tank leak, and the land lie fallow for ever." All were crying on account of their misery and indebtedness. A Balija, coming across them, took pity on them, and gave them half the amount required to discharge their debts. After a time they wanted to marry, and men were sent to bring the bottu (marriage badge), milk-post, musicians, etc. But they did not return, and the Balija suggested the employment of a pestle for the milk-post, a string of black beads for the bottu, and betel leaves and areca nuts instead gold coins for the oli (bride-price).

The Oddes are in some places Vaishnavites, in others Saivites, but they also worship minor deities, such as Ellamma, Ankamma, etc., to whom goats and sheep are sacrificed, not with a sword or knife, but by piercing them with a spear or crowbar. Writing at the commencement of the nineteenth century, Buchanan states [180] that "although the Woddaru pray to Vishnu, and offer sacrifices to Marima, Gungama, Durgama, Putalima, and Mutialima, yet the proper object of worship belonging to the caste is a goddess called Yellama, one of the destroying spirits. The image is carried constantly with their baggage; and in her honour there is an annual feast, which lasts three days. On this occasion they build a shed, under which they place the image, and one of the tribe officiates as priest or pujari. For these three days offerings of brandy, palm wine, rice, and flowers are made to the idol, and bloody sacrifices are performed before the shed. The Woddas abstain from eating the bodies of the animals sacrificed to their own deity, but eat those which they sacrifice to the other Saktis."