Chapter M: T. Johnstone, of the United States Coast Survey, wrote from (7)

By the association of a similar death he passes into the same galaxy with Cæsar, William of Orange, and Henry the Fourth of France, all of whom were assassinated,--and his star will not pale by the side of theirs. Cæsar was a contrast in everything, unless in clemency, and the coincidence that each at the time of sacrifice was fifty-six years of age. How unlike in all else! Cæsar was of brilliant lineage, which he traced on one side to the immortal gods, and on the other to a recent chief of Rome,--of completest education,--of amplest means,--of rarest experience,--of acknowledged genius as statesman, soldier, orator, and writer, being in himself the most finished man of Antiquity; but he was the enslaver of his country, whose personal ambition took the place of patriotism, and whose name has become the synonym of imperial power. Of princely birth and great riches, William of Orange began as page in the household of Charles the Fifth, on whose wide-spread dominions, the largest of modern history, the sun never set. The youthful page became companion and intimate of the powerful Emperor. Unawed and unseduced, he upheld the liberties of his country, which he conducted wisely, surely, grandly,--anticipating the example of Washington. His name of “Silent” suggests the reticence of his American parallel, like whom he was also a liberator. Henry the Fourth, of the House of Bourbon, was a king memorable for practical sense, anecdote, and pregnant wit, with a certain Gallic salt. He, too, knew the trials of civil war, which he closed in peace and crowned with mercy. The National Unity prevailed in him. The age of fifty-six witnessed also his death, leaving great plans unfulfilled, and his career emblazoned by the popular epic of his country, “La Henriade” of Voltaire. These are illustrious names; but there is nothing in them to eclipse the simple life of our President, whose example, commemorated by history and by song, will be the pride of humanity and a rebuke to every usurper. The cause he served was more than empire. The motive of his conduct was higher than success,--as devotion to Human Rights is higher than genius or power, as man is higher than aught else on earth.

More like him in certain aspects was the Roman Emperor Vespasian, whose just sway was prolonged in Titus, his son. Without ancestry or rank, he rose to the loftiest power, and, when on these heights, never dissembled the humility of his origin. The simplicity and frugality of early life were continued on the throne of the world. There was in the Emperor a kindred humanity, and the same fondness for story and jest. But the common feature, bringing the two into one historic family, was generous indulgence to political opponents. It belongs to the fame of our President that in selections for the public service he forgot all personal differences. Capacity and devotion to the country were controlling recommendations, before which every thought of opposition or rivalry, or even of injury, disappeared. Here the Roman Emperor anticipated the American President; for the contemporary historian, in his brief record, presents him as “very little mindful of affronts and enmities, or vindictive on their account.”[235] Such a character, whether at Rome or Washington, is an example for all.

There is another character, taken away close upon the age of fifty-six,[236] who seems to have revived in the President. Do not be astonished, when I mention St. Louis of France. Difference of epoch and of objects occupying attention cannot obscure certain kindred features, and especially the common consecration of their lives. The French monarch, though at the head of a military power, was a lover of peace, and cultivated justice towards his neighbors. Through him a barbarous institution was overthrown, and France advanced in civilization. The Trial by Battle, against which he launched a noble ordinance, was a curse not inferior to our Slavery. In an age of violence he was gentle. In an age of privilege, and wearing a crown, he was moved to the practice of Equality. History recalls with undisguised applause the simple justice he delighted to administer, sitting under an oak in the park of Vincennes. Our President launched his ordinance at a barbarous institution, and advanced his country. He, too, practised Equality. And he, also, had his oak of Vincennes. It was that plain room where he was always so accessible as to make his example difficult for future Presidents. At stated times he was open to all who came with petitions, and they flocked across the continent. The transactions of that simple court of last resort would show how much was done to temper the law, to assuage sorrow, and to care for the widow and orphan; but its only record is in heaven.

* * * * *

Such, fellow-citizens, are the Life and Character of Abraham Lincoln. You have discerned his simple beginnings,--have watched his early struggles,--have gratefully followed his dedication to the truths our fathers declared,--have hailed him twice-elected head of the Republic, through whom it was known in foreign lands,--have recognized him at a period of national peril as representative of the _unfulfilled promises_ made by our fathers, even as Washington was representative of National Independence,--and you have beheld him struck down at the moment of victory, when Rebel Slavery was everywhere succumbing. Reverently we acknowledge the finger of the Almighty, and pray that our great trials may not fail, to the end that the promises of the Fathers may be fulfilled,--those promises, so great and glorious, which make the Declaration a title-deed of mankind.

Traitorous Assassination struck him down. Yet be not vindictive towards the poor atom that held the weapon. Reserve your rage for the responsible power, which, not content with assailing the life of the Republic, outraged all law, human and divine,--organized Barbarism as a principle of conduct,--took the lives of faithful Unionists at home,--prepared robbery and murder on the northern borders,--fired hotels, the home of women and children,--plotted to scatter pestilence and poison,--perpetrated piracy and ship-burning at sea,--starved American citizens in prolonged captivity,--inflicted the slow torture of Andersonville and Libby,--menaced assassination always,--and now, at last, true to itself, has assassinated our President: and this responsible power is none other than Slavery. It is Slavery that has taken the life of our beloved Chief Magistrate; and here is another triumph of its Barbarism. On Slavery let vengeance fall. Spare, if you please, the worm it employs; but do not, I entreat you, yield amnesty to this murderous wickedness. Ravaillac, who took the life of the French Henry, was torn in pieces on the public square before the City Hall by four powerful horses, each fastened to one of his limbs, and rending in opposite directions, until, at last, after fearful struggle, nothing of the wretched assassin remained to the executioner except his bloody shirt, which was at once handed over to be burned. Such be our vengeance; and let Slavery be the victim.

And not only Slavery, which is another name for property in man, but also that other pretension, not less irrational and hateful, that Human Rights can depend on color. This is the bloody shirt of the assassin; let it be handed over to be burned.

Such a vengeance will be a kiss of reconciliation; for it will remove every obstacle to peace and harmony. The people where Slavery once ruled will bless the blow that destroyed it. The people where the kindred tyranny of Caste once prevailed will rejoice that this fell under the same blow. They will yet confess that it was dealt in no harshness, in no unkindness, in no desire to humiliate, but simply and solemnly, in the name of the Republic and of Human Nature, for their good as well as ours,--ay, for their good more than ours.

By ideas, more than by armies, we have conquered. The sword of the Archangel was less mighty than the mission he bore from the Lord. But if the ideas giving us the victory are now neglected, if the pledges of the Declaration, which the Rebellion openly assailed, are left unredeemed, then have blood and treasure been lavished for nought. Alas for the dead who gave themselves so bravely to their country, alas for the living left to mourn the dead, if any relic of Slavery is allowed to continue!--especially if this bloody imposture, defeated in the pretension of property in man, is allowed to perpetuate an oligarchy of the skin!

How shall these ideas be saved? How shall the war waged by Abraham Lincoln be brought to an end, so as to assure peace, tranquillity, and reconciliation? All turns on the colored suffrage. This is the centre and pivot of national safety. A mistake now is worse than the loss of a battle. And yet here again we encounter the Rebellion in its odious pretensions, hardly less audacious than when it took up arms. Amidst its expiring camp-fires, the men who have trimmed them--with fresh oaths of allegiance on the lips--renew their early activity in plotting how to preserve an oligarchical power. The demon of Caste follows the demon of Slavery. In setting ourselves against this accursed succession, we follow the solemn behests of the Great Declaration, so constantly championed by the martyred President. And now, as I close this humble tribute, let me ask you to adopt that championship, which was his first title to national gratitude, and is now his best. Let each be standard-bearer of the Declaration. I cannot err, if, speaking at his funeral, I detain you to insist upon this absorbing duty, where for the moment all other duties are swallowed up.

* * * * *

The argument for colored suffrage is overwhelming. It springs from the necessity of the case, as well as from the Rights of Man. This suffrage is needed for the security of the colored people, for the stability of the local government, and for the strength of the Union. Without it there is nothing but insecurity for the colored people, instability for the local government, and weakness for the Union, involving of course the national credit. Without it the Rebellion will break forth under a new _alias_, unarmed it may be, but with white votes to take possession of the local government and wield it at will, whether at home or in the national councils. If it be said that the colored people are unfit, then do I show that they are more fit than their recent masters, or than the “poor whites.” They have been loyal always; and who is he, that, under any pretence, exalts the prejudices of the disloyal above the rights of the loyal? Their suffrage is now needed,--more even than you ever needed their muskets or sabres. An English statesman, after the acknowledgment of the Spanish Colonies as Independent States, boasted that he had called a new world into existence to redress the balance of the old. In similar spirit, we, too, must call a new ballot into existence to redress the tyranny that refuses justice to the colored race.

The same national authority that destroyed Slavery must see that this other pretension is not permitted to survive; nor is there any doubt that the authority which destroyed Slavery is competent to the kindred duty. Each belongs to that great policy of justice through which alone can peace become permanent and immutable. Nor may the Republic shirk this remaining service, without leaving Emancipation unfinished and the early promises of the Fathers unfulfilled. Vain the gift of Liberty, if you surrender the rights of the freedman to be judged by recent assertors of property in man. Burke, in his day, saw the flagrant inconsistency, and denounced it, saying that whatever such people did on this subject was “arrant trifling,” and, notwithstanding its plausible form, always wanted what he aptly called “the executory principle.”[237] These words of warning were adopted and repeated by two later statesmen, George Canning and Henry Brougham; but they are so clear as not to need support of names. The infant must not be handed over to be suckled by the wolf; it must be carefully nursed by its parent; and since the Republic is parent of Emancipation, the Republic must nurse the immortal infant into maturity and strength. The Republic at the beginning took up this great work: the Republic must finish what it began; and it cannot err, if, in anxious care, it holds nothing done so long as anything remains undone. The Republic, with matchless energy, hurled forward victorious armies: the Republic must exact that “security for the future” without which this unparalleled war will have been waged in vain. The Republic to-day, with one consenting voice, commemorates the martyred victim: the same Republic, prompt in this service, must require that his promises to an oppressed race be maintained in all their integrity and completeness, in letter and in spirit, so that the cause for which he became a sacrifice shall not fail; his martyrdom was a new pledge, beyond any even in life.

The colored suffrage is an overwhelming necessity. In making it an essential condition of restoration, we follow, first, the law of reason and of Nature, and, secondly, the Constitution, not only in its text, but in the light of the Declaration. By reason and Nature there can be no denial of rights on account of color; and we can do nothing thus irrational and unnatural. By the Constitution it is stipulated that “the United States shall guaranty to every State _a republican form of government_”; but the meaning of this guaranty must be found in the birthday Declaration of the Republic, which is the controlling preamble of the Constitution. Beyond all question, the United States, when called to enforce the guaranty, must insist on _the equality of all before the law_, and _the consent of the governed_. Such is the true idea of republican government according to American institutions.

The Slave-Masters, driven from their first intrenchments, occupy inner defences. Property in man is abandoned; but they now insist that the freedman shall not enjoy political rights. Liberty has been won. The battle for Equality is still pending. And now a new compromise is proposed, in the name of State Rights. Sad that it should be so. But I do not despair. The victory may be delayed, but not lost. All who set themselves against Equality will be overborne; for it is the cause of Humanity. Not the rich and proud, but the poor and lowly, will be the favorites of an enfranchised Republic. The words of the Prophet must be fulfilled: “And I will punish the world for their evil, and the wicked for their iniquity; and I will cause the arrogancy of the proud to cease, and will lay low the haughtiness of the terrible. I WILL MAKE A MAN MORE PRECIOUS THAN FINE GOLD, EVEN A MAN, THAN THE GOLDEN WEDGE OF OPHIR.”[238] I accept these sublime promises, and echo them back as assurance of triumph. Then will the Republic be all that heart can desire or imagination paint,--“_supremely lovely and serenely great, majestic mother_” of a free, happy, and united people, with Slavery and all its tyranny beaten down under foot, so that no man shall call another master, and all shall be equal before the law.

In this great victory death is swallowed up, and before us is the vision of the Republic performing all that was promised. How easy, then, the passage from sorrow to exultation!

* * * * *

Fellow-citizens, be happy in what you have. Mourn not the dead, but rejoice in his life and example. Rejoice, as you point to this child of the people, who was lifted so high that Republican Institutions became manifest in him. Rejoice that through him Emancipation was proclaimed. Rejoice that under him “government of the people, by the people, and for the people” obtained a final verdict never to be set aside or questioned. Above all, see to it that his constant vows are performed, and the promises of the Fathers maintained, so that no person in the upright form of man is shut out from their protection. Do this, and the Unity of the Republic will be fixed on a foundation that cannot fail. The corner-stone of National Independence is already in its place, and on it is inscribed the name of GEORGE WASHINGTON. Another stone must also have place at the corner. It is the great Declaration itself, once a promise, at last a reality. On this adamantine block we will gratefully inscribe the name of ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

IDEAS OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.

LETTER TO THE MAYOR OF BOSTON, ON THE CELEBRATION OF NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE, JULY 4, 1865.

BOSTON, July 4, 1865.

MY DEAR SIR,--It will not be in my power to unite with my
fellow-citizens of Boston in celebrating the anniversary of our
National Independence; but I rejoice that we can celebrate it so
happily, with Victory as the master of ceremonies.

Do not, I pray you, Mr. Mayor, let the great day pass without
reminding our fellow-citizens that victory on the field of battle
is not enough. There must be the further victory found in the
recognition, everywhere throughout the country, of the ideas of
the Declaration of Independence.

It must be confessed, that, according to these ideas, republican
government can be founded only on “the consent of the governed”
and the equality of all before the law. And why not dedicate
ourselves to the work of establishing these ideas?

Then will our fathers be vindicated, and our country be
glorified. God save the Republic!

Accept my thanks for the invitation with which you have
honored me,

And believe me, dear Sir, faithfully yours,

CHARLES SUMNER.

CONSENT OF THE GOVERNED NECESSARY IN THE NEW GOVERNMENTS: ADVICE TO COLORED CITIZENS.

LETTER TO A COMMITTEE OF COLORED CITIZENS AT SAVANNAH, JULY 8, 1865.

SAVANNAH, June 15, 1865.

HON. CHARLES SUMNER:--

SIR,--We, the undersigned, Committee of the Union League of
Savannah, Ga., have the honor to present to you these our
petitions to his Excellency Andrew Johnson, President of the
United States, signed personally by the hands of some three
hundred and fifty loyal citizens. We respectfully ask that you
will present them to his Excellency the President, and we beg
that your Honor will use all of your influence in our behalf,
and oblige,

Very respectfully, your humble servants,

JOS. C. JACKSON, _Chairman_,
GEORGE R. J. DOLLY, _Cor. Sec._,
BENJ. W. ROBERTS,
PETER DUNCAN,
JOSEPH S. TISON.

BOSTON, 8th July, 1865.

GENTLEMEN,--Your petition asking for the right to vote has been
forwarded to me here, with the request that I would present it to
the President. I regret much that my absence from Washington has
prevented me from doing this in person; but I have lost no time
in forwarding the petition to the President, with my most earnest
recommendation.

You need not beg me to use influence in your behalf. I cannot
help doing so to the extent of my ability.

Allow me to add, that you must not be impatient. You have borne
the heavier burdens of Slavery; and as these are now removed,
believe the others surely will be also. This enfranchised
Republic, setting an example to mankind, cannot continue to
sanction an odious Oligarchy, whose single distinctive element
is color. I have no doubt that you will be admitted to the
privileges of citizens.

It is impossible to suppose that Congress will sanction
governments in the Rebel States which are not founded on “the
consent of the governed.” This is the corner-stone of republican
institutions. Of course, by the “governed” is meant all the loyal
citizens, without distinction of color. Anything else is mockery.

Never neglect your work; but meanwhile prepare yourselves for
the privileges of citizens. They are yours of right, and I do
not doubt that they will be yours soon in reality. The prejudice
of caste and a false interpretation of the Constitution cannot
prevail against justice and common sense, both of which are on
your side; and I may add the Constitution also, which, when
properly interpreted, is clearly on your side.

Accept my best wishes, and believe me, fellow-citizens,

Faithfully yours,

CHARLES SUMNER.

MESSRS. JOSEPH C. JACKSON, GEORGE R. J. DOLLY, PETER DUNCAN,
BENJAMIN W. ROBERTS, JOSEPH S. TISON.

JUSTICE TO THE COLORED RACE.

LETTER TO A TRUSTEE FOR COLORED SCHOOLS IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, AUGUST 16, 1865.

In reply to a representation that there was a little scheme in
Washington to deprive the colored schools of their proportion
of the school funds arising from taxation, Mr. Sumner wrote the
following letter, which was published in Washington.

BOSTON, August 16, 1865.

DEAR SIR,--I had already noticed the article on the Washington
“Ostrich” before I received the paper you kindly sent me.

The Lord reigns, and I am sure the diabolism at Washington cannot
continue to prevail. You will not weary in counteracting it.

Work on. Fight on. When Congress meets, we shall insist upon
JUSTICE. This is the talisman by which our country is to be saved.

Accept my best wishes, and believe me, dear Sir, faithfully
yours,

CHARLES SUMNER.

THE LATE GEORGE LIVERMORE, ESQ.

ARTICLE IN THE BOSTON DAILY ADVERTISER, SEPTEMBER 2, 1865.

In the death of Mr. Livermore we have all lost a friend. He was naturally and essentially kind. He was also most conscientious and sincere. He was exquisite in simplicity. He was pure in heart. Though retiring and modest, he was outspoken and courageous for the Right. His instinctive earnestness was always on the side of virtue. These qualities marked him in all the walks of life. To these must be added a general intelligence, much acquired information, business talents of no common order, and an immense love of books.

He was a merchant always, and his name will hereafter be inscribed proudly among those who have done honor to the commercial life of Boston. Men are remembered most by what they do outside their profession. Although not unsuccessful in business, Mr. Livermore will be commemorated as a merchant who excelled in refined tastes, in generous sympathies, and in literary studies. He was an example of what a merchant may be, not only at his counting-house, but at home, in association with men, in the Sunday school, in counsel to the young, and especially in his library.

Among his schoolmates was one whose reputation in the medical profession is enhanced by acknowledged fame as writer and as poet, who cheered him during his late illness.[239] I had not the advantage of acquaintance with Mr. Livermore at that early day. I knew him first as he was about to visit Europe, and I cannot forget his absorbing interest at that time in the family of William Roscoe. He admired the accomplished author of the history of Lorenzo de’ Medici and of Leo the Tenth, because he was a merchant who cultivated letters, and while in England one of his peculiar pleasures was to study on the spot the life and character of this merchant author. His interest in bibliography was recognized by Dibdin, the great professor of the science, who conceived a friendship for his American disciple.

On his return, our merchant, while engaged in all the activities of business, renewed his devotion to those other pursuits which made him so dear to a large and growing circle. His library increased. His specialty was Bibles, of which he formed a precious collection. Among these is one which once belonged to Melancthon, with notes in the autograph of this mild and scholarly Reformer. There is also a very rare copy of “The Soldier’s Pocket Bible,” in antique print and spelling, as published for the God-fearing Ironsides of Oliver Cromwell. In other departments the library is rich and interesting. Mr. Livermore read his books, but he had a true pleasure in looking at them. He was choice in editions, and careful in bindings. Anything in vellum or large paper had a fascination for him, showing that he had not conversed with Dibdin in vain. This library, after overflowing the rooms of his house, was gathered into a beautiful apartment, built expressly for it. There, at the close of the day, after the cares of business were over, he found a pleasant retreat, interrupted only by the welcome visit of friends. His moderate desires were amply gratified, and he was happy. The library of Prospero was not more to him, when he “prized it above his dukedom.”

As a member of learned societies and of charitable associations, Mr. Livermore was indefatigable. Perhaps nobody in our community was more felt in these quiet and unobtrusive labors. His interest in public affairs was constant also, and this became intense as the great issue presented by the Rebellion loomed into sight. He busied himself to raise troops. More important still, at a critical moment, before the Government had determined to enlist colored soldiers, he prepared and printed at his own expense a most instructive elucidation of this question, founded on our Revolutionary history, which he entitled “An Historical Research respecting the Opinions of the Founders of the Republic on Negroes, as Slaves, as Citizens, and as Soldiers.” This was read to the Massachusetts Historical Society, 14th August, 1862, two months before the first Proclamation of Emancipation, and nine months before the famous Fifty-fourth Regiment, of Massachusetts, commanded by Colonel Shaw, sailed from Boston. Among the agencies which swayed the public mind at that time, this work is conspicuous, and it is within my own knowledge that it much interested President Lincoln. While preparing the final Proclamation of Emancipation, the President expressed a desire to consult it, and, as his own copy was mislaid, he requested me to send him mine, which I did. But while performing this patriotic service, our merchant did not forget his bibliographical tastes. The many editions were all remarkable for faultless paper and type, and one of them, now before me, is on large paper.

At the time of his death Mr. Livermore was fifty-six years of age, which was also the age of President Lincoln, for whom he entertained unbounded regard, deepening into affectionate reverence. By the bedside, in his last illness, hung a copy of the immortal Proclamation, signed by its author in his own autograph. There also within reach were good books, which he enjoyed as long as he could enjoy anything, and even after he began to lose hold of life.

The death of such a man must make many sad. To family, friends, and neighbors it will be irreparable. To the whole community it is a calamity. There is more than one mourner who will repeat, from the bottom of his heart, the words of the great poet:--

“Farewell, too little and too lately known,
Whom I began to think and call my own!”[240]

THE NATIONAL SECURITY AND THE NATIONAL FAITH: GUARANTIES FOR THE NATIONAL FREEDMAN AND THE NATIONAL CREDITOR.

SPEECH AT THE REPUBLICAN STATE CONVENTION, IN WORCESTER, MASSACHUSETTS, SEPTEMBER 14, 1865. WITH APPENDIX.

Nor was civil society established merely for the sake of
living, but rather for the sake of living well.--ARISTOTLE,
_Politics_, tr. Taylor, Book III. Ch. 9.

* * * * *

This, Sir, is a cause that would be dishonored and betrayed, if
I contented myself with appealing only to the understanding. It
is too cold, and its processes are too slow for the occasion. I
desire to thank God, that, since He has given me an intellect
so fallible, He has impressed upon me an instinct that is
sure. On a question of shame and honor reasoning is sometimes
useless, and worse. I feel the decision in my pulse: if it
throws no light upon the brain, it kindles a fire at the
heart.--FISHER AMES, _Speech in Congress on the Treaty with
Great Britain, April 28, 1796_: Works, Vol. II. p. 56.

* * * * *

A spider in his natural size is only a spider, ugly and
loathsome, and his flimsy net is only fit for catching flies.
But, good God! suppose a spider as large as an ox, and that
he spread cables about us; all the wilds of Africa would not
produce anything so dreadful.--EDMUND BURKE, _Speech on the
Petition of the Unitarians, May 11, 1792_: Works (London,
1801-27), Vol. X. p. 53.

* * * * *

The Convention was organized with the following officers.

_President_, Hon. Charles Sumner, Boston.

_Vice-Presidents_, Hon. F. W. Lincoln, Jr., Boston; Gen. B.
F. Butler, Lowell. At large, Caleb Swan, Easton; E. F. Stone,
Newburyport; R. L. Pease, Edgartown; W. P. Phillips, Salem;
Eliphalet Trask, Springfield; Tully Crosby, Brewster; W. B.
Spooner, Boston; Alvah Crocker, Fitchburg; Rev. L. A. Grimes,
Boston; G. L. Davis, North Andover; E. L. Pierce, Milton; S. E.
Sewall, Melrose; C. O. Rogers, Boston; W. S. Clark, Amherst.
District 1, F. Hooper, Fall River; E. L. Barney, New Bedford.
2, F. M. Johnson, Quincy; G. B. Weston, Duxbury. 3, Ginery
Twichell, Brookline; A. J. Wright, Boston. 4, Charles Beck,
Cambridge; E. C. Fitz, Chelsea. 5, B. H. Smith, Gloucester;
William Howland, Lynn. 6, O. R. Clark, Winchester; Milton
Bonney, Lawrence. 7, C. R. Train, Framingham; John Nesmith,
Lowell. 8, A. M. Bigelow, Grafton; Caleb Thayer, Blackstone.
9, Henry Smith, Templeton; Joseph Hartwell, Ware. 10, Joseph
Tucker, Great Barrington; G. M. Fisk, Palmer.

_Secretaries_, C. W. Slack, Boston; S. N. Stockwell, Boston;
Thomas White, Randolph; G. F. Stetson, Hanson; H. S. Gere,
Northampton; G. S. Sullivan, Boston; Samuel Chism, Newton;
James Pierce, Malden.

* * * * *

Hon. Tappan Wentworth, of Lowell, and Hon. William Brigham,
of Boston, were appointed to conduct Mr. Sumner to the chair.
Enthusiastic applause greeted his appearance on the platform.
He then made the speech which follows.

* * * * *

The report of the Boston _Daily Advertiser_ says: “Mr. Sumner’s
Address, which we give on our second page, was heard with the
most profound attention, and was at many points greeted with
the most enthusiastic expressions of approval. The argument for
the exclusion of Rebels from political power was especially
applauded, and there could be no doubt of the sentiments of
the Republican party of Massachusetts on this question. When
Mr. Sumner concluded, the manifestations of applause were
vehemently renewed.”

* * * * *

After the speech, Hon. Amasa Walker offered resolutions in
tribute to Richard Cobden, recently deceased, in whom “our
country has lost one of its most earnest and devoted friends,
and England one of her ablest statesmen,” and tendering to his
family sincere and heartfelt sympathy in their bereavement,
which were adopted unanimously, and afterwards communicated by
Mr. Sumner to Mrs. Cobden.

A letter was read from Governor Andrew, declaring his purpose
to retire from office at the close of the present year, when
Hon. Alexander H. Bullock, of Worcester, was unanimously
nominated as the candidate for Governor. Hon. William Claflin,
of Newton, was unanimously nominated as candidate for
Lieutenant-Governor.

On the adjournment for dinner Mr. Sumner left for Boston,
and in the afternoon the chair was taken by Gen. Butler,
who addressed the Convention, declaring himself in favor of
Equality of Rights and justice for all. “We hope,” said he,
“that hereafter the great Massachusetts idea--that every man
has a right to be the equal of every other man--shall become
a vital essence of government upon this continent forever.”
[_Applause._]

Mr. Bullock, the nominee for Governor, followed in a brief
address, in which he said:--

“MR. PRESIDENT,--You cannot wish that I should enter upon
the discussion of national topics, overwhelming as they
are, at this hour. The distinguished Senator, who has so
long and so well represented the people of the State,--how
long and how well you all know [_applause_],--and the other
gentleman who has preceded me this afternoon, and who
has served with equal ability in the civil and military
departments of the Government [_applause_], have rendered
any words of mine superfluous. Only let me say that I
choose to abide by the Massachusetts doctrines, and that I
trust that some familiarity has taught me what they are.”

Hon. William Claflin, the nominee for Lieutenant-Governor,
spoke in the same strain.

* * * * *

The Resolutions, which were unanimously adopted, declared,--

“And we call upon Congress, before whom must speedily
come the whole question of reorganizing the Southern
communities, to see to it that the loyal people, white and
black, shall have the most perfect guaranties for safety,
before any final steps are taken toward the readmission of
the revolted people of the South to their forfeited rights.”

The Convention adjourned after a day of utmost harmony.

SPEECH.

FELLOW-CITIZENS,--Called to preside over this Annual Convention, where are brought together the intelligence, the heart, and the conscience of Massachusetts, (God bless her!) I begin by asking you to accept my thanks. Gladly would I leave this post of honor to another; but I obey your will. In all I have to say I must speak frankly. What has with me become a habit is at this moment more than ever a duty. Who can see peril to his country, and not cry out? Who can see that good ship which carries the Republic and its fortunes driving directly upon a lee-shore, and not shout to the pilot, “Mind your helm”? Apologies or roundabout phrases are out of place, whenever danger threatens.

* * * * *

When last I addressed my fellow-citizens, at the close of the late Presidential canvass, as we were about to vote for Abraham Lincoln and Andrew Johnson, I undertook to show the absolute identity between Slavery and the Rebellion, so that one could not end without the other. Finished that address, I said to friends near me, “This is my last Antislavery speech.” I so thought at the time; for I anticipated the speedy downfall of the Rebellion, carrying with it Slavery. I was mistaken. Neither the Rebellion nor Slavery is yet ended. The Rebellion has been disarmed; but that is all. Slavery has been abolished in name; but that is all. As there is still a _quasi_ Rebellion, so is there still a _quasi_ Slavery. The work of liberation is not yet completed. Nor can it be, until the Equal Rights of every person once claimed as a slave are placed under the safeguard of irreversible guaranties. It is not enough to prostrate the master; you must also lift up the slave. It is not enough to declare Emancipation; the whole Black Code, which is the supplement of Slavery, must give place to that Equality before the Law which is the very essence of Liberty. It is an old principle of the Common Law, recognized by all our courts, as announced by Lord Coke, that, “where the law granteth anything to any one, that also is granted without which the thing itself cannot be.” So, also, where a piece of land is conveyed which is enclosed by the possessions of the grantor, _a right of way_ is implied from common justice and the necessity of the case. And then again, where the reason of a law ceases, the law itself ceases. So, also, where the principal falls to the ground, the incident falls also. But all these unquestionable principles are fatal to the Black Code. The Liberty that has been granted “cannot be,” if the Black Code exists. The piece of land conveyed is useless without that right of way which is stopped up by the Black Code. The reason for the Black Code is Slavery; and with the cessation of the reason, the whole Black Code itself must cease also. The Black Code is the incident of Slavery, and as such it must fall with the principal. Unless this is accomplished, you will keep the word of promise to the ear and break it to the sense; you will imitate those cruel quibbles, of which history makes mention, where, by subtle equivocations, faith has been violated; you will do little better than the Turk, who stipulated with a certain person that his head should be safe, and straightway proceeded to cut him in two at the middle,--or than those false Greeks, who, after promising to restore their captives, kept their promise by restoring them dead.

Slavery begins by denying the right of a man to himself; and the Black Code continues this denial by its cruel exclusions. Every freedman must be secured in this right by admission to the full panoply of citizenship.

Slavery sets at nought the relation of husband and wife. Every freedman must be able to claim his wife as his own.

Slavery sets at nought the parental relation. Every freedman must be able to call his child his own.

Slavery shuts the gates of knowledge. Every freedman must be assured in all the privileges of education.

Slavery takes from its victim the hard-earned fruits of his toil. Every freedman must be protected in his industry.

Slavery denies justice to the colored man by cruelly rejecting his testimony. Every freedman must enter the courts freely, as witness or as party.

Until all this is done, in every particular, and beyond possibility of question, it is vain to say that Emancipation has been accomplished. The good work is only half done. It must be continued to assured consummation, under the powerful auspices of the Nation. The same national authority which began it must take care that it is maintained and completed, in letter and in spirit, everywhere throughout the Rebel States,--in conventions of the people, in legislative assemblies, in courts, in the city, in the country, in streets, on highways, on by-ways, in retired places, on plantations, in houses,--so that no man shall be despoiled of any of his rights, but all shall be equal before the law.

* * * * *

There is a glorious instance in our own day, which is an example for us, when the Emperor of Russia, by proclamation, fulfilling the aspirations of his predecessors, set free twenty-three millions of serfs, and then completed his work by _supplementary provisions_ investing the freedmen with civil and political rights, including the right to testify in court, the right of suffrage, and the right to hold office. I have in my hand this immortal Proclamation, dated at St. Petersburg, 19th February, 1861,--promulgated amidst prayers and thanksgivings in all the churches of the national capital, and at once expedited to every part of the widely extended empire by the hands of generals and staff-officers of the Emperor himself. Here it is, in an official document entitled “Affranchissement des Serfs,” and issued at St. Petersburg. After reciting that earlier measures in behalf of the serfs had failed, because they had been left to “the spontaneous initiative of the proprietors,” the Emperor proceeds to take the work in hand as a sacred legacy from his ancestors, and declares the serfs, after an interval of two years, “entirely enfranchised.” Meanwhile, that nothing might fail, “a special court” for serfs was created in each province, charged with the organization of local governments, the adjustment of boundaries, and generally to superintend the transition from the Old to the New, with “justices of the peace” in each district to examine on the spot all questions arising from Emancipation. Had the work stopped here, it would have been incomplete, it would have been only half done; but no such fatal mistake was made.[241]

Accompanying the Proclamation are supplementary provisions, called “Regulations,” prepared with care, and divided into chapters and sections,--occupying no less than ninety-one pages in double columns and small type,--by which the rights of the freedmen are secured beyond question. Beginning with the declaration that the freedmen “acquire the rights belonging to the condition of free farmers,” they then proceed in formal words to fix and assure these rights, civil and political. By one section it is provided that “the articles of the Civil Code on the rights and obligations of the family are extended to the freedmen; that consequently they acquire the right, without authorization of the proprietor, to contract marriage, and to make any arrangement whatever concerning their family affairs; that they can equally enter into all agreements and obligations authorized by the laws, as well with the State as with individuals, on the conditions established for free farmers; that they can inscribe themselves in the guilds, and exercise their trades in the villages; and they can found and conduct factories and establishments of commerce.” Another section secures to the freedmen the right of acquiring and alienating property of all kinds, according to the general law, and, besides, guaranties, on certain conditions, “the possession of their homesteads,” with the grounds appurtenant. An additional section secures them complete _Equality in the courts_, with “the right of action, whether civilly or criminally, to commence process, and to answer personally or by attorney, to make complaint, and to defend their rights by all the means known to the law, _and to appear as witnesses and as bail, conformably to the common law_.” Other sections secure to the freedmen _Equality in political rights_, by providing, that, “on the organization of the towns, they shall be entitled to take part in the meetings and elections for the towns, and to vote on town affairs, and to exercise divers functions”; that they shall also “take part in the assemblies for the district, and shall vote on district affairs, and choose the chairman,” and generally enjoy all rights to elect local officers and to be elected in turn. And still another section authorizes the freedmen “to place their children in the establishments for public education, to embrace the career of instruction, or the scientific career, or to take service in the corps of surveyors.” And it is further provided, that they “cannot lose their rights, or be restrained in their exercise, except after judgment of the town, according to fixed rules”; and still further, that they “cannot be subjected to any punishment, otherwise than by virtue of a judgment, or according to the legal decision of the town to which they belong.” Such are the safeguards by which Emancipation in Russia is completed and assured. Such is the lesson of the great Empire to the great Republic.

* * * * *

In asking that we shall do likewise, I follow the plain suggestions of reason, whether we regard the interest of the freedmen or our own. For justice to the freedmen is now intimately linked with the national security. Be just, and the Republic will be strong. Be just, and you will erect a barrier against returning Rebellion. Here Massachusetts has a duty to perform. Now, as in times past, her place is in the front. You will not, I trust, be disturbed by criticism, even if it become invective. Throughout the long conflict with Slavery, and the earlier conflict with the mother country, Massachusetts has been accustomed to hard words; and even at a more ancient day, as far back in colonial history as 1691, we find an ill-tempered critic, with a strange jumble of metaphors, crying out against our fathers: “All the frame of heaven moves upon one axis; and the whole of New England interests seem designed to be loaden on one bottom, and her particular motions to be concentric to the Massachusetts tropic. You know who are wont to trot after the Bay horse.”[242] If others trot after the Bay horse, it is simply because Massachusetts means always to keep on the right road, and by unerring instinct knows the way. Error proceeds oftener from ignorance than from malice. Obviously, at this moment, the great difficulty is that people do not see clearly what ought to be done.

* * * * *

Fellow-citizens, as peace seems about to smile on our country, convulsed by most cruel and costly war, there is one simple duty on which all can unite, when it is understood. It is the duty expressed in at least one part of the familiar saying, “Indemnity for the past and _security for the future_.” Indemnity, alas! we can never have. Who can repay the millions of lost treasure? Who can repair the shattered and mutilated forms returned from the terrible battle with Slavery? Who can recall the dead? Indemnity we renounce. There are no scales on earth in which it can be weighed. There are no possible accumulations of wealth that would not be exhausted before its first instalment was counted out. But no such difficulty can occur in adjusting security for the future. And the very vastness of our sacrifice is an irresistible reason why this should be fixed beyond question, so that the appalling judgment shall not visit us again. Indemnity we renounce; _but security we will have_. This is the one thing needful. This is the charity embracing all other charities. This is the pivot of the national Hereafter. This is at once corner-stone and key-stone of that reconstructed Union to which we look for tranquil peace and reconciliation. There are none so high, and there are none so low, as not to be concerned in obtaining this security; for without it all that we hold most dear will be in jeopardy. Without security, agriculture and commerce must languish and die; without security, the whole country must be impoverished in resources, while the rich become poor and the poor become poorer; without security, rights of property and rights of person will lose their value; and without security, the Union, justice, domestic tranquillity, the common defence, the general welfare, and the blessings of Liberty, for which the Constitution was ordained and established, must all fail. What is government, or country, or home, or life itself, without security?

There is another object, kindred to security, or, perhaps, embraced in security,--and that is the _national faith_. This, too, must be placed beyond cavil, or even suspicion. No nation can be powerful enough to disregard this sacred bond. Character, fame, and prosperity itself are all dependent on its observance. But the national faith is solemnly engaged, first, to the national freedman, and, secondly, to the national creditor. No undertaking can be more complete and inviolable, because it constituted the consideration for those services and supplies by which the life of the Republic has been preserved. The national faith is pledged to the national freedman, not only by the act of Emancipation, which, in its very essence, and from the nature of the case, is a “warranty of title,” but also by the plain and positive promises of the Proclamation, that they “_are and henceforward shall be free_, and that the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and _maintain the freedom of said persons_.” Words could not be more binding, and the history of their introduction testifies to their significance and efficacy. They were not in the original draught by President Lincoln, but were inserted, at the suggestion of Mr. Seward, when the Proclamation was read to the Cabinet; and there they stand without limitation of place or time, binding this Republic in its national character, through its Executive, including the military and naval authority, not only to recognize, but to _maintain_, the freedom of the emancipated slave; and this is to be done, not in any special locality, but everywhere,--and not for a day or a year, but for all time. Our obligation to the national creditors is of the same validity, approved by successive Acts of Congress, ratified by the popular will, and fixed beyond recall by the actual enjoyment of those precious fruits for which the debt was incurred. Repudiation of our bonds, whether to the national creditor or to the national freedman, would be a shame and a crime; and the national faith is irrevocably plighted to the two alike. Here is the Proclamation, and here is a Treasury Note. [_Here Mr. Sumner held up an official copy of the Proclamation, and also a Treasury Note._] Look at the signature, and look at the terms. The former is signed by the President himself, Abraham Lincoln; the latter is signed by an unknown clerk, whose name I cannot decipher. The former is stronger and more positive in terms than the latter. The Treasury Note simply says: “It is hereby certified that the United States are indebted unto ____ or bearer in the sum of $100, redeemable” after a certain date, and that “this debt is authorized by Act of Congress.” The binding terms of the Proclamation, which I have read, are solemnly enforced by that memorable invocation at the close: “And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice warranted by the Constitution upon military necessity, I invoke the considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of Almighty God.” Thus religion comes to confirm the pledge with sanctions of its own. That pledge is as enduring as the Republic.

Such are the supreme objects now at heart: the National Security and the National Faith, or the two absorbed into one,--_Security for the Future_.

And here allow me to present an illustration, which, unless I mistake, will make our duty clear. You all remember the immense and costly dikes built by Holland against the sea; but perhaps you may not recall their origin and importance. Before these embankments the whole country was in constant danger. At an early period an irruption swallowed up no less than forty-four villages, followed very soon by another, which destroyed eighty thousand lives. In the fifteenth century still another swept away one hundred thousand persons,--a terrible sacrifice, even greater in proportion to the population of Holland at that time than we have been called to bear from the bloody irruption of Slavery. At last dikes were constructed as safeguards, and down to this day they are preserved at large annual cost. Precautions of all kinds are superadded. A special corps of engineers, educated at Delft, is constantly employed in the work of renovation. Watchmen patrol the walls, and alarm-bells are ready to ring. The gratitude of the people is manifest even to unconscious protectors; and the stork, resting here on his flight from Africa, is held in veneration for his precious service in destroying the vermin that weaken and sap the dikes; so that to kill a stork is little less than crime. Such are defences by which Holland is guarded against dangers from the sea. But how petty is her peril, compared with ours! We, too, must have our dikes, with engineers to keep them strong, with watchmen to patrol, with alarm-bells to ring; and we, too, must have our storks to destroy the vermin that weaken and sap our embankments.

What shall be our defences? How shall we guard against destructive irruptions? And where shall we establish our security for the future? Our embankments cannot be of earth. Walls of stone will not do. Towers, ramparts, and buttresses are impotent against our vindictive tide. The security we seek must be found in _irreversible guaranties, coëxtensive with the danger_.

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It becomes us, then, to consider carefully the elements of danger,--bearing in mind always that a danger clearly foreseen will not happen, unless prudence has ceased to prevail. These may be considered in general and in detail. They may be considered in certain general influences, applicable to all our relations with the Rebellion, or in certain specific points, obviously requiring specific guaranties.

If we look at the Rebel States generally, there is little to inspire trust. They rose against a paternal government simply for the sake of Slavery, planting themselves upon two postulates furnished by John C. Calhoun,--first, State Rights, and, secondly, the alleged falsehood of our fathers, when, at the birth of our nation, they declared that all men are born equal. Since that early war when Satan “in proud rebellious arms drew after him the third part of heaven’s sons,” nothing so utterly wicked has occurred. And the spirit of Satan entered into the Rebellion, and continued with it to the end. It was present on the battle-field; it was present in the treatment of Union prisoners; it was present in the piracies of the ocean. I know not that these devils have yet been cast out. I know not that any swine into which they entered have rushed headlong into the sea. But I do know, that, according to concurring and unimpeachable testimony from all quarters of the Rebel States, from North Carolina to Texas, there is one sullen, defiant voice, which, in the very words of Satan, when driven from the skies, thus speaks:--

“What though the field be lost?
All is not lost: the unconquerable will,
And study of revenge, immortal hate,
And courage never to submit or yield.
…
Since, through experience of this great event,
In arms not worse, in foresight much advanced,
We may with more successful hope resolve
To wage by force _or guile_ eternal war,
Irreconcilable to our grand foe.”