Chapter II: Introduction (1)

The general anthropology and history of the California natives has been exhaustively studied, in particular their archaeology and ethnography. Much is also known concerning the vicissitudes of their existence since the coming of the white man. The mission experience has been thoroughly explored and is admirably documented. The period of the Mexican War and the gold rush has been the subject of hundreds of books and articles.

Students interested in problems of human biology, ecology, and sociology centering on the indigenous population of California have readily available certain important sources of information. First, there is a wealth of archaeological data--materials deposited in museums, many archaeological sites which are in their original position, reports, and monographs. Second should be mentioned the long series of ethnographic investigations carried on by various agencies over half a century and based primarily upon the word of living informants. Third are the general historical and mission records, which display the relation between the Spanish-Mexican civilization and the native. These merge into the fourth source of knowledge, the official documents, letters, memoirs, diaries, and contemporary newspaper accounts which give us an exceedingly detailed picture of the Indian during the period of first exploitation by the Americans. The fifth category includes the documentary records since approximately 1855: the reports of the Indian Service and of Army Officers, correspondence of all sorts among Federal and State functionaries, and investigations by Congressional or Legislative Committees. These documents, most of which are to be found in libraries and public archives, bring the student down to the present time.

In spite of this wide spectrum of source material there is one area which has been as yet relatively little explored but which merits attention on the part of those concerned with the human development of California. I refer to the contact between the Spanish-Mexican settlers and the aboriginal population, not through the medium of the missions but within the natural environment of the Indians. Over a period of more than fifty years, while converts were being drawn into the mission system, priests, soldiers, and ranchers were continually reaching out into the interior, opening up the country and thus impinging upon native life. A constant succession of expeditions, sorties, raids, and campaigns moved in from the coast, left their mark on the land and its inhabitants, then retreated to the missions and presidios. Most of these forays were undertaken without official sanction and left no record save in the memory of a few old men, who were interviewed by H. H. Bancroft many years after the event. A good many expeditions and military campaigns, however, were sponsored by the government or the church. Of these, diaries were kept and written reports made. A rather long series of such documents still exists.

The diaries, reports, letters, and reminiscences of the Ibero-American pioneers in California from 1770 to 1840 give us primary information for which there is no substitute. In the first place, they fill in the gap in our knowledge of the aboriginal peoples between what is deduced from purely archaeological evidence and what is learned from personal informants whose memories can reach back to a time only a little before the year 1850. Moreover we learn a good deal about the location and behavior of village or tribal groups which were entirely extinguished before the memory of modern survivors. In the second place, we see in detail the initial reaction of the Indian to the Spaniard in the wild environment and witness the subsequent struggle for survival on the part of the native population. In the third place, we obtain firsthand knowledge concerning the primitive environment of the interior, the condition of the land, the character and extent of vegetation, the location and capacity of rivers, swamps, and lakes. Such data antedate the memory and written descriptions of the earliest American observers and so are of great value in tracing the changes which have since occurred.

The body of literature under consideration is found in only a few places. Some documents are in the Mexican National Archive, with microfilm possibly available. The largest single collection is in the Bancroft Library at Berkeley, with smaller collections at the Huntington Library and elsewhere. A few of the important diaries are in the form of the original manuscripts or contemporary copies. The greater part of the material, however, consists of transcripts of the originals made at the order of H. H. Bancroft in the 1870's. Despite the very sloppy work done by the paid copyists it is fortunate that the attempt was made, for the documents themselves were nearly all destroyed in the San Francisco fire of 1906.

Some effort has been made to bring before the scholarly world and the interested public certain of the outstanding accounts of expeditions and explorations. The period of 1765 to 1776 has been very adequately covered, particularly by the late Professor Herbert E. Bolton, who is remembered for his editing of the diaries of Crespi, Portola, Anza, and others. The later exploration has been the subject of a few works, such as Gayton's translation of the Estudillo manuscripts. Both Herbert I. Priestley and Donald C. Cutter have contributed to our body of knowledge of the time. Priestley's little book on the Franciscan explorations, finished after his death by Lillian E. Fisher, is a rather brief general description of the expeditions to the Central Valley. Cutter's exhaustive thesis (1950) is a very satisfactory exposition of Central Valley exploration from the standpoint of the Spanish-Mexican colonial policy and missionization. Cutter, however, merely paraphrases and condenses the actual documents, thereby omitting much of the detail to be found in the original accounts. Neither Priestley nor Cutter concerns himself with Indian relations or explorations in Southern California and on the Colorado River, nor do they carry their consideration of the Central Valley past 1820. For a complete picture, therefore, the student of the early nineteenth century must seek out the primary documents.

The written records within the area under discussion are deposited in a very few libraries and archives and, moreover, the documents, with the exceptions noted, are in handwritten Spanish. For these reasons a valuable body of information can be reached only with relative difficulty by students at large. Thus it seems worth while to assemble this material, translate it into English, and disseminate it in printed form among institutions of learning and research. At the same time a certain minimum amount of editorial organization is necessary, together with some explanation and commentary.

The present group of translations embodies all the pertinent documents I can find dealing with the Central Valley of California in the period from 1800 to 1820. Not all the possible correlated references are included. The emphasis is upon the actual progress of exploration and physical contact with the natives--from the point of view of the natives. Consequently, no attempt is made to include papers bearing solely on political background, personal biography of participants, detailed military or logistic preparations, controversies between military, civilian, and ecclesiastical interests, and matters of official policy. For the broad historical setting and the details of organization the works of Bancroft, Bolton, Priestley, and Cutter will be found entirely adequate.

All the important diaries are presented, with two exceptions. One is Arguello's account of his expedition to the upper Sacramento and Trinity rivers in 1821. This manuscript is now being translated and annotated as a separate work by Professor Robert F. Heizer, of the University of California, and Professor Donald C. Cutter, of the University of Southern California. The other is the Estudillo expedition to the southern San Joaquin Valley in 1818. The Estudillo documents have already been translated and edited by Dr. Anna H. Gayton (1936) and can readily be obtained.

In addition to the well-known, formal reports to the Central Authority I have translated several excerpts from letters and memoirs. The contemporary correspondence occasionally discusses briefly or extensively expeditions of interest concerning which we have no other knowledge. For completeness, therefore, these accounts must be included. Concerning the memoirs some reservation is necessary. This type of document furnishes a great deal of material for the later period of 1820-1840. There are, however, a number of passages which refer quite clearly to events in the preceding decade. These are the reminiscences of old men, talking about campaigns and battles which occurred more than half a century earlier. The raconteurs were mostly rather ignorant, their memory faulty, their attitude boastful. Their command of fact is definitely unreliable, their personal viewpoint highly colored and biased. Their accounts are nevertheless valuable for the picture they give of the day-to-day personal contact between the white men and the natives, and for the many interesting sidelights on the life and the land of the Central Valley in its original condition.

The author wishes to acknowledge with thanks a grant made by the Institute of Social Sciences, of the University of California, for photocopying and clerical assistance.

I. EARLY EXPEDITIONS, 1776-1803

During the initial period of settlement and exploration in California, from 1769 to 1776, several important and well-known expeditions entered the area, among them those of Portola, Anza, Fages, and Canizares. As a result the coastal strip and the vicinity of San Francisco Bay became well known. The interior did not receive so much attention. Following Anza only two recorded expeditions went into the Central Valley, that of Moraga, described by Palou (Bolton, 1926) and that of Fages, the account of which has been translated by Priestley (1913).

In the meantime, and during the first two decades of Spanish occupation of coastal California, individuals were slowly penetrating the interior. Most of these left no record or trace, except on the health and emotional outlook of the natives. Many of them were deserters from the army, whose enlisted ranks contained many from the lowest strata of Mexican society. Along the coast trouble with desertion began with the Portola expedition itself (see Crespi's diary) and was commented upon by both military and clerical writers for many years thereafter. Most of the absconding soldiers stayed within the mission area but some reached the interior valley. The earliest clear examples are cited by Garces in the diary of his famous trip in 1776. In the upper San Joaquin Valley, east of Bakersfield, he was told of two Spanish soldiers who had been killed by the Indians for molesting women (Coues, 1900, p. 288) and found a Spaniard married to an Indian woman (Coues, 1900, p. 295).

EXCERPTS FROM OFFICIAL CORRESPONDENCE

A number of letters in the official correspondence of the late eighteenth century refer to fugitive deserters. Of these several may be quoted, primarily by way of illustration since a complete presentation of such data would be very difficult. Documents cited are all in the Bancroft Library, Berkeley, unless otherwise stated.

It should be noted that the style in a great many of the transcripts is indirect. The copyist made a paraphrase of the original letter and prefaced his statement with the word "that." Thus in the first letter below the copyist wishes it understood that the original letter said that Sebastian Albitre ran away ... and so on. In some documents the indirection is ignored and the text is translated directly. As a rule, however, it is preferable to retain the circumlocution employed by Bancroft's transcriber.

_Blotter of Governor Fages_
November 7, 1785
(Cal. Arch., Prov. Rec., II: 348)

That Sebastian Albitre ran away and with him the soldier of the
Presidio, Mariano Yepez; that after a few days the mistress of the
latter disappeared from her mission at Santa Clara; that he sent out
two parties to chase them as far as the Sierra Nevada; these parties
returned because their horses were badly exhausted; the pursuit will
be resumed in June.

_Governor to Commandant at Santa Barbara_
October 9, 1795
(Cal. Arch., Prov. Rec., IV: 302)

He should offer presents, or whatever they like, to the Indians,
so that they will catch Avila, who, as is known, is running as a
fugitive in the Tulare Valley with several Christians from San Juan
Bautista. He should make every effort to catch this man.

_Marcos Briones to Hermenegildo Sal_
San Luis Obispo, January 8, 1797
(Cal. Arch., Prov. St. Pap., XVI: 239)

Says that the Father[1] sent some Christian Indians in search of a
Gentile woman in order that she might be married to a Christian who
had been her husband when they were heathen. That on the return with
the Indian woman they passed by a rancheria where an old Gentile,
accompanied by his two sons, killed Toribio, one of those who had
gone after the Gentile woman. The latter was suspected of having
poisoned her Christian daughter who died in this mission. That today
he is setting out with three soldiers and some Christian Indians to
apprehend the culprits.

_Marcos Briones to Sal_
San Luis Obispo, January 14, 1797
(Cal. Arch., Prov. St. Pap., XVI: 238-239)

That on the 8th inst. he set out from this garrison in search of the
malefactors, as the governor had ordered him and he could not find
them. That in one rancheria, among those which he entered, an
old Indian woman told him that the Gentiles of that vicinity had
assembled opposite the Nacimiento [River] looking for the [road to
the] Tulares. That he turned back on account of lack of provisions
but intends to return [to the Tulares] on the 19th in order to
pacify that gathering of Gentiles.

_Marcos Briones to Sal_
San Luis Obispo, January 8, 1797
(Cal. Arch., Prov. St. Pap., XVI: 239)

He says that on the 18th he set out to apprehend the Gentile Indians
who had killed Toribio, the Christian Indian of this Mission. That
he fell upon a rancheria at the edge of the Valley of the Tulares,
where he knew was the chief of the malefactors, whom he succeeded
in catching. He brought him in company with two others whom he (the
malefactor) had forced to burn the corpse of the defunct Toribio.
That he arrived at this mission the 23rd and asked the said criminal
why he killed Toribio. He [the Indian] replied that it was because a
Christian [Indian], one of those who accompanied the deceased, had
come close to his house and had said: "Is the old robber[2] here? If
he is, why doesn't he come out?" Whereupon he and his son chased the
Christians as far as the place where they killed the said Toribio.

HERMENEGILDO SAL'S EXPEDITION, 1796

The first formally organized exploration, subsequent to Anza and Fages, was apparently carried out by an army officer, Hermenegildo Sal, in 1796. He was a lieutenant in command of the Monterey garrison and conducted a party into the Stockton area. He left no personal diary but did write a letter to the Governor. It is the transcript, or rather paraphrase, of the letter by one of Bancroft's workers which is here presented.

_Report of Hermenegildo Sal_
San Francisco, January 31, 1796
(Cal. Arch., Prov. St. Pap., XIV: 14-16)

Report in which Lieutenant Hermenegildo Sal sets forth what he has
learned concerning various matters, in order to communicate it to
the Governor of the Province.

That leaving the mission of Santa Clara or the town of San Jose, in
a northerly direction, at about 15 leagues, one reaches the Rio del
Pescadero,[3] which has good water, depth and current, and is so
called because fishing is done in it for salmon. That at one-quarter
league [farther on] is the Rio de San Francisco Jabier, wider than
the preceding and with more water, for the latter reaches to the
bottom of the saddle pad. That at about two leagues [farther on] is
the Rio de San Miguel, larger than the two others, and deeper, for
the water reaches to the back bow of the saddle. That the three have
no trees where they cross the valley of the Tulares. That at about
five leagues [farther on][4] is the Rio de la Pasion, populated with
ash, alder, and other trees, and with a very deep channel.

That between the two last rivers is a fine oak park, in the area
toward the Sierra Madre which runs toward the north and is called
Sierra Nevada.

That, going through the oak park and leaving on the left hand the
tule swamps, there is a region of fresh-water lakes so spaced
that there are pockets of solid ground in which are encountered
rancherias inhabited by Gentiles. [These are] brave and strong, have
small dragnets with stone sinkers, and make bread with flour from
tule roots and from acorns like that which they presented to Captain
Fernando de Rivera.[5]

That these four rivers run from east to west and discharge into the
bay of the port of San Francisco. That when the tide rises salt
water is carried into them far upstream.[6]

That the Sierra Madre is distant from the Rio de la Pasion a matter
of eight leagues. That the natives take two days to cross it. That
all the countryside abounds with fresh grass, tule swamps, and lakes
where deer breed. That before reaching the rivers, on the right hand
lies the territory of San Juan,[7] a short distance from the Sierra
Nevada, and visible from the presidio.

That the names of the four rivers were given by Captain Fernando
Rivera, commander of these presidios, when he passed by there during
the month of December, 1776.

(Under the heading "Information secured ... from the Christian
Indians of the Mission of San Francisco," is the following report.)

That the first Indian told him that his people traded with a "nation
of dark Indians" and that the latter have priests.[8]

(What follows is copied verbatim.)

The second [Indian] gave news of the nations Julpones,[9]
Quinenseat, Taunantoc, and Quisitoc: the first are on the shore of
the estuary. The second are on the other side of the rivers; they
are tall and blond. The third trade with glass beads like ours. The
last are bald. He says the land is very hot and the Indians stay all
day in the lakes, the water of which is boiling, and this is the
reason why their hair falls out. The Indian reasserts that those
people have heads like their hands, but they are born with hair like
everyone else.

An Indian woman named Delfina told the mayor-domo, Diego Olbera, and
his wife: "One day, having crossed the rivers and traveled five
days, soldiers and priests are encountered who give the Indians
pieces of cotton cloth, blankets, axes and knives." That there are
[i.e., they had] wheels and, as she stated, the latter were from
carts or wagons, giving the appearance that this was their mode of
travel.

That the above is the news which he has been able to secure and
which he is transmitting [to the Governor].

II. EXPEDITIONS, 1804-1805

In 1804, and probably in 1805, there were various penetrations of the valley. Chief of these was the visit of Father Fray Juan Martin to the village of Bubal. Since this trip was entirely unauthorized, it was not described until 1815. This silence for ten years is significant, since it opens up the possibility that many other such informal expeditions occurred--without having been written up afterward.

FATHER MARTIN'S VISIT TO CHOLAM, 1804

Father Martin's trip to Cholam did not actually reach the valley, but attained its borders. It is worth recording as showing the type of activity characteristic of the period.

_Jose de la Guerra, Commandant, to Governor Arrillaga_
Monterey, January 29, 1804
(Prov. St. Pap., Benicia, Military, XXXIV: 266-267)

Communicates that Father Juan Martin, minister of San Miguel,
protected by one soldier, went to a village called Cholam and asked
the chief of all the villages thereabouts, named Guchapa, to give
him some children to baptize. This was refused by the chief, who
told the Father and the soldier to get out immediately or it would
go badly with them, for he "was not afraid of the soldiers, who
were cowards, and he knew with certainty that they would die like
everyone else."

Commandant Guerra sent a sergeant, a corporal, and thirteen soldiers
to take the chief, Guchapa, prisoner. The expedition set out
December 22. It returned January 10 bringing as captives Chief
Guchapa, his son, two other chieftains, and two Christians. (The
commandant says he includes the report of the sergeant, but it is
not to be found. He talks of "the heroic struggle of Guchapa and the
good passage provided them by the Indian Cojapa.")

The commandant continues saying that Guchapa made the proposition
that he would bring out all the Christian Indians there were in his
villages. This was accepted and he left his son as hostage. "I
dismissed him with some presents which I gave him as a reward for
his good behavior with the troops and waited a little while for his
return. This was in order to grant them forgiveness together with
the warning that in the future they should hold in respect the
troops and the Fathers. This was the least which it seems to me
should be done and said."[1]

FATHER MARTIN'S VISIT TO BUBAL, 1805

_Fray Juan Martin to P. P. Fray Jose Senan_
San Miguel, April 26, 1815
(Santa Barbara Arch., VI: 85-89)

My venerated Father President Fray Jose Senan: good health!

Under date of 4 April, this year, the Reverend Father Prefect
requested us to inform Your Reverence concerning the state of the
heathen Indians near this mission, particularly as pertains to their
inclination to receive Holy Baptism.

In complying with my orders I will state with candor that the desire
of the neighboring heathens is great, for twelve years have already
passed during which they have manifested good will, now to the
soldiers on the various occasions when the troops have gone out, now
to the Fathers who have likewise gone, and now also to the neophytes
on the very numerous occasions when they have gone visiting to the
Tulares. Their favorable disposition will continue if the fugitives
from the north do not set them against us. Thus the most recent
mission Indians to return from leave, who came from one of the
Valley villages called Tache, informed us that Indians had arrived
on horseback from the north saying that the Fathers were simply
going to kill the Indians. Satan will do his utmost to gain
possession of more than 4,000 souls[2] who will be started on the
road to salvation if a mission is established in the nearby Tulare
Valley. This I said in substance many times to Governor Don Jose
Joaquin de Arrillaga, may he rest in peace.

Although I saw him to be inclined to establish missions on the
rivers, and in spite of the high regard in which I held this
gentleman, nevertheless on one occasion when he asked me what I
thought about new foundations in the Tulare Valley, I spoke thus:
"Sir, why do you wish to place missions where they are not wanted?
And why do you neglect the villages of Bubal, Tache, Chuntache,
Notonto, and Telame, which do want them? So that they may kill
soldiers and priests and thus deprive us of the spiritual conquest?
Aside from the primary reason that they are sons of God, if those
who wish and beg for missions do not receive them, they will take up
arms against all the soldiers who enter their territory." Witnesses
to this truth are Father Pedro Munoz, Senor Moraga and in part I
myself. In order that Your Reverence may fully understand this I
shall set forth what I saw in the year 1804 in the village of Bubal
where I went with no more protection than two soldiers.

Repeatedly I was informed by the neophytes who had been inhabitants
of the villages of the Tulare Valley that the people of the region
wanted to see me, that they were well disposed, and that they would
give me their children to baptize. Finally they said that I might go
without fear and I confess that I went with no permission from
anyone.

So I left in the month of November in the year mentioned and at the
end of the third day I arrived at the first suburb of the village
Bubal, to which I gave the name La Salve. On first seeing us the
heathen concealed their women in some little huts but as soon as
they saw that we were coming in peace they brought the women out in
order to make a fire and cook food for the Father.[3] This they did,
using sticks which had been brought for more than eight leagues for
the purpose of farming the [Z ..., meaning unintelligible] when
they gathered with their neighbors for some ceremony. They did not
burn these sticks although they knew it was certain to be very cold,
because for many leagues around one cannot find even small brush.

In the evening the people from the main village came to invite me to
the place where they lived, saying that where I was there were no
people, nor children to give me, and therefore I should come without
fail. I promised I would go the following day, and I did so. As soon
as I arrived they presented me with their little sons so that I
might carry them away to be baptized. There were so many that the
soldiers who accompanied me objected strongly, pointing out that
there were no fewer than two hundred children, and that we must
leave them. Seeing such a harvest, Your Reverence may well imagine
how happy I was at the prospect of gaining so many infant souls for
paradise. But Satan, always the fiend, brought it about that for the
moment we did not gain a single one.

It happened that the chief was not at this place (which I called La
Dolorosa). It was necessary for me to send for him for I did not
venture to take them [the children] away without his sanction. There
arrived a heathen, whom I took to be the chief. As the reason for my
coming was made clear to him, which was to make them Sons of God,
my request affected him very badly. He began to rail against the
soldiers and their weapons in such a crazy fashion that the poor
people who had given me their children, probably scared, fled in a
body and I was left with no one. This man was one of those who with
a bow in his hand fears nobody. His name is Chape. The following
day I condemned as vigorously as I could his wicked way of acting
and was even tempted to order him punished. However, thank God, I
satisfied myself with what I had done, in consideration of the fact
that one of the soldiers was the commander of the garrison [at the
mission] and that both priest and soldiers might expect a just
reprimand if any injury resulted. I relaxed my determination not
to return home without visiting the villages mentioned above and
without taking with me as many small children as they would give me.
Finally I went home quite disappointed at having lost, because of
one villain, such a harvest for Heaven.

I may mention that the latter individual was taken to Monterey where
I believe it is generally known that he was one of the first to
receive the salutary waters of baptism. What I regret is that so
many heathen are dying not only in continuous internal warfare but
also from numerous diseases, especially syphilis. Therefore if a
mission is not placed among them soon, when one is established there
will remain no one to convert.

May God help them and keep Your Reverence safe for many years,
together with your companion, Fray Marcos, as you desire.

Fray Juan Martin

EXPEDITION OF SECOND LIEUTENANT LUIS ARGUELLO, 1805

_Jose Arguello, Commandant, to Governor Arrillaga_
San Francisco, June 25, 1805
(Prov. St. Pap., Benicia, Military, XXXIII: 251-252)

This letter is accompanied by the report of the expedition, a report
made by Second Lieutenant Luis Arguello. The latter on his mission,
which occupied him thirty-two days, traversed "all the ranges of San
Jose and Santa Clara as far as opposite the sheep ranch, scouting
all the rivers, plains and tule swamps without having found any sign
of wild Indians...."[4]

Second Lieutenant Arguello set out on the expedition with twenty-two
men and returned on the 15th of July bringing with him twenty-two
Indian renegades (thirteen Christians and 9 heathen).

On the trip he visited the village of the celebrated Joscoui[5] and
captured everyone except this chieftain.[6]

Among the heathen captives there were six who were in part guilty of
the murder of George the Christian.

Having been solicited, all the prisoners were baptized and
distributed to the ministers of San Jose and Santa Clara. It was
recommended that these Fathers moderate the punishment given to the
six [mentioned above].

III. EXPEDITIONS BY ZALVIDEA AND MORAGA, 1806-1807

The year 1806 was notable for the important recorded expeditions of Zalvidea and Moraga. The report of the first of these is translated herewith.

FATHER ZALVIDEA'S EXPEDITION, 1806

_Report of an expedition to the interior by Father Jose Maria de
Zalvidea_
From 19 July to 14 August of 1806
(Santa Barbara Arch., IV: 49-68)

_Saturday, July 19, 1806._ The expedition left Santa Barbara in order to carry out the orders of the Governor contained in his official letter of the 10th of this month.

On the morning of this day we left Santa Barbara and in the afternoon arrived at the mission of Santa Ynez.

_July 20._ This day, after Mass, we left Santa Ynez, going toward the north. At three leagues we reached the remains of the village called Jonatas; after another three leagues from this village there is the village of Saca whose Indians are Christians of Santa Ynez. At five leagues from this village we came upon another, called Olomosong, consisting of three houses. In this village there are living 2 old women and 4 young women with the chief. Here I baptized 2 old women, one of eighty years, the other of seventy. To the first I gave the name of Maria Dominga and to the second Maria Geronima.

_July 21._ This morning we left the village of Olomosong, going north, and at four leagues we came to a village of five houses inhabited by 4 men and 7 women. In this village, called Gecp, I baptized 2 old women of eighty to ninety years. The first I called Maria Josefa and the second Josefa Maria. Today my interpreter had to go back on account of illness and I was left with another from Mission San Fernando, who also asked to be relieved. All the road today has been through broken mountains, through which ran an insignificant arroyo. We slept in a valley in which there was a small stream of water.

_July 22._ Very early in the morning we set out toward the north. At the beginning of our journey we had to climb a mountain by a very bad path. Soon we came out upon some plains[1] and at two leagues we reached the village of Talihuilimit where I baptized 3 old women, the first of sixty years, one of whose legs was paralyzed. To her I gave the name Maria Magdalena. This woman has a son at Santa Ynez. The second might have been sixty-five years old, and had been bitten in the hip by a bear. To her I gave the name Maria Marta. She has a Christian son at La Purisima. The third whom I baptized might have been over one hundred years old and I called her Maria Francisca. The village may contain 25 heathen Indians. In the afternoon we traveled toward the east and at six leagues found the village of Lisahua.[2] This village consists of 28 heathens of whom I baptized 5: 4 extremely old women, and 1 old man. The women I named Maria Juana, Juana Maria, Maria Antonia, and Antonia Maria; the man I named Juan. Near this village flows a stream of water like that at Mission San Fernando. The land is arid and saline. There is no grass or timber.

_July 23._ This day at dawn we left the village of Lisahua, going toward the east, and at four leagues we found a village called Cuia, with nine houses and 14 men, 19 women, 8 children, all heathen. I baptized here 5 old women and 2 old men: the women I named Maria Ambrosia, Ambrosia Maria, Maria Antonia, Antonia Maria, Nicolosa, and the men Ambrosio and Nicolas. Near the village are three small springs which are of little consequence. The land is arid, saline, and without any timber in the vicinity.

Four leagues south of this village is the village of Siguecin. The latter has 10 men, 19 women, and a few children. I baptized here two old women, one of more than one hundred, the other of seventy, years of age. The first I called Anastacia and the second Rafaela. In these two last villages there are two little wells. The country is arid and alkaline and there are no trees in the neighborhood. We went back to sleep at the village of Lisahua.

_July 24._ Early in the morning we started out toward the east. At two leagues we came upon a salt marsh, a cross made of logs, and a wild horse. At four leagues we reached the village of Sgene.[3] This village consists of 7 men, 16 women, and 3 children. I baptized 3 old women of seventy to eighty years old and one man of the same age. The names of the baptized were as follows: Maria Agustina, Agustina Maria, Maria Francisca, and Francisco Solano. Seven leagues east of this village we encountered the village called Malapoa,[4] which has 29 men, 22 women, and 8 children. I baptized at this village an old woman of eighty years and named her Maria Rufina. The territory covered today is arid, without herbage or trees. In the afternoon of this day I went out with the Lieutenant and a few soldiers to a little settlement of Indians belonging to the village of Napolea, the settlement being three leagues from the village. There is a small spring one league from the village of Napolea and on the way from Napolea to the little settlement there are lands good for sowing crops. One can see mountains which have a few pine trees and in the near-by hills there is some pasturage. In the little ranch mentioned I baptized five old women and one old man, their names being respectively Maria Lucia, Lucia Maria, Maria Dominga, Dominga Maria, Fernandina, and Fernando. A league away from this settlement one sees a range of mountains on which pine forests are growing.

_July 25._ Today after Mass we took our way in a northerly direction and at eight leagues came to the village of Buenavista,[5] consisting, according to the statement of the Indians, of 36 men, 144 women, and 38 children. This village is on the shore of a lake eight leagues long and five leagues wide. The Indians travel on rafts [_balsas_] on the lake. The source of the latter is a big river which divides into three branches, and then all these branches join again to form the lake. I baptized in the village of Buenavista one old woman of ninety years and named her Antonina. The Indians say that a day and a half journey from Buenavista is a crossing to the other side of the lake. We spent the night two leagues from Buenavista.

_July 26._ Today after Mass we traveled till noon to the east along the shore of the lake. After noon we went northward. The area covered in the morning consisted of extensive plains. In quality the land is alkaline. The shore of the lake is completely covered with a great deal of tule. Elsewhere, and in the hills bordering the plains, I saw neither pasturage nor watering places.

After noon we went north over wide plains and the latter have a little grass. At dark we arrived at a village on the extremity of the lake called Sisupistu. We were accompanied by several Indians from Buenavista. As soon as the Indians of the village at the end of the lake saw the others coming they fled from their village to a tule swamp near by. At the same time their warriors caused an uproar by firing a spear at the chief of the Buenavista Indians. The cause of the excitement was the arrival of the Buenavista Indians, who were enemies of the others; of all this we were in ignorance. As soon as I discovered the reason for the riot I managed to talk to the chief of the village of Sisupistu and convince him that we came to be his friends and we did not know that the Indians of Buenavista were his enemies. I called together the two hostile chiefs and made them become friends and soon everything quieted down. We slept within sight of the village and the Buenavista Indians remained all night in our camp. In order that there might be no conflict among the natives I collected the bows and arrows carried by the Buenavista Indians. The night passed quietly and on the next day I returned the weapons. After having made presents to the Buenavista Indians I told them to go back to their village (which indeed they did) and exhorted them to keep peace between the two villages. Both chiefs gave their word that henceforth they would not fight with each other.

I saw in the village of Sisupistu from 50 to 60 men and a few women, but since at this season most of the Indians are away gathering their harvests it was not possible to determine the exact number of inhabitants of either village. Moreover, although they are questioned repeatedly, they usually do not tell the truth. I counted the houses of the Indians of this village [Sisupistu] and found 28, from which your Reverence may infer the approximate number of people.

_July 27._ In the morning, after Mass, we went to the village and there I baptized an old woman whom I named Maria Anna. At 8:30 in the morning we left the village and went eastward. After one league we came upon an old woman, in a little hut, who was at her last breath, destitute of all human assistance. After having labored very hard to revive her, so that I might make her a Christian, I finally attained my desire and named her Maria Gertrudis: two hours after baptism she surrendered her soul to its Creator. This morning we traveled about four leagues over arid, slightly grassy plains. Soon we entered a valley and after a further two leagues we established our camp[6] with the intention of staying in it several days so as to explore the country, which merited some attention. In the afternoon we examined some of the valley. We discovered some large plains which have some grass. All this territory is similar in character to that around Mission San Gabriel. We saw a few little streams of water, and then returned to our camp.

_[July 28]._ This morning I went out with the Lieutenant and some soldiers to explore the lands and watercourses in the environs of the camp. A quarter of a league from the starting point we found a stream which carried a good quantity of water, substantially the same amount as the creek at Mission San Gabriel. A gunshot from the creek is a hill heavily covered with oaks and live oaks; the stream runs through land well suited to cultivation. A quarter of an hour from this creek is another one which has an equivalent amount of arable land. The latter stream could support two irrigation ditches. Half a league beyond it is still another which contains about twice as much water as the last one, but the water disappears at a distance of two gunshots. Going down this stream bed for two leagues one finds another creek [the fourth] which runs from between two hills and has no land fit for cultivation. In addition to the creeks mentioned there is another [the fifth] which has land good for crops and could support an irrigation ditch. There are also in the vicinity some swamps.

The position of the area explored this morning is as follows. From north to south it is surrounded by hills which make a semicircle. It is seven leagues distant from the end of the lake and the plains are much larger than those of the Mission Santa Clara. All this territory is covered with a species of herb which has a little stem with a yellow flower, the stalk being no more than a quarter [of a yard] high. All the hills which encircle this area have also a little herbage such that, although the vegetation is not dense, the great extent of the plains will make it possible to maintain twelve thousand head of cattle. There is also in the vicinity of this site a mountain range covered with pine forest. The place where we established camp is called Tupai. To the north of this range are several Indian villages, according to what they say.

_July 29._ This morning I went out with the Sergeant, Corporal, and seven soldiers toward the village of Tacui,[7] while the others stayed in camp. At three leagues we came to a stream of water which runs out of the canyon called the Grapevine. This watercourse discharges onto some plains which are similar in character to those of San Gabriel. On the plain itself the stream could supply two irrigation ditches. On the other side of Grapevine Canyon there is a mountain range which has much pine. At one league from the creek the village of Tacui lies in a valley. It consists of twenty-three souls. There I baptized two old men whom I named Fernando and Ramon. At sunset we returned to the camp.

_July 30._ This day we spent in camp so that the horses might recuperate, for they had been very badly used.

_July 31._ At four o'clock in the afternoon we went north and at four leagues we stopped for the night. These four leagues have been over pure plains with a little grass. But this night there was no water.

_August 1._ At dawn we started our journey northward. At five leagues we came upon the village of the rivers, or Yaguelame.[8] These rivers, which we saw were two, are close to the village. The first is about 16 yards across and 1 yard deep. Very close is the other, which will measure 7 yards across and 1/3 of a yard deep. These rivers come from a big river which emerges from a range of mountains. The big river divides into the two branches described and another which goes by a different route, and this the Indians say is smaller, and at times dries up. From these rivers is formed the Lake of the Tulares, which I have described. Three leagues below this village the rivers reunite and form the lake. In the three leagues there is a great forest of cottonwood. All the territory covered this morning is alkaline, and with some grass. The cottonwood forest has considerable foliage and also grass. To the north of the village one can see nothing but bare hills.

At two days' journey from this village is located the tribe of Bald Indians, consisting of thirteen villages, all to the north of this village [Yaguelame]. In the latter I counted 92 men from seven to forty years of age, from which I conclude that the village of the rivers contains at least 300 souls. All these villages volunteer themselves for baptism, provided that missions are founded in their territory. The chiefs promise to become the first Christians and some of them say to me: "Why do you not come without delay to establish missions in our lands?" They all appear to be good people and show themselves to be of excellent spirit. Several of the Indians accompanied us, showing us the trails and serving us in all ways asked of them. In all directions from the village of the rivers, say the Indians, are other Indian villages.

_August 2._ This morning we left the village of the rivers, going south. After three leagues we stopped. The Indians relate that from a village called Majagua on the Colorado River other Indians continually come to trade with them. They take ten days to make the trip and on the road one finds no water.

_August 3._ At two o'clock in the afternoon we set out to the southward. A little later in the afternoon we passed the end of the lake[9] and one league farther on we stopped for the night. All the land this afternoon has consisted of immense plains which have a little pasturage. Thus from the end of the lake to the rivers eight thousand head of cattle could be maintained.

_August 4._ In the morning of this day we went on southward. At four leagues we entered a canyon where some years ago the Indians killed two soldiers. At the entrance of this canyon a stream of water flows out, carrying a quantity equal to that of the San Gabriel River. Soon we came to a village of five houses, called Taslupi,[10] but at present there are no Indians living on it. This stream emerges onto some flats, which are sandy and gravelly. The water is somewhat saline, but nevertheless not so seriously as to prevent its' being potable. Part of both morning and afternoon we traveled through the above-mentioned canyon. It is five leagues distant from the village at the end of the lake, the same distance from Buenavista, and seven leagues from the rivers. Along the canyon there is a range of hills widely covered with a pine forest.

_August 5._ This morning I went out with the Lieutenant and some soldiers to investigate a watering place seen previously by the Lieutenant. All the morning and part of the afternoon we traveled along a pine-covered range over a very bad trail. Two o'clock in the afternoon arrived and the watering place was still far distant for we would have to traverse still another range of hills in order to reach it. The animals were exhausted. The weather was stormy, with thunder, hail, and rain. For these reasons we decided to return to the camp and abandon the search for the watering place.

_August 6._ At dawn of this day we began to go eastward through the entire length of the canyon. At the end of the afternoon we found a little bog with a small quantity of water. This whole canyon is surrounded on all sides by pine forest.

_August 7._ This morning I went out with the Sergeant and seven soldiers to the village of Casteque. We found no Indians for they were all away at their fields of Guata.

_August 8._ On the morning of this day we began our journey by going eastward and at five leagues came to a marsh which had near by some lands covered with a little pasturage. In the afternoon we arrived at a wide valley[11] and went about seven leagues over level country. Eventually we stopped for the night in this valley, there being no water at all.

_August 9._ At dawn we covered the whole valley, going eastward. This valley is sixteen leagues long and in all this expanse there is no watering place to be found. Beyond the valley is the mountain range of San Gabriel.[12] In the afternoon of this day we went two leagues and stopped to sleep near a gully with plenty of water. This creek has no land suitable for cultivation. Near it we saw two little huts in which six Indians were staying on account of their Guata crops.

_August 10._ After Mass we resumed our journey and went all day through hills adjacent to the San Gabriel Mts. At noon we saw the remains of a village and a few wells. One league farther on we came upon a stream full of water but without land for cultivation nor much pasturage in its vicinity. In the afternoon we traveled about six leagues through hilly country and in all this distance there was no watering place.

_August 11._ At dawn of this day we set out toward the east. At seven leagues we came to the village of Atongai; a league and a half from this village there is a swamp full of water. There are lands which, if watered, would yield grain. Around the village pine forests are visible. The village consists of 32 men, 36 women, and 15 children. At four leagues from this village is the village of Guapiabit in which we stayed for the night.

_August 12._ Today we rested at Guapiabit. The village has 19 men, 16 women, and 11 children. I baptized here 3 old women and 2 old men. I gave the names Juan and Antonio to the men and Juana, Antonia, and Clara to the women. Two leagues from this village there is a hill covered with pine forest, and near the village is a well filled with water and land moist enough to support crops. To the south, the other side of the mountains, there are villages of Indians. At the village of Atongai I baptized 2 old men and 3 old women, to whom I gave the names Maria Ignacia, Maria Ramona, Maria Dominga, Ignacio, and Ramon.

_August 13._ This morning we left Guapiabit, going toward the west, and at four leagues reached the village Moscopiabit, in which we saw 15 to 18 adult heathen and a few children. I baptized 2 old women whom I named Francisca and Ambrosia. At four leagues from this village we found a village of five houses which was uninhabited. Two leagues from the latter runs a big stream and, according to what I was told, this stream runs into the Santa Ana River. At a short distance from the creek we spent the night.

_August 14._ This morning we set out in the same direction as the previous day. At two leagues we came upon a very old Indian who could hardly walk. Having instructed him in everything necessary to baptism, and he having voluntarily accepted the Holy Rite I proceeded to baptize him on the trail where we found him. He did not know from what village he came. He said he lived with another Indian, and no more could we ascertain.

At four leagues from the place where we had slept the last night we came to a stream filled with water and well provided with lands for crops. Two leagues beyond we found another of the same sort and with the same amount of water as the last one. Near this watering place is the village of Guapiana. There we found several children from San Gabriel. I baptized an old woman and called her Gabriela. To the old man this morning I gave the name.... In the baptisms which I have performed I have undertaken to make a prior judgment with reference to the condition in which those to be baptized found themselves, so as to preserve consistently the significance of baptism. All those baptized embraced the ceremony voluntarily, after having been instructed in the dogmas of our Holy Faith and having previously made public and private avowal of the principal mysteries of our religion and the repudiation of their past sins.

This night we entered San Gabriel, and as attestation I sign.

Fray Jose Maria de Zalvidea

LIEUTENANT GABRIEL MORAGA'S EXPEDITION, 1806

The Moraga expedition of 1806 was recorded by Father Fray Pedro Munoz, who accompanied it as chaplain. His diary, or report, is translated below.

Concerning the background of and preparation for the expedition there is a great deal of correspondence, a full exposition of which will be found in Cutter's thesis (MS, chap. IV). Since the political and military details are irrelevant here, they are omitted.

_Diary of Father Pedro Munoz_

Diary of the expedition made by Don Gabriel Moraga, Second Lieutenant of the Company of San Francisco to the new discoveries in the Tulare Valley: by order of the Governor Don Jose Joaquin de Arrillaga. The first day September 21, 1806. (Santa Barbara Arch., IV: 1-47.)

_1st day and 21 [September]._ On the morning of this day the troops were informed in a formal address of the purpose toward which God was guiding them in the present expedition and of the merit they would acquire if, following the Voice of God as transmitted through their chief, they fulfilled their duty. In resignation and accord we left the mission of San Juan Bautista at about two o'clock in the afternoon. We went more or less to the east for a league and a half in the afternoon, traversing a great plain, well covered with forage, to arrive at a stream called that of the Huzaymas. It is a creek well populated with alders, oaks, and other shrubs. It dries up in the summer and has water only in a few pools. It has a wide bed and could be of considerable importance in the rainy season. In this place we made camp for the following night, during which nothing particular occurred.[13]