Chapter X: Part 10

For the following note on the weaving industry, I am indebted to Mr. A. Chatterton. "The hand-weavers may be divided into two great classes--(1) plain weavers, who weave cloths or fabrics with a single shuttle, which carries the weft from selvage to selvage; (2) bordered cloth weavers, who weave cloths in which the threads of the weft of the portion of the fabric forming the borders are distinct from the threads of the weft of the main body of the cloth. To manufacture these cloths, three shuttles are employed, and as yet no successful attempt has been made to imitate them on the power loom. The bordered cloth weavers do not suffer from the direct competition of machine-made piece-goods, and the depression in their branch of the industry is due to changes in the tastes of the people. [131] In the manufacture of a cloth from the raw material there are three distinct processes: spinning, warping, and weaving. Modern machinery has absolutely and completely ousted hand-spinning; the primitive native methods of warping have been to a large extent replaced by improved hand-machines, and power looms have displaced hand looms to some extent; but there is still an enormous hand-loom industry, some branches of which are in by no means an unsatisfactory condition. In our efforts to place the hand-weaving industry on a better footing, we are endeavouring to improve the primitive methods of indigenous weavers both in regard to warping and weaving. In respect to weaving we have met with considerable success, as we have demonstrated that the output of the fly-shuttle loom is fully double that of the native hand loom, and it is in consequence slowly making its way in the weaving centres of Southern India. In respect to warping, no definite solution has yet been effected, and we are still experimenting. The problem is complicated by the fact that the output of a warping mill must necessarily be sufficient to keep at least a hundred hand looms at work, and at the present time the hand-weaving industry is not organised on any basis, which gives promise of development into co-operative working on so large a scale as would give employment to this number of looms. In Madura, Coimbatore, Madras and Salem, attempts are being made to establish organised hand-loom weaving factories, and these represent the direction in which future development must take place. At present all these factories are running with fly-shuttle looms, and various modifications of the old types of hand-warping machinery. The only experiments in warping and sizing are now being conducted, at Government expense, in the Government weaving factory at Salem, and in a small factory established privately at Tondiarpet (Madras). A warping machinery, suited to Indian requirements, has been specially designed for us in England, and there is no doubt but that it will provide a solution to the warping question, but whether it will be satisfactory or not depends upon the efficiency of hank sizing. The superiority of native cloths is commonly attributed to the fact that they are made in hand looms, but in reality it is largely due to the methods of sizing employed by native weavers, and it is still doubtful whether we can attain the same results by any process which involves the production of continuous warps of indefinite length. The ordinary native warp is short, and it is stretched out to its full length in the street, and the size carefully and thoroughly brushed into it. The warps which our machines will produce may be thousands of yards in length, and, if they are successful, will almost entirely do away with the enormous waste of time involved in putting new warps into a loom at frequent intervals. That they will be successful in a sense there is no reasonable doubt, but whether the goods produced in our hand-weaving factories will be what are now known as hand-woven goods, or whether they will partake more of the nature of the power-loom productions, remains to be seen. With the cheap labour available in Southern India, there is probably a future for hand-weaving factories, but it will depend almost entirely upon the successful training of the weavers, and experience shows that they are not easily amenable to discipline, and have very rigid objections to anything approaching a factory system."

In a speech delivered at Salem in 1906, Sir Arthur Lawley, Governor of Madras, spoke as follows. "I know something of the prosperity of the weaving industry in days gone by, and I regret exceedingly to learn that it is not in so flourishing a condition as at one time it well claimed to be. Now, we have all of us heard a good deal of Swadeshi, and the Government is being constantly urged, from time to time, to do something to foster the industries of this country. We made a beginning here by setting up a Weaving Institute. We believed that by doing so we should put within the knowledge of the weavers of this district methods whereby their output of cloth would be greater, while the cost was reduced, and that thus their material prosperity would be considerably advanced. Now it is somewhat of a surprise, and considerable disappointment to me to learn that this effort which we have made is regarded with suspicion, if not with hostility. I am afraid our motives have been misunderstood, because I need hardly assure you that the idea that the Government should enter into competition with any of the industries of the country never suggested itself to us. We desired simply and solely to infuse some fresh spirit into an industry which was languishing."

In a note on the weaving industry, Mr. E. B. Havell writes thus. [132] "The principle of the Danish co-operative system as applied to dairy-farming is the combination of a number of small proprietors for sending their products to a central factory, in which each of them has a share proportionate to the quantity of his contributions. In the management of the factory, each member has an absolutely equal voice, irrespective of his holdings. Adapting such a system to the Indian weaving industry, each weaving community would have a central establishment under its own control, which would arrange the purchase of material at wholesale rates, prepare warps for the weavers' looms, and organise the sale of the finished products. The actual weaving would be carried on as at present in the weavers' houses by the master weavers and their apprentices. If a system of this kind would retain the economic advantages of the factory system, and eliminate its many evils, it is obvious that a factory, owned and controlled by the weavers themselves, and worked only for their advantage, is a very different thing to a factory controlled by capitalists only for the purpose of exploiting the labour of their employees."

As bearing on the general condition of the weaving community, the following extract from the Report of the Famine in the Madras Presidency, 1896-97, may be quoted. "Among the people who felt the distress at the beginning were the weavers. It is a well-known fact that the people of the weaver castes, as well as Mussalman weavers, are generally improvident, and consequently poor. In favourable times, the weavers generally earn fair wages. They, however, spend all they earn without caring to lay by anything, so that very few of their caste are in well-to-do circumstances. The same is the case with the Mussalman weavers. All these weavers are entirely in the hands of the sowcars (money-lenders), who make advances to them, and get cloths in return. The cloths thus obtained by the sowcars are exported to other parts of the country. It may be taken as a general fact that most of the professional weavers are indebted to the sowcars, and are bound to weave for them. So long as the seasons are favourable, and sowcars get indents for cloths from their customers, they continue their advances to their dependent weavers. But when, owing to any cause, the demand decreases, the sowcars curtail their advances proportionately, and the weavers are at once put to difficulty. According to the fineness and kind of fabrics turned out by the weavers, they may be divided into fine cloth weavers and silk weavers, and weavers of coarse cloths. It is the coarse cloth weavers that would be affected with the first appearance of distress. The consumers of their manufactures are the poorer classes, and, with the appearance of scarcity and high prices, the demand for the coarser kinds of cloths would cease. Such was actually the case at the beginning of the recent distress. The weavers are, as a class, not accustomed to hard manual labour, nor are they able to work exposed to heat and sun. If such people are put on earth-work, they would certainly fail to turn out the prescribed task, and consequently earn insufficient wages. They would thus be, as it were, punished for no fault of theirs. This state of things would last at least for some time, until the weavers got accustomed to earth-work. Again, these people have, by constant work at their own craft, attained to a certain degree of skill and delicacy, and, if compelled to do earth-work during the temporary unfavourable season, they would certainly lose, to some extent, their skill and delicacy of hand, and would become unfit, in that degree, for their accustomed work when favourable season returns. They would thus be put to inconvenience doubly. During the first part of the distress, their skill of hand, and delicacy of constitution would stand in their way, and, after the return of good season, the loss of manual skill and delicacy would place them at a disadvantage. It can be easily seen that giving relief to the weavers in their own calling is the most economical form of relief. In this form of special relief, Government advances materials to the weavers to be woven into different kinds of cloths. Government has no doubt to incur a large initial expenditure in the shape of value of materials, and wages for weavers for making these materials into cloths. But all the materials are returned woven into cloths, so that, at the close of the operations, Government has a stock of cloths, which can be disposed of without difficulty on the return of favourable times, and the cost incurred recovered. In this way, Government not only administers relief to a pretty large section of its poor subjects, but keeps up, with little or no cost to itself, the industrial skill of this section of the people."

Of proverbs relating to the weaver, one runs to the effect that, "if you want to narrow the breadth of a river, you should plant reeds on its margin; and, if you desire to destroy the sanitation of a village, you should bring weavers to it, and settle them there." When the dyes have to be fixed, and the dyed twist has to be washed, the weavers generally resort to running water, and pollute it. The several processes of twisting and untwisting threads, preparing skeins, etc., make combined labour a necessity in the weaving industry; and, wherever one finds a weaver settlement, he must find there a large number of these people, as is explained by the proverb that "the Chetti (merchant) lost by partnership, while the weaver came to grief by isolation." When plying shuttles in the weaving process, the weavers always use their feet in shifting the warp, by treading on a press. Thus, if a weaver unfortunately happens to have a sore on his foot, it means loss to him; or, as the proverb says, "If a dog gets a sore on its head, it never recovers from it; and even so a weaver who gets a sore on his foot." [133]

Salige (wire).--A gotra of Kurni.

Saliyan.--The Saliyan weavers of Kornad and Ayyampet, in the Tanjore district, are a Tamil-speaking class, who must not be confused with the Telugu Sales. They afford an interesting example of how a limited number of families, following the same occupation, can crystallise into a separate caste. They claim to have a Puranam relating to their origin, which is said to be found in the Sthalapuranam of the Nalladai temple. They believe that they are the descendants of one Saliya Maha Rishi, a low-caste man, who did service for one Visakar, who was doing penance near Nalladai. Through the grace of the rishi Visakar, Saliya became a rishi, and married two wives. The Saliyans are said to be descended from the offspring of the first wife, and the Mottai Saliyans from the offspring of the second.

The Saliyans have taken to wearing the sacred thread, engage Brahman purohits, and are guided by Brahman priests. They are said to have had their own caste priests until a Brahman from Sendangudi, near Mayavaram, accepted the office of priest. It is reported that, in former days, the Saliyans were not allowed to sell their goods except in a fixed spot called mamaraththumedu, where they set out their cloths on bamboos. High-caste people never touched the cloths, except with a stick. At the present day the Saliyans occupy a good position in the social scale, and employ Brahman cooks, though no other castes will eat in their houses.

A curious feature in connection with the Saliyans is that, contrary to the usual rule among Tamil castes, they have exogamous septs or vidu (house), of which the following are examples:--

Mandhi, black monkey.
Kottangkachchi, cocoanut shell.
Thuniyan, cloth.
Kachchandhi, gunny-bag.
Vellai parangi, white vegetable marrow.
Ettadiyan, eight feet.
Thadiyan, stout.
Kazhudhai, donkey.
Thavalai, frog.
Sappaikalan, crooked-legged.
Malaiyan, hill.
Kaththan, an attendant on Aiyanar.
Ozhakkan, a measure.
Thondhi, belly.
Munginazhi, bamboo measure.
Odakkazhinjan, one who defæcated when running.
Kamban, the Tamil poet.
Ottuvidu, tiled house.
Kalli, Euphorbia Tirucalli.
Sirandhan, a noble person.
Thambiran, master or lord.
Kollai, backyard.
Madividu, storeyed house.
Murugan, name of a person.

The Saliyans have further acquired gotras named after rishis, and, when questioned as to their gotra, refer to the Brahman purohits.

The Saliyan weavers of silk Kornad women's cloths, who have settled at Mayavaram in the Tanjore district, neither intermarry nor interdine with the Saliyans of the Tinnevelly district, though they belong to the same linguistic division. The Tinnevelly Saliyans closely follow the Kaikolans in their various ceremonials, and in their social organisation, and interdine with them. Saliya women wear three armlets on the upper arm, whereas Kaikola women only wear a single armlet. The Saliyans may not marry a second wife during the lifetime of the first wife, even if she does not bear children. They may, however, adopt children. Some of the Tinnevelly Saliyans have taken to trade and agriculture, while others weave coarse cotton cloths, and dye cotton yarn.

In the Census Report, 1901, Ataviyar is recorded as "a synonym for, or rather title of the Tinnevelly Sales." Further, Pattariyar is described as a Tamil corruption of Pattu Saliyan, returned by some of the Tinnevelly Sales. The Adaviyar or Pattalia Settis are Tamilians, probably an offshoot of the Kaikolans, and have no connection with the Telugu Pattu Sales, who, like the Padma Sales, retain their mother-tongue wherever they settle. It is recorded [134] in connection with the Saliyar of the Chingleput district, many of whom are Kaikolans, that "a story is current of their persecution by one Salva Naik (said to have been a Brahman). The result of this was that large bodies of them were forced to flee from Conjeeveram to Madura, Tanjore, and Tinnevelly, where their representatives are still to be found."

The Adaviyars follow the Tamil Puranic type of marriage ceremonies, and have a sirutali (small tali) as a marriage badge. The caste deity is Mukthakshiamman. The dead are always cremated.

Saluppan.--The Tamil equivalent of the Telugu Janappan, which is derived from janapa, the sunn hemp (Crotolaria juncea).

Samagara.--The Samagaras have been described [135] as "the principal class of leather-workers in the South Canara district. They are divided into two endogamous groups, the Canarese Samagaras and the Arya Samagaras. The latter speak Marathi. Though the Samagaras are in the general estimation as low a caste as the Holeyas, and do not materially differ from them in their religious and other ceremonies and customs, they are, as a rule, of much fairer complexion, and the women are often very handsome. The tanning industry is chiefly carried on by the Samagaras, and their modus operandi is as follows. The hides are soaked for a period of one month in large earthen vats containing water, to which chunam is added at the rate of two seers per hide. After the expiry of the above period, they are soaked in fresh water for three days, in view to the chunam being removed. They are then put into an earthen vessel filled with water and the leaves of Phyllanthus Emblica, in which they remain for twelve days. After this, they are removed and squeezed, and replaced in the same vessel, where they are allowed to remain for about a month, after which period they are again removed, washed and squeezed. They are then sewn up and stuffed with the bark of cashew, daddala, and nerale trees, and hung up for a day. After this, the stitching is removed, and the hides are washed and exposed to the sun to dry for a day, when they become fit for making sandals. Some of the hides rot in this process to such an extent as to become utterly unfit for use."

The badge of the Are Samagara at Conjeeveram is said [136] to be the insignia of the Mochis (or Mucchis), a boy's kite.

Samantan.--"This," the Census Superintendent, 1891, writes, "may be called the caste of Malayalam Rajahs and chieftains, but it is hardly a separate caste at all, at any rate at present, for those Nayars and others who have at any time been petty chieftains in the country, call themselves Samantas. The primary meaning of the word Samanta is given by Dr. Gundert [137] as the chief of a district." The number of people who returned themselves as Samantas (including a few Samantan Brahmans) at the Census, 1881, was 1,611, and in 1901 they increased to 4,351.

In a suit brought against the Collector of Malabar (Mr. Logan) some years ago by one Nilambur Thachara Kovil Mana Vikrama, alias Elaya Tirumalpad, the plaintiff entered an objection to his being said by the Collector to be of "a caste (Nayar), who are permitted to eat fish and flesh, except of course beef." He stated in court that he was "a Samantan by caste, and a Samantan is neither a Brahman, nor a Kshatriya, nor a Vaisya, nor a Sudra." Samantan, according to him, is a corruption of Samantran, which, he stated, meant one who performs ceremonies without mantrams. He said that his caste observes all the ceremonies that Brahmans do, but without mantrams. And he gave the following as the main points in which his caste differs from that of the Nayars. Brahmans can take their food in the houses of members of his caste, while they cannot do so in those of Nayars. At the performance of sradhs in his caste, Brahmans are fed, while this is not done in the case of Nayars. Brahmans can prepare water for the purpose of purification in his house, but not in that of a Nayar. If a Nayar touches a Samantan, he has to bathe in the same way as a Brahman would have to do. For the performance of marriages and other ceremonies in his caste, Malabar Brahmans are absolutely necessary. At marriages the tali is tied by Kshatriyas. A Samantan has fourteen days' pollution, while a Nayar has fifteen. He can only eat what a Brahman can eat. He added that he was of the same caste as the Zamorin of Calicut. A number of witnesses, including the author of the Keralavakhsha Kramam, were examined in support of his assertions. It was noted by the District Judge that no documentary evidence was produced, or reference to public records or works of authority made in support of the theory as to the existence of a caste of Samantas who are not Nayars, and are classed under Kshatriyas, and above the Vaisyas. The following account is given by the author of the Keralavakhsha Kramam of the origin of the Samantas. Some Kshatriyas who, being afraid of Parasu Rama, were wandering in foreign parts, and not observing caste rules, came to Malabar, visited Cheraman Perumal, and asked for his protection. On this Cheraman Perumal, with the sanction of the Brahmans, and in pursuance of the rules laid down by the Maharajas who had preceded him, classed these people as members of the Samantra caste. "That this book," the Judge observed, "can be looked on as being in any way an authority on difficult and obscure historical questions, or that the story can be classed as more than a myth, there are no grounds for supposing." No linguistic work of recognised authority was produced in support of the derivation of the word Samantan from Samantran, meaning without mantrams.

One exhibit in the case above referred to was an extract from the report of a commission appointed to inspect the state and condition of the province of Malabar. It is dated 11th October, 1793, and in it allusion is made to the 'Tichera Tiroopaar' who is described as a chief Nayar of Nilambur in the southern division of the country. Evidence was given to show that Tichera Tiroopaar is the Nilambur Tirumulpad. And, in a letter from the Supervisor of Malabar, dated 15th November, 1793, allusion is made to Tichera Tiroopaar as a Nayar. Two extracts from Buchanan's well-known work on Mysore, Canara and Malabar, were also filed as exhibits. In one Buchanan relates what was told him by the Brahmans of the history of 'Malayala'. Among other things, he mentions that Cheraman Perumal, having come to the resolution of retiring to Mecca, went to Calicut. "He was there met by a Nayar who was a gallant chief, but who, having been absent at the division, had obtained no share of his master's dominions. Cheraman Perumal thereupon gave him his sword, and desired him to keep all that he could conquer. From this person's sisters are descended the Tamuri Rajahs or Zamorins." In the second extract, Buchanan sums up the result of enquiries that he had made concerning the Zamorin and his family. He states that the head of the family is the Tamuri Rajah, called by Europeans the Zamorin, and adds: "The Tamuri pretends to be of a higher rank than the Brahmans, and to be inferior only to the invisible gods, a pretension that was acknowledged by his subjects, but which is held as absurd and abominable by the Brahmans, by whom he is only treated as a Sudra."

An important witness said that he knew the plaintiff, and that he was a Sudra. He stated that he had lived for two years in the Zamorin's kovilagom, and knew the customs of his family. According to him there was no difference between his own caste customs and those of the Zamorin. He said that Samantan means a petty chieftain, and drew attention to the 'Sukra Niti,' edited by Dr. Oppert, where a Samantan is said to be "he who gets annually a revenue of from one to three lakhs karshom from his subjects without oppressing them." There are, according to him, some Nayars who call themselves Samantas, and he added that when, in 1887, the Collector of Malabar called for lists of all stanom-holders [138] in the district, he examined these lists, and found that some of the Nayar chiefs called themselves Samantan.

"A consideration of all the evidence," the Judge writes, "appears to me to prove conclusively that the plaintiff is a Nayar by caste.... What appears to me, from a consideration of the evidence, to be the safe inference to draw is that the members of the plaintiff's family, and also the descendants of certain other of the old Nayar chieftains, have for some time called themselves, and been called by others, Samantas, but that there is no distinctive caste of that name, and that the plaintiff is, as the defendant has described him, a Nayar by caste." [139]

The Samantans are summed up as follows in the Gazetteer of Malabar. "Samantan is the generic name of the group of castes forming the aristocracy of Malabar, and it includes the following divisions:--Nambiyar, Unnitiri, Adiyodi, all belonging to North Malabar; and Nedungadi, Vallodi, Eradi, and Tirumulpad, all belonging to South Malabar. There are also Nayars with the title of Nambiyar and Adiyodi. Nedungadi, Vallodi and Eradi, are territorial names applied to the Samantans indigenous to Ernad, Walavanad, and Nedunganad respectively; or perhaps it may be more correct to say that the tracts in question take their names from the ruling classes, who formerly bore sway there. Eradi is the caste to which belongs the Zamorin Raja of Calicut. It is also the name of a section of Kiriyattil Nayars. The Raja of Walavanad is a Vallodi. Tirumulpad is the title of a class of Samantans, to which belong a number of petty chieftains, such as the Karnamulpad of Manjeri and the Tirumulpad of Nilambur. The ladies of this class are called Kolpads or Koilammahs. Many Nambiyars in North Malabar claim to belong to the Samantan caste, but there is at least reason to suppose that they are properly Nayars, and that the claim to the higher rank is of recent date. That such recruitment is going on is indicated by the difference between the number of persons returned as Samantans in the censuses of 1901 and 1891 (4,351 and 1,225 respectively), which is far above the normal percentage of increase of population. Kshatriyas wear the punul (thread); Samantans as a rule do not. Most Kshatriyas eat with Brahmans, and have a pollution period of eleven nights, indicating that their position in the caste hierarchy lies between the Brahmans with ten days and the Ambalavasis proper with twelve. Samantans as a rule observe fifteen days' pollution, and may not eat with Brahmans. Both follow marumakkatayam (inheritance in the female line), and their women as a rule have sambandham (alliance) only with Brahmans or Kshatriyas. Those who belong to the old Royal families are styled Raja or Tamburan (lord), their ladies Tamburattis, and their houses Kovilagams or palaces. Some Samantans have the caste titles of Kartavu and Kaimal. But it does not appear that there are really any material differences between the various classes of Samantans, other than purely social differences due to their relative wealth and influence."

"Tradition," writes the Travancore Census Superintendent (1901), "traces the Samantas to the prudent Kshatriyas, who cast off the holy thread, to escape detection and slaughter by Parasu Rama. They are believed to have then fled to uninhabited forests till they forgot the Sandhyavandana prayers, and became in certain respects no better than Sudras. Thus they came, it is said, to be called Amantrakas, Samantrakas, Samantas, or having no mantra at all. Referring to this, Mr. Stuart says [140] 'Neither philology, nor anything else, supports this fable.' From the word Samantra, Samanta can, no doubt, be conveniently derived, but, if they could not repeat mantras, they should have been called Amantras and not Samantras. In the Kerala Mahatmya we read that the Perumals appointed Samantas to rule over portions of their kingdom. Taking the Sanskrit word Samanta, we may understand it to mean a petty chief or ruler. It is supposed that the Perumals who came to Malabar contracted matrimonial alliances with high class Nayar women, and that the issue of such unions were given chiefships over various extents of territories. Changes in their manners and customs were, it is said, made subsequently, by way of approximation to the Kshatriyas proper. Though the sacred thread, and the Gayatri hymn were never taken up, less vital changes, as, for instance, that of the wearing of the ornaments of the Kshatriya women, or of consorting only with Nambutiri husbands, were adopted. Those who lived in Ernat formed themselves by connections and alliances into one large caste, and called themselves Eratis. Those who lived in Valluvanat became Vallotis. The unification could not assume a more cosmopolitan character as the several families rose to importance at different times, and, in all probability, from different sections of the Nayars."

In the Travancore Census Report (1901) the chief divisions of the Samantas are said to be Atiyoti, Unyatiri, Pantala, Erati, Valloti, and Netungati. "The Unyatiris," the Travancore Census Superintendent writes further, "look upon themselves as a higher class than the rest of the Samantas, as they have an Aryapattar to tie the tali of their girls, the other five castes employing only Kshatriyas (Tirumulpats) for that duty. The word Atiyoti has sometimes been derived from Atiyan, a slave or vassal, the tradition being that the Kattanat Raja, having once been ousted from his kingdom by the Zamorin of Calicut, sought the assistance of the Raja of Chirakkal. The latter is believed to have made the Kattanat Raja his vassal as a condition for his territory being restored. The Unnittiris are not found in Travancore, their place being taken by the Unyatiris, who do not differ from them materially in any of their manners and customs. The word Unnittiri means the venerable boy, and is merely a title of dignity. The word Pantala comes from Bhandarattil, meaning 'in or belonging to the royal treasury'. They appear to have been once the ruling chiefs of small territories. Their women are known as Kovilammamar, i.e., the ladies of palaces or ranis. The Erati, the Valloti, and Netungati are British Malabar castes, and receive their names from the localities, to which they may have been indigenous--Ernat, Valluvanat, and Netunganat. The Zamorin of Calicut is an Erati by caste. [In 1792, the Joint Commissioners wrote that 'the Cartinaad and Samoory (the principal families in point of extent of dominion) are of the Samanth or Euree (cowherd) caste.'] [141] Some of these Eratis, such as the Raja of Nilambur, are called Tirumulpats. The only peculiarity with these Tirumulpats is that they may tie the tali of their women, and need not call other Tirumulpats for the purpose, as the rest of the Samantas have to do. A title that several Samantas often take is Kartavu (agent or doer), their females being called Koilpats, meaning literally those who live in palaces. The Samantas of Manchery and Amarampalam in Malabar are also called Tirumulpats. The Samantas of Chuntampattai and Cherupulasseri are called Kartavus. Both Kartas and Tirumulpats are called by the Sudra castes Tampuran or prince. The caste government of the Samantas rests with the Namputiri Vaidikas, and their priesthood is undertaken by the Namputiris. They follow the marumakkathayam law of inheritance (through the female line), and observe both the forms of marriage in vogue in the country, namely, tali-kettu and sambandham. Women wear the three special ornaments of the Kshatriyas, viz., the mittil or cherutali, entram, and kuzhal. The chief of these is the mittil, which is used as the wedding ornament. It has the appearance of Rama's parasu or battle-axe. The houses of those Samantas, who are or were till recently rulers of territories, are known as kottarams or palaces, while those of the commonalty are merely called mathams, a name given to the houses of Brahmans not indigenous to Malabar. The occupations, which the Samantas pursue, are chiefly personal attendance on the male and female members of Royal families. Others are landlords, and a few have taken to the learned professions." In the Cochin Census Report, 1901, it is stated that "Samantas and Ambalavasis do not interdine. At public feasts they sit together for meals. Brahmans, Kshatriyas, Nampidis, and most of the Ambalavasi castes, do not take water from them. Birth and death pollution last for eleven days."

In the Madras Civil List of titles and title-holders, the Zamorin of Calicut, and the Valiya Rajas of Chirakkal, Kadattanad, Palghat, and Waluvanad, are returned as Samantas.

Samanthi (Chrysanthemum indicum).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba and Togata. The flowers of the chrysanthemum are largely used for garlands, etc., in temple worship.

Samantiya.--The Samantiyas are an Oriya caste of agricultural labourers and firewood sellers. It has been suggested that the caste name is derived from samantiba, which denotes sauntering to pick up scattered things. The Samantiyas are one of the castes, whose touch is supposed to convey pollution, and they consequently live apart in separate quarters.

All the Samantiyas are said to belong to the nagasa (cobra) gotra. The headman is called Behara, and he is assisted by an official called Poricha. There is also a caste servant entitled Dogara. The caste title is Podhano, which is also frequently given out as being the name of the caste.

Samantiya women will not eat food prepared by Brahmans or members of other castes, and they apparently object to cooking in open places when travelling, and leave this work for the men to perform. An Oriya Brahman purohit officiates at the marriage ceremonies, which, with slight variations, conform to the standard Oriya type. The marriage pandal (booth) is generally covered with cocoanut leaves and leafy twigs of Eugenia Jambolana and Zizyphus Jujuba. Four lights, and a vessel of water, are kept on the dais throughout the marriage ceremonies. The knot, with which the cloths of the bride and bridegroom are tied together, is untied on the evening of the bibha (wedding) day, instead of on the seventh day as among many other castes.

Samanto.--A title of Jatapus, and other Oriya castes.

Samaya.--In his 'Inscriptions at Sravana Belgola' in Mysore, Mr. Lewis Rice refers to the Samaya as "Dasaris or Vaishnava religious mendicants, invested with authority as censors of morals. No religious ceremony or marriage could be undertaken without gaining their consent by the payment of fees, etc. Under the former Rajas the office was farmed out in all the large towns, and credited in the public accounts as samayachara. An important part of the profits arose either from the sale of women accused of incontinency, or from fines imposed on them for the same reason. The unfortunate women were popularly known as Sarkar (Government) wives." "The rules of the system," Wilks writes, [142] "varied according to the caste of the accused. Among Brahmans and Komatis, females were not sold, but expelled from their caste, and branded on the arm as prostitutes. They then paid to the ijardar (or contractor) an annual sum as long as they lived, and, when they died, all their property became his. Females of other Hindu castes were sold without any compunction by the ijardar, unless some relative stepped forward to satisfy his demand. These sales were not, as might be supposed, conducted by stealth, nor confined to places remote from general observation; for, in the large town of Bangalore, under the very eyes of the European inhabitants, a large building was appropriated to the accommodation of these unfortunate women, and, so late as 1833, a distinct proclamation of the Commissioners was necessary to enforce the abolition of this detestable traffic."

Samayamuvaru.--An itinerant class of mendicants attached to the Sale caste. From a note by Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao, I gather that they say that the name is an abbreviation of Ranasamayamuvaru, or men of the day of battle. According to a legend, when Bhavana Rishi, the patron saint of the caste, was challenged to battle by Kalavasina, a rakshasa, these people were created, and, with their assistance, the rakshasa was conquered. In recognition of their services, Bhavana Rishi made the Sales maintain them. They wander from place to place in single families, and, when they reach a halting-place, dress up, and visit the house of the Pedda Senapati (headman), who feeds them for the day, and gives a chit (note) showing the amount paid by him. At their visits to Sale houses, Bhavana Rishi is praised. They marry in the presence of, and with the aid of the Sales.

Samban.--Samban, meaning Samba or Siva, has been recorded as a sub-division of Idaiyan and Paraiyan. At times of census, Sambuni Kapu has been returned as the caste name by some Palle fishermen in Nellore.

Sambandham.--Sambandham, meaning literally connexion, is "the term used by the Nayars [and other castes] of South Malabar to denote that a man and woman are united by a quasi-matrimonial bond." [143] In Act IV of 1896, Madras, sambandham is defined as "an alliance between a man and a woman, by reason of which they, in accordance with the custom of the community, to which they belong, or either of them belongs, cohabit or intend to cohabit as husband and wife."

Same (millet: Panicum miliare).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba.

Sami Puli (holy tiger).--An exogamous sept of Kallan.

Sammathi Makkal (hammer-men).--An exogamous section of Kallan.

Sammeraya.--A name for Telugu beggars employed as servants and messengers by the heads of Lingayat mutts (religious institutions). It is derived from samme, denoting confederacy or league, and denotes those who are bound to the rules laid down by Lingayats.

Samolo.--A title of Doluva.

Sampige.--Sampige and Sampangi (champac: Michelia Champaca) have been recorded as an exogamous sept of Kurni and Odde. Champac flowers are used in the manufacture of temple garlands.

Samudra.--Samudra, Samudram, or Samudrala, meaning the ocean, has been recorded as an exogamous sept of Telugu Brahmans, Koravas, Kurubas, Balijas, and Malas. The equivalent Tamudri occurs as the title of the Zamorin, who is the sea-king or ruler of Calicut.

Sani.--The Sanivallu, who are a Telugu dancing-girl caste, are described, in the Vizagapatam Manual, as women who have not entered into matrimony, gain money by prostitution, and acting as dancers at feasts. Sani is also a title of the Oriya Doluvas in Ganjam, who are said to be descended from Puri Rajas by their concubines. The streets occupied by Sanis are, in Ganjam, known as Sani vidhi. I have heard of missionaries, who, in consequence of this name, insist on their wives being addressed as Ammagaru instead of by the customary name Dorasani.

In a note on the Sanis of the Godavari district, Mr. F. R. Hemingway writes as follows. "In this district, dancing-girls and prostitutes are made up of six perfectly distinct castes, which are in danger of being confused. These are the Sanis proper, Bogams, Dommara Sanis, Turaka Sanis, Mangala Bogams, and Madiga Bogams. Of these, the Bogams claim to be superior, and will not dance in the presence of, or after a performance by any of the others. The Sanis do not admit this claim, but they do not mind dancing after the Bogams, or in their presence. All the other classes are admittedly inferior to the Sanis and the Bogams. The Sanis would scorn to eat with any of the other dancing castes. The Sani women are not exclusively devoted to their traditional profession. Some of them marry male members of the caste, and live respectably with them. The men do not, as among the dancing castes of the south, assist in the dancing, or by playing the accompaniments or forming a chorus, but are cultivators and petty traders. Like the dancing-girls of the south, the Sanis keep up their numbers by the adoption of girls of other castes. They do service in the temples, but they are not required to be formally dedicated or married to the god, as in the Tamil country. Those of them who are to become prostitutes are usually married to a sword on attaining puberty."

Sani, meaning apparently cow-dung, occurs as a sub-division of the Tamil Agamudaiyans.

Sanjogi.--The Sanjogis are an Oriya class of religious mendicants, who wear the sacred thread, and act as priests for Panos and other lowly people. The name indicates connection, and that they are the connecting link between ordinary people and those who have given up earthly pleasures (Sanyasis). The Sanjogis follow the ordinary as well as the ascetic life. Mr. G. Ramamurti Pantulu informs me that they are believed to be the offspring of ascetics who have violated their vow of celibacy, and women with whom they have lived. They make and sell bead rosaries of the sacred tulsi or basil (Ocimum sanctum) which are worn by various Oriya castes. Some are cultivators, while others are beggars. A Sanjogi beggar goes about with a bell on the thigh, and a coloured pot on the left shoulder. A few are employed at Oriya maths (religious institutions), where it is their duty to invite Bairagis and ascetics to a dinner party, and afterwards to remove the leaf platters, and eat the food which is left.

Sankati (ragi or millet pudding).--An exogamous sept of Boya. Ragi is the staple dietary of many of the lower classes, who cannot afford rice.

Sanku.--Sanku, the conch or chank (Turbinella rapa) has been recorded as a sub-division of Dasaris, Koppala Velamas, and Paraiyans who act as conch-blowers at funerals, and as an exogamous sept of Kuruba. Sankukatti, or those who tie the chank, occurs as a sub-division of Idaiyan. The chank shell, which is regularly collected by divers off Tuticorin in the Tinnevelly district, is highly prized by Hindus, and used for offering libations, and as a musical instrument at temple services, marriages, and other ceremonials. Vaishnavites and Madhvas are branded with the emblems of the chank and chakram. The rare right-handed chank shell is specially valued, and purchased for large sums. A legend, recorded by Baldæus, runs to the effect that "Garroude (Garuda) flew in all haste to Brahma, and brought to Kistna the chianko or kinkhorn twisted to the right". Such a shell appears on the coat-of-arms of the Raja of Cochin and on the coins of Travancore.

Sanno (little).--A sub-division of Bottada, Omanaito, Pentiya, and Sondi.

Sanror.--A synonym of Shanans, who claim that Shanan is derived from Sanror, meaning the learned or noble.

Santarasi.--An exogamous sept of Dandasi. The members thereof may not use mats made of the sedge of this name.

Santha (a fair).--An exogamous sept of Devanga and Odde.

Santo.--A sub-division of Oriya Brahmans and Bhayipuos.

Sanyasi.--"A Sanyasi is literally a man who has forsaken all, and who has renounced the world and leads a life of celibacy, devoting himself to religious meditation and abstraction, and to the study of holy books. He is considered to have attained a state of exalted piety that places him above most of the restrictions of caste and ceremony. His is the fourth Asrama or final stage of life recommended for the three higher orders. ["Having performed religious acts in a forest during the third portion of his life, let him become a Sanyasi, for the fourth portion of it, abandoning all sensual affection." [144]] The number of Brahman Sanyasis is very small; they are chiefly the Gurus or High Priests of the different sects. These are, as a rule, men of learning, and heads of monasteries, where they have a number of disciples under instruction and training for religious discussion. They are supported entirely by endowments and the contributions of their disciples. They undertake periodical tours for the purpose of receiving the offerings of their followers. Since the Sanyasi is considered to be above all sin, and to have acquired sufficient merit for salvation, no sradha is performed by the children born to him before he became an anchorite. [The skull of a Sanyasi is broken after death, as a guarantee of his passage to eternal bliss. Cf. Gosayi.] The corpse of a Sanyasi is buried, and never burnt, or thrown into the river.

"The majority of the Sanyasis found, and generally known as such, are a class of Sudra devotees, who live by begging, and pretend to powers of divination. They wear garments coloured with red ochre, and allow the hair to grow unshorn. They often have settled abodes, but itinerate. Many are married, and their descendants keep up the sect, and follow the same calling." [145]

Sapiri.--A synonym of Relli.

Sappaliga.--It is noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that "in some taluks of South Canara they are said to be identical with, or a sub-caste of Ganiga." The Ganigas are a Canarese caste, of which the traditional occupation is oil-pressing. In the Manual of the South Canara district, it is recorded that "Sappaligs appear to be identical with the Devadigas (temple musicians) in North Canara, though they are regarded as distinct castes in South Canara. The Sappaligs are, as the name sappal (noise) implies, a class of musicians in temples, but a number of them are cultivators." Sappaliga is an occupational term. The musicians among the Tulu Moger fishing caste are called Sappaligas, in the same way that those Mogers who are engaged as oil-pressers are called Ganigas, both being occupational names.

Sara (thread).--A gotra of Kurni.

Saragu (dried or withered leaves).--A sub-division of Valaiyan.

Sarangulu.--Recorded, in the Nellore district, as being sailors. The name is doubtless equivalent to Serang, which has been defined [146] as meaning "a native boatswain, or chief of a lascar crew; the skipper of a small native vessel."

Sarattu (sacred thread).--A sub-division of Kanakkan, members of which wear the sacred thread.

Sarayi (alcoholic liquor).--A sub-division of Balija.

Sarige (lace).--The name of a class of gold-lace makers in Mysore, and of an exogamous sept of Kuruba.

Sastri.--In the Madras Census Report, 1901, Sastri (one learned in the shastras) is described as "unrecognizable. The word is used as a title by Smarta Brahmans in the Madras Presidency, but the persons returning it came from Bombay, and were not Brahmans." Sastri is recorded in my notes as a title of Devangas.

Satani.--The Satanis are described in the Madras Census Report, 1891, as "a class of temple servants very much like the Malis of Bengal. The word Satani is a corrupt form of Sattadavan, which, literally means one who does not wear (the sacred thread and tuft of hair). For temple services Ramanuja classed Vaishnavites into Sattinavan and Sattadavan. The former are invariably Brahmans, and the latter Sudras. Hence Satani is the professional name given to a group of the Vaishnava creed. It is sometimes stated that the Satanis of the Madras Presidency are the disciples of the famous Bengali reformer Chaitanya (15th century), from whom, they say, the term Satani took its origin. But, so far as I can ascertain, this supposition rests on no better foundation than the similarity in sound of the two names, and it seems to me more than doubtful. There is no evidence of Chaitanya having ever preached in the Dravidian country, and the tenets of the Satanis of this Presidency differ widely from those of the followers of Chaitanya. The former worship only Krishna, while the latter venerate Vishnu in the form of Narayana also. The Satanis, too, have as much reverence for Ramanuja as the followers of Chaitanya have towards their guru, who is said to be an incarnation of Krishna. With regard to their religion, it will suffice to say that they are Tengalai Vaishnavites. They shave their heads completely, and tie their lower cloth like a Brahman bachelor. In their ceremonies they more or less follow the Brahmans, but the sacred thread is not worn by them. Though the consumption of alcoholic liquor and animal food is strictly prohibited, they practice both to a considerable extent on all festive occasions, and at sradhs. Drinking and other excesses are common. Some Satanis bury the dead, and others burn them. The principal occupations of Satanis are making garlands, carrying the torches during the god's procession, and sweeping the temple floor. They also make umbrellas, flower baskets and boxes of palmyra leaves, and prepare the sacred balls of white clay (for making the Vaishnavite sectarian mark), and saffron powder. Their usual agnomen is Aiya."

In the Madras Census Report, 1901, the Satanis are summed up as being "a Telugu caste of temple servants supposed to have come into existence in the time of the great Vaishnavite reformer Sri Ramanujacharya (A.D. 1100). The principal endogamous sub-divisions of this caste are (1) Ekakshari, (2) Chaturakshari, (3) Ashtakshari, and (4) Kulasekhara. The Ekaksharis (eka, one, and akshara, syllable) hope to get salvation by reciting the one mystic syllable Om; the Chaturaksharis believe in the religious efficacy of the four syllables Ra-ma-nu-ja; the Ashtaksharis hold that the recitation of the eight syllables Om-na-mo-na-ra-ya-na-ya (Om! salutation to Narayana) will ensure them eternal bliss; and the Kulasekharas, who wear the sacred thread, claim to be the descendants of the Vaishnava saint Kulasekhara Alvar, formerly a king of the Kerala country. The first two sections make umbrellas, flower garlands, etc., and are also priests to Balijas and other Sudra castes of the Vaishnava sects, while the members of the other two have taken to temple service. In their social and religious customs, all the sub-divisions closely imitate the Tengalai Vaishnava Brahmans. The marriage of girls after puberty, and the remarriage of widows, are strictly prohibited. Most of them employ Brahman purohits, but latterly they have taken to getting priests from their own caste. They attach no importance to the Sanskrit Vedas, or to the ritual sanctioned therein, but revere the sacred hymns of the twelve Vaishnava saints or Alvars, called Nalayira Prabandham (book of the four thousand songs), which is in Tamil. From this their purohits recite verses during marriages and other ceremonies." At the census, 1901, Ramanuja was returned as a sub-caste of Satani. In the Manual of the North Arcot district, Mr. H. A. Stuart describes the Satanis as "a mixed religious sect, recruited from time to time from other castes, excepting Paraiyans, leather-workers, and Muhammadans. All the Satanis are Vaishnavites, but principally revere Bashyakar (another name for Ramanuja), whom they assert to have been an incarnation of Vishnu. The Satanis are almost entirely confined to the large towns. Their legitimate occupations are performing menial services in Vishnu temples, begging, tending flower gardens, selling flower garlands, making fans, grinding sandalwood into powder, and selling perfumes. They are the priests of some Sudra castes, and in this character correspond to the Saivite Pandarams."

In the Census Report, 1871, the Satanis are described as being "frequently religious mendicants, priests of inferior temples, minstrels, sellers of flowers used as offerings, etc., and have probably recruited their numbers by the admission into their ranks of individuals who have been excommunicated from higher castes. As a matter of fact, many prostitutes join this sect, which has a recognised position among the Hindus. This can easily be done by the payment of certain fees, and by eating in company with their co-religionists. And they thus secure for themselves decent burial with the ceremonial observances necessary to ensure rest to the soul."

In the Mysore Census Report, 1891, it is noted that Satanis are also styled Khadri Vaishnavas, Sattadaval, Chatali, Kulasekhara, and Sameraya. These names, however, seem to have pricked their amour propre in the late census, and they took considerable pains not only to cast them off, but also to enrol themselves as Prapanna Vaishnavas, Nambi, Venkatapura Vaishnavas, etc. The idea of being tabulated as Sudras was so hateful to them that, in a few places, the enumerators, who had so noted down their caste according to precedent, were prosecuted by them for defamation. The cases were of course thrown out. Further, the Mysore Census Superintendent, 1901, writes that "the sub-divisions of the Satanis are Khadri Vaishnavas, Natacharamurti, Prathama Vaishnava, Sameraya or Samogi, Sankara, Suri, Sattadhava, Telugu Satani, and Venkatapurada. Some are employed in agriculture, but as a rule they are engaged in the service of Vishnu temples, and are flower-gatherers, torch-bearers, and strolling minstrels."

The Satanis are also called Dasa Nambis. They are flesh-eaters, but some have now become pure vegetarians. There are, for example, at Srivilliputtur in the Tinnevelly district, a large number who have abandoned a meat dietary. They are connected with the temple of Andal, and supply flowers and tulsi (Ocimum sanctum) leaves for worship, carry torches before the goddess during processions, and watch the gate of the temple during the night. The small income which they derive from the temple is supplemented by the manufacture and sale of palmyra leaf baskets, and umbrellas made from Pandanus leaves. As a class, the Satanis are given to liquor, and all important ceremonial occasions are made the excuse for copious potations. This weakness is so well known that, in the north of the Presidency, the term Ramanuja Matham is used to denote the consumption of meat and drink at death or sradh ceremonies, just as Saivam signifies vegetarianism. The Satani mendicant can be recognised by the peculiar flat gourd-shaped brass pot and palm leaf fan which he carries. The Satanis claim to have sprung from the sweat of Virat Purusha (lord of the universe). The following legend is told, as accounting for the removal of the kudumi (tuft of hair on the head), and wearing the cloth without a fold behind. In the time of Ramanuja, the Satanis enjoyed certain privileges in the temples, but, not satisfied with these, they claimed to take rank next to Brahmans. This privilege was accorded, and, when flowers and other things used in the worship of the god were to be distributed, they were handed over to the Satanis. They, however, were unable to decide who should be deputed to represent the community, each person decrying the others as being of low caste. Ramanuja accordingly directed that they should shave their heads, and wear their loin-cloths with a fold in front only.