Chapter IV: Part 4

[160] Which he afterward wrote and published--_Quam postea scriptam edidit_. This was the first of Cicero's four Orations against Catiline. The epithet applied to it by Sallust, which I have rendered "splendid," is _luculentam_; that is, says Gerlach, "luminibus verborum et sententiarum ornatam," distinguished by much brilliancy of words and thoughts. And so say Kritzius, Bernouf, and Dietsch. Cortius, who is followed by Dahl, Langius, and Muller, makes the word equivalent merely to _lucid_, in the supposition that Sallust intended to bestow on the speech, as on other performances of Cicero, only very cool praise. _Luculentus_, however, seems certainly to mean something more than _lucidus_.

[161] A mere adopted citizen of Rome--_Inquilinus civis urbis Romae_. "Inquilinus" means properly a lodger, or tenant in the house of another. Cicero was born at Arpinum, and is therefore called by Catiline a citizen of Rome merely by adoption or by sufferance. Appian, in repeating this account (Bell. Civ., ii. 104), says, [Greek: _Ingkouilinon, phi raemati kalousi tous enoikountas en allotriais oikiais_.]

[162] Traitor--_Parricidam_. See c. 14. "An oppressor or betrayer of his country is justly called a parricide; for our country is the common parent of all. Cic. ad Attic." _Wasse_.

[163] Since I am encompassed, by enemies, he exclaimed, etc.--"It was not on this day, nor indeed to Cicero, that this answer was made by Catiline. It was a reply to Cato, uttered a few days before the comitia for electing consuls, which were held on the 22d day of October. See Cic. pro Muraeno, c. 25. Cicero's speech was delivered on the 8th of November. Sallust is, therefore, in error on this point, as well as Florus and Valerius Maximus, who have followed him." _Bernouf_. From other accounts we may infer that no reply was made to Cicero by Catiline on this occasion. Plutarch, in his Life of Cicero, says that Catiline, before Cicero rose, seemed desirous to address the senate in defense of his proceedings, but that the senators refused to listen to him. Of any answer to Cicero's speech, on the part of Catiline, he makes no mention. Cicero himself, in his second Oration against Catiline, says that Catiline _could not endure his voice_, but, when he was ordered to go into exile, "paruit, quievit," _obeyed and submitted in silence_. And in his Oration, c. 37, he says, "That most audacious of men, Catiline, when he was accused by me in the senate, was dumb."

[164] XXXII. With directions to address him, etc.--_Cum mandatis hujuscemodi_. The communication, as Cortius observes, was not an epistle, but a verbal message.

[165] XXXIII. To have the benefit of the law--_Lege uti_. The law here meant was the Papirian law, by which it was provided, contrary to the old law of the Twelve Tables, that no one should be confined in prison for debt, and that the property of the debtor only, not his person, should be liable for what he owed. Livy (viii. 28) relates the occurrence which gave rise to this law, and says that it ruptured one of the strongest bonds of credit.

[166] The praetor--The _praetor urbanus_, or city praetor, who decided all causes between citizens, and passed sentence on debtors.

[167] Relieved their distress by decrees--_Decretis suis inopiae opitulati sunt_. In allusion to the laws passed at various times for diminishing the rate of interest.

[168] Silver--was paid with brass--_Agentum aere solutum est_. Thus a _sestertius_, which was of silver, and was worth four _asses_, was paid with one _as_, which was of brass; or _the fourth part only of the debt was paid_. See Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 3; and Velleius Paterculus, ii. 23; who says, _quadrantem solvi_, that _a quarter_ of their debts were paid by the debtors, by a law of Valerius Flaccus, when he became consul on the death of Marius.

[169] Often--have the commonalty--seceded, etc.--"This happened three times: 1. To the Mons Sacer, on account of debt; Liv. ii. 32. 2. To the Aventine, and thence to the Mons Sacer, through the tyranny of Appius Claudius, the decemvir; Liv. iii. 50. 3. To the Janiculum, on account of debt; Liv. Epist. xi." _Bernouf_.

[170] XXXIV. That such had always been the kindness, etc.--_Ea, mansuetudine atque misericordia senatum populumque Romanum, semper fuisse._ "That the senate, etc., had always been of such kindness." I have deserted the Latin for the English idiom.

[171] XXXV. The commencement of this letter is different in different editions. In Havercamp it stands thus: _Egregiatua fides, re cognita, grata mihi, magnis in meis periculis, fiduciam commendationi meae tribuit._ Cortius corrected it as follows: _Egregia tua fides, re cognita, gratam in magnis periculis fiduciam commendationi meae tribuit._ Cortius's reading has been adopted by Kritzius, Bernouf, and most other editors. Gerlach and Dietsch have recalled the old text. That Cortius's is the better; few will deny; for it can hardly be supposed that Sallust used _mihi, meis_, and _meae_ in such close succession. Some, however, as Rupertus and Gerlach, defend Havercamp's text, by asserting, from the phrase _earum exemplam infra scriptum,_ that this is a true copy of the letter, and that the style is, therefore, not Sallust's, but Catiline's. But such an opinion is sufficiently refuted by Cortius, whose remarks I will transcribe: "Rupertus," says he, "quod in promptu erat, Catilinae culpam tribuit, qui non eo, quo Crispus, stilo scripserit. Sed cur oratio ejus tam apta et composita suprà, c. 20 refertur? At, inquis, hic ipsum litterarum exemplum exhibetur. At vide mihi exemplum litterarum Lentuli, c. 44; et lege Ciceronem, qui idem exhibet, et senties sensum magis quam verba referri. Quare inanis haec quidem excusatio." Yet it is not to be denied that _grata mihi_ is the reading of all the manuscripts.

[172] Known--by experience.--_Re cognita._ "Cognita" be it observed, _tironum gratia,_ is the nominative case. "Catiline had experienced the friendship of Catulus in his affair with Fabia Terentia; for it was by his means that he escaped when he was brought to trial, as is related by Orosius." _Bernouf._

[173] Recommendation--_Commendationi._ His recommendation of his affairs, and of Orestilla, to the care of Catulus.

[174] Formal defense--_Defensionem._ Opposed to _satisfactionem_, which follows, and which means a private apology or explanation. "_Defensio_, a defense, was properly a statement or speech to be made against an adversary, or before judges; _satisfactio_ was rather an excuse or apology made to a friend, or any other person, in a private communication." _Cortius._

[175] Though conscious of no guilt--_Ex nullâ conscientiâ de culpâ_. This phrase is explained by Cortius as equivalent to "Propter conscientam denullâ culpâ," or "inasmuch as I am conscious of no fault." "_De culpâ_, he adds, is the same as _culpae_; so in the ii. Epist. to Caesar, c. 1: Neque _de futuro_ quisquam satix callidus; and c. 9: _de illis_ potissimum jactura fit."

[176] To make no formal defense--to offer you some explanation --_Defensionem--parare; satisfactionem--proponere_. "Parare," says Cortius, "is applied to a defense which might require some study and premeditation; _proponere_ to such a statement as it was easy to make at once".

[177] On my word of honor--_Me dius fidius_, sc. juvet. So may the god of faith help me, as I speak truth. But who is the god of faith? _Dius_, say some, is the same as _Deus_ (Plautus has _Deus_ fidius, Asin i. 1, 18); and the god here meant is probably Jupiter (_sub dio_ being equivalent to _sub Jove_); so that _Dius fidius_ (_fidius_ being an adjective from _fides_) will be the [Greek: _Zeus pistios_] of the Greeks. "_Me dius fidius_" will therefore be, "May Jupiter help me!" This is the mode of explication adopted by Gerlach, Bernouf, and Dietsch. Others, with Festus (sub voce _Medius fidius_) make _fidius_ equivalent to _filius_, because the ancients, according to Festus, often used D for L, and _dius fidius_ will then be the same as [Greek: _Dios_] or Jovis filius, or Hercules, and _medius fidius_ will be the same as _mehercules_ or _mehercule_. Varro de L. L. (v. 10, ed. Sprengel) mentions a certain Aelius who was of this opinion. Against this derivation there is the quantity of _fidius_, of which the first syllable is short: _Quaerebam Nonas Sanco fidone referrem_, Ov. Fast. vi. 213. But if we consider _dius_ the same as _deus_, we may as well consider _dius fidius_ to be the god Hercules as the god Jupiter, and may thus make _medius fidius_ identical with _mehercules_, as it probably is. "Tertullian, de Idol. 20, says that _medius fidius_ is a form of swearing by Hercules." Schiller's Lex. sub _Fidius_. This point will be made tolerably clear if we consider (with Varro, v. 10, and Ovid, _loc. cit._) Dius Fidius to be the same with the Sabine Sancus, or Semo Sancus, and Semo Sancus to be the same with Hercules.

[178] You may receive as true--_Veram licet cognoscas_. Some editions, before that of Cortius, have _quae--licet vera mecum recognoscas_; which was adopted from a quotation of Servius ad Aen. iv. 204. But twenty of the best MSS., according to Certius, have _veram licet cognoscas_.

[179] Robbed of the fruit of my labor and exertion--_Fructu laboris industriaeque meae privatus_. "The honors which he sought he elegantly calls the _fruit_ of his labor, because the one is obtained by the other." _Cortius_.

[180] Post of honor due to me--_Statum dignitatis_. The consulship.

[181] On my own security--_Meis nominibus_. "He uses the plural," says Herzogius, "because he had not borrowed once only, or from one person, but oftentimes, and from many." No other critic attempts to explain this point. For _alienis nominibus_, which follows, being in the plural, there is very good reason. My translation is in conformity with Bernouf's comment.

[182] Proscribed--_Alienatum_. "Repulsed from all hope of the consulship." _Bernouf_.

[183] Adopted a course--_Spes--secutus sum_. "_Spem sequi_ is a phrase often used when the direction of the mind to any thing, action, or course of conduct, and the subsequent election and adoption of what appears advantageous, is signified." _Cortius_.

[184] Protection--_Fidei_.

[185] Intreating you, by your love for your own children, to defend her from injury--_Eam ab injuria defendas, per liberos tuos rogatus_. "Defend her from injury, being intreated [to do so] by [or for the sake of] your own children."

[186] XXXVI. In the neighborhood of Arretium--_In agro Arretino_. Havercamp, and many of the old editions, have _Reatino_; "but," says Cortius, "if Catiline went the direct road to Faesulae, as is rendered extremely probable by his pretense that he was going to Marseilles, and by the assertion of Cicero, made the day after his departure, that he was on his way to join Manlius, we must certainly read _Arretino_." Arretium (now _Arezzo_) lay in his road to Faesulae; Reate was many miles out of it.

[187] In an extremely deplorable condition--_Multo maxime miserabile_. _Multe_ is added to superlatives, like _longe_. So c. 52, _multo pulcherrimam_ eam nos haberemus. Cortius gives several other instances.

[188] Notwithstanding the two decrees of the senate--_Duobus senati decretis._ I have translated it "_the_ two decrees," with Rose. One of the two was that respecting the rewards mentioned in c. 30; the other was that spoken of in c. 36., allowing the followers of Catiline to lay down their arms before a certain day.

[189] XXXVII. Endeavor to exalt the factious--_Malos extollunt_. They strive to elevate into office those who resemble themselves.

[190] Poverty does not easily suffer loss--_Egestas facile habetur sine damna_ He that has nothing, has nothing to lose. Petron. Sat., c. 119: _Inops audacia tuta est_.

[191] Had become disaffected--Praeceps abierat. Had grown demoralized, sunk in corruption, and ready to join in any plots against the state. So Sallust says of Sempronia, _praeceps abierat_, c. 25.

[192] In the first place--Primum omnium. "These words refer, not to _item_ and _postremo in the same sentence, but to _deinde_ at the commencement of the next." _Bernouf_.

[193] Civil rights had been curtailed--_Jus libertatis imminutum erat_. "Sylla, by one of his laws, had rendered the children of proscribed persons incapable of holding any public office; a law unjust, indeed, but which, having been established and acted upon for more than twenty years, could not be rescinded without inconvenience to the government. Cicero, accordingly, opposed the attempts which were made, in his consulship, to remove this restriction, as he himself states in his Oration against Piso, c. 2." _Bernouf_. See Vell. Patere., ii., 28; Plutarch, Vit. Syll.; Quintil., xi. 1, where a fragment of Cicero's speech, _De Proscriptorum Liberis_, is preserved. This law of Sylla was at length abrogated by Julius Caesar, Suet. J. Caes. 41; Plutarch Vit. Caes.; Dio Cass., xli. 18.

[194] This was an evil--to the extent to which it now prevailed--_Id adeò malum multos post annos in civitatem reverterat_. "_Adeò_, says Cortius, "_in particula elegantissima_" Allen makes it equivalent to _eò usque_.

[195] XXXVIII. The powers of the tribunes--had been fully restored --_Tribunicia potestas restituta_. Before the time of Sylla, the power of the tribunes had grown immoderate, but Sylla diminished and almost annihilated it, by taking from them the privileges of holding any other magistracy after the tribunate, of publicly addressing the people, of proposing laws, and of listening to appeals. But in the consulship of Cotta, A.U.C. 679, the first of these privileges had been restored; and in that of Pompey and Crassus, A.U.C. 683, the tribunes were reinstated in all their former powers.

[196] Having obtained that high office--_Summam potestatem nacti_. Cortius thinks these words spurious.

[197] XXXIX. Free from harm--_Innoxii_. In a passive sense.

[198] Overawing others--with threats of impeachment--_Caeteros judiciis terrere_. "Accusationibus et judiciorum periculis." _Bernouf_.

[199] His father ordered to be put to death--_Parens necari jussit_. "His father put him to death, not by order of the consuls, but by his own private authority; nor was he the only one who, at the same period, exercised similar power." Dion. Cass., lib. xxxvii. The father observed on the occasion, that, "he had begotten him, not for Catiline against his country, but for his country against Catiline". Val. Max., v.8. The Roman laws allowed fathers absolute control over the lives of their children.

[200] XL. Certain deputies of the Allobroges--_Legatos Allobrogum_. Plutarch, in his Life of Cicero, says that there were then at Rome _two deputies_ from this Gallic nation, sent to complain of oppression on the part of the Roman governors.

[201] As Brutus was then absent from Borne--_Nam tum Brutus ab Româ, aberat_. From this remark, say Zanchius and Omnibonus, it is evident that Brutus was not privy to the conspiracy. "What sort of woman _Sempronia_ was, has been told in c. 25. Some have thought that she was the wife of Decimus Brutus; but since Sallust speaks of her as being in the decay of her beauty at the time of the conspiracy, and since Brutus, as may be seen in Caesar (B. G. vii., sub fin.), was then very young, it is probable that she had only an illicit connection with him, but had gained such an ascendency over his affections, by her arts of seduction, as to induce him to make her his mistress, and to allow her to reside in his house." _Beauzée_. I have, however, followed those who think that Brutus was the husband of Sempronia. Sallust (c. 24), speaking of the woman, of whom Sempronia was one, says that Catiline _credebat posse--viros earum vel adjungere sibi, vel interficere_. The truth, on such a point, is of little importance.

[202] XLI. To be expected from victory--_In spe victoriae_.

[203] Certain rewards--_Certa praemia_. "Offered by the senate to those who should give information of the conspiracy. See c. 30." _Kuhnhardt_.

[204] Quintus Fabius Sanga--"A descendent of that Fabius who, for having subdued the Allobroges, was surnamed Allobrogicus." _Bernouf_. Whole states often chose patrons as well as individuals.

[205] XLII. There were commotions--_Motus erat_. "_Motus_ is also used by Cicero and Livy in the singular number for _seditiones_ and _tumultus_. No change is therefore to be made in the text." _Gerlach_. "Motus bellicos intelligit, _tumultus_; ut Flor., iii. 13." _Cortius_.

[206] Having brought several to trial--_Complures--caussâ cognitâ. "Caussum cognoscere_ is the legal phrase for examining as to the authors and causes of any crime." _Dietsch_.

[207] Caius Muraena in Further Gaul--_In Ulteriore Galliâ C. Muraena_. All the editions, previous to that of Cortius, have _in citeriore Galliâ_. "But C. Muraena," says the critic, "commanded in Gallia Transalpina, or Ulterior Gaul, as appears from Cic. pro Muraena, c. 41. To attribute such an error to a lapse or memory in Sallust, would be absurd. I have, therefore, confidently altered _citeriore_ into _ulteriore_." The praise of having first discovered the error, however, is due, not to Cortius, but to Felicius Durantinus, a friend of Rivius, in whose note on the passage his discovery is recorded.

[208] XLIII. The excellent consul--_Optimo consuli_. With the exception of the slight commendation bestowed on his speech, _luculentam_ atque _utilem reipublicae_, c. 31, this is the only epithet of praise that Sallust bestows on the consul throughout his narrative. That it could be regarded only as frigid eulogy, is apparent from a passage in one of Cicero's letters to Atticus (xii. 21), in which he speaks of the same epithet having been applied to him by Brutus: "Brutus thinks that he pays me a great compliment when he calls me an excellent consul (optimum consulem); but what enemy could speak more coldly of me?"

[209] Twelve places of the city, convenient for their purpose--_ Duodecim--opportuna loca_. Plutarch, in his Life of Cicero, says a hundred places. Few narratives lose by repetition.

[210] In order that, during the consequent tumult--_Quò tumultu_. "It is best," says Dietsch, "to take _quo_ as the _particula finalis_ (to the end that), and _tumultu_ as the ablative of the instrument".

[211] Delay--_Dies prolatando_. By putting off from day to day.

[212] XLIV. Soon to visit their country--_Semet eò brevi venturum_. "It is plain that the adverb relates to what precedes (_ad cives_); and that Cassius expresses an intention to set out for Gaul." _Dietsch_.

[213] Remember that you are a man--_Memineris te virum_. Remember that you are a man, and ought to act as one. Cicero, in repeating this letter from memory (Orat. in Cat., iii. 5), gives the phrase, _Cura ut vir sis_.

[214] XLV. The praetors--_Praetoribus_ urbanis, the praetors of the city.

[215] The Milvian Bridge--_Ponte Mulvio_. Now _Ponte Molle_.

[216] Of the object with which they were sent--_Rem--cujus gratiâ mittebantur_.

[217] From each side of the bridge--_Utrinque_. "Utrinque," observes Cortius, "glossae MSS. exponunt _ex utrâque parte pontis," and there is little doubt that the exposition is correct. No translator, however, before myself, has availed himself of it.

[218] XLVI. The box with the letters--_Scrinium cum literis. Litterae_ may be rendered either _letter_ or _letters_. There is no mention made previously of more letters than that of Lentulus to Catiline, c. 44. But as it is not likely that the deputies carried a box to convey only one letter, I have followed other translators by putting the word in the plural. The oath of the conspirators, too, which was a written document, was probably in the box.

[219] XLVII. His letter--_Litteris._ His own letter to Catiline, c. 44. So _praeter litteras_ a little below.

[220] What object he had had in view, etc.--_Quid, aut quâ de causâ, consilli habuisset_. What design he had entertained, and from what motive _he had entertained it_.

[221] To prevaricate.--_Fingere alia._ "To pretend other things than what had reference to the conspiracy." _Bernouf._

[222] On the security of the public faith--_Fide publicá._ "Cicero pledged to him the public faith, with the consent of the senate; or engaged, in the name of the republic, that his life should be spared, if he would but speak the truth." _Bernouf._

[223] That Cinna and Sylla had ruled already--_Cinnam atque Syllam antea._ "Had ruled," or something similar, must be supplied. Cinna had been the means of recalling Marius from Africa, in conjunction with whom he domineered over the city, and made it a scene of bloodshed and desolation.

[224] Their seals--_Signa sua_. "Leurs cachets, leurs sceaux." Bernouf. The Romans tied their letters round with a string, the knot of which they covered with wax, and impressed with a seal. To open the letter it was necessary to cut the string: "_nos linum incidimus_." Cic. Or. in Cat. iii. 5. See also C. Nep. Panc. 4, and Adam's _Roman Antiquities_. The seal of Lentulus had on it a likeness of one of his ancestors; see Cicero, _loc. cit._

[225] In private custody--_In liberis custodiis._ Literally, in "free custody," but "private custody" conveys a better notion of the arrangement to the mind of the English reader. It was called _free_ because the persons in custody were not confined in prison. Plutarch calls it [Greek: _adeomon phylakin_] as also Dion., cap. lviii. 3. See Tacit. Ann. vi. 8. It was adopted in the case of persons of rank and consideration.

[226] XLVIII. If the public faith were pledged to him--_Si fides publica data, esset_. See c. 47.

[227] And to facilitate the escape of those in custody--_Et illi facilius è periculo eriperentur_.

[228] A man of such power--_Tanta vis hominis_. So great power of the man.

[229] Liberty of speaking--_Potestatem_. "Potestatem loquendi." _Cyprianus Popma_. As it did not appear that he spoke the truth, the pledge which the senate had given him, _on condition that he spoke the truth_, went for nothing; he was not allowed to continue his evidence, and was sent to prison.

[230] As was his custom--_More suo_. Plutarch, in his Life of Crassus, relates that frequently when Pompey, Caesar, and Cicero, had refused to undertake the defense of certain persons, as being unworthy of their support, Crassus would plead in their behalf; and that he thus gained great popularity among the common people.

[231] XLIX. Piso, as having been attacked by him, when he was on, etc.--_Piso oppugnatus in judicio repetundarum propter cujusdam Transpadani supplicium injustum_. Such is the reading and punctuation of Cortius. Some editions insert _pecuniarum_ before _repetundarum_, and some a comma after it. I have interpreted the passage in conformity with the explanation of Kritzius, which seems to me the most judicious that has been offered. _Oppugnatus_, says he, is equivalent to _gravitur vexatus_, or violently assailed; and Piso was thus assailed by Caesar on account of his unjust execution of the Gaul; the words _in judicio repetundarum_ merely mark the time when Caesar's attack was made. While he was on his trial for one thing, he was attacked by Caesar for another. Gerlach, observing that the words _in judicio_ are wanting in one MS., would emit them, and make _oppugnatus_ govern _pecuniarum repetundarum_, as if it were _accusatus_; a change which would certainly not improve the passage. The Galli Transpadani seem to have been much attached to Caesar; see Cic. Ep. ad Att., v. 2; ad Fam. xvi. 12.

[232] Comparatively a youth--_Adolescentalo_. Caesar was then in the thirty-third, or, as some say, the thirty-seventh year of his age. See the note on this word, c. 3.

[233] By magnificent exhibitions in public--_Publicè maximis muneribus_. Shows of gladiators.

[234] L. In various directions throughout the city--_Variis itineribus --in vicis_. Going hither and thither through the streets.

[235] Slaves--_Familiam_. "Servos suos, qui proprie _familia_," Cortius. _Familia_ is a number of _famuli_.

[236] A full senate, however, had but a short time before, etc.--The senate had already decreed that they were enemies to their country; Cicero now calls a meeting to ascertain what sentence should be passed on them.

[237] On this occasion--moved--_Tunc--decreverat_. The _tunc_ (or, as most editors have it, _tum_) must be referred to the second meeting or the senate, for it does not appear that any proposal concerning the punishment of the prisoners was made at the first meeting. There would be no doubt on this point, were it not for the pluperfect tense, _decreverat_. I have translated it as the perfect. We must suppose that Sallust had his thoughts on Caesar's speech, which was to follow, and signifies that all this business _had been done_ before Caesar addressed the house. Kritzius thinks that the pluperfect was referred by Sallust, not to Caesar's speech, but to the decree of the senate which was finally made; but this is surely a less satisfactory method of settling the matter. Sallust often uses the pluperfect, where his reader would expect the perfect; see, for instance, _concusserat_, at the beginning of c. 24.

[238] That he would go over to the opinion of Tiberius Nero--_Pedibus in sententian Tib. Neronis--iturum_. Any question submitted to the senate was decided by the majority of votes, which was ascertained either by _numeratio_, a counting of the votes, or by _discessio_, when those who were of one opinion, at the direction of the presiding magistrate, passed over to one side of the house, and those who were of the contrary opinion, to the other. See Aul. Gell. xiv. 7; Suet. Tib. 31; Adam's Rom. Ant.; Dr. Smith's Dictionary, Art. _Senatus_.

[239] LI. It becomes all men, etc.--The beginning of this speech, attributed to Caesar, is imitated from Demosthenes, [Greek: _Peri ton hen Chersonaeso pragmaton: Edei men, o andres Athaenaioi, tous legontas apantas en umin maete pros echthran poieisthai logon maedena, maete pros charin_]. "It should be incumbent on all who speak before you, O Athenians, to advance no sentiment with any view either to enmity or to favor."

[240] I consent to extraordinary measures--_Novum consilium adprobo_. "That is, I consent that you depart from the usage of your ancestors, by which Roman citizens were protected from death." _Bernouf_.

[241] Whatever can be devised--_Omnium ingenia_.

[242] Studied and impressive language--_Compositè atque magnificè. Compositè_, in language nicely put together; elegantly. _Magnificè_, in striking or imposing terms. _Compositè_ is applied to the speech of Caesar, by Cato, in the following chapter.

[243] Such I know to be his character, such his discretion--_Eos mores, eam modestiam viri cognovi_. I have translated _modestiam, discretion_, which seems to be the proper meaning of the word. Beauzée renders it _prudence_, and adds a note upon it, which may be worth transcription. "I translate _modestia_," says he, "by _prudence_, and think myself authorized to do so. _Sic definitur a Stoicis_, says Cicero (De Off. i. 40), _ut modestia sit sicentia earum rerum, quae agentur, aut dicentur, loco suo collocandarum_; and shortly afterward, _Sic fit ut modestia scientia sit opportunitatis idoneorum ad agendum temporum_. And what is understood in French by prudence? It is, according to the Dictionary of the Academy, 'a virtue by which we discern and practice what is proper in the conduct of life.' This is almost a translation of the words of Cicero".

[244] That--death is a relief from suffering, not a torment, etc. --This Epicurean doctrine prevailed very much at Rome in Caesar's, and afterward. We may very well suppose Caesar to have been a sincere convert to it. Cato alludes to this passage in the speech which follows; as also Cicero, in his fourth Oration against Catiline, c. 4. See, for opinions on this point, the first book of Cicero's Tusculan Questions.

[245] The Porcian Law--_Lex Porcia_. A law proposed by P. Porcius Loeca, one of the tribunes, A.U.O. 454, which enacted that no one should bind, scourge or kill a Roman citizen. See Liv., x. 9; Cic. pro. Rabir., 3, 4: Verr., v 63; de Rep., ii, 31.

[246] Other laws--_Aliae leges_. So Caesar says below, "Tum lex Porcia aliaeque paratae, quibus legibus auxilium damnatis permissum;" what other laws these were is uncertain. One of them, however, was the Sempronian law, proposed by Caius Gracchus, which ordained that sentence should not be passed on the life of a Roman citizen without the order of the people. See Cic. pro Rabir. 4. So "O lex Porcia legesque Semproniae!" Cic. in. Verr., v. 63.

[247] Parricides--See c. 14, 32.

[248] The course of events--_Dies_. "Id est, temporis momentum (_der veränderte Zeitpunkt_)." _Dietsch_. Things change, and that which is approved at one period, is blamed at another. _Tempus_ and _dies_ are sometimes joined (Liv., xxii. 39, ii. 45), as if not only time in general, but particular periods, as _from day to day_, were intended.

[249] All precedents productive of evil effects--_Omnia mala exempla_. Examples of severe punishments are meant.

[250] Any new example of severity, etc.--_Novum illud exemplum ab dignis et idoneis ad indignos et non idoneos transferetur_. Gerlach, Kritzius, Dietsch, and Bernouf, agree to giving to this passage the sense which is given in the translation. _Digni_ and _idonei_ are here used in a bad sense, for _digni et idonei qui poena afficiantur_, deserving and fit objects for punishment.

[251] When they had conquered the Athenians--At the conclusion of the Peloponnesian war.

[252] Damasippus--"He, in the consulship of Caius Marius, the younger, and Cneius Carbo, was city praetor, and put to death some of the most eminent senators, a short time before the victory of Sylla. See Vell. Paterc. ii. 26." _Bernouf_.

[253] Ensigns of authority--_Insignia magistratum_. "The fasces and axes of the twelve lictors, the robe adorned with purple, the curule chair, and the ivory scepter. For the Etrurians, as Dionysius Halicarnassensis relates, having been subdued, in a nine years' war, by Tarquinius Priscus, and having obtained peace on condition of submitting to him as their sovereign, presented him with the _insignia_ of their own monarchs. See Strabo, lib. V.; Florus, i. 5," _Kuhnhardt_.

[254] Best able to bear the expense--_Maxime opibus valent_. Are possessed of most resources.

[255] LII. The rest briefly expressed their assent, etc.--_Caeteri verbo, alius alii, varie assentiebantur. Verbo assentiebantur_ signifies that they expressed their assent merely by a word or two, as _assentior Silano, assentior Tiberio Neroni, aut Caesari_, the three who had already spoken. _Varie_, "in support of their different proposals."

[256] My feelings, Conscript Fathers, are extremely different, etc.--_Longe mihi alia mens est, P. C._, etc. The commencement of Cato's speech is evidently copied from the beginning of the third Olynthiac of Demosthenes: [Greek: _Ouchi tauta paristatai moi ginoskein, o andres Athaenaioi, otan te eis ta pragmata apoblepso kai otan pros tous logous ous akouo tous men gar logous peri tou timoraesasthai Philippon oro gignomenous, ta de pragmata eis touto proaekonta oste opos mae peisometha autoi proteron kakos skepsasthai deon_.] "I am by no means affected in the same manner. Athenians, when I review the state of our affairs, and when I attend to those speakers who have now declared their sentiments. They insist that we should punish Philip; but our affairs, situated as they now appear, warn us to guard against the dangers with which we ourselves are threatened." _Leland_.

[257] Their altars and their homes--_Aris atque focis suis._ "When _arae_ and _foci_ are joined, beware of supposing that they are to be distinguished as referring the one (_arae) to the public temples, and the other (_foci_) to private dwellings. Both are to be understood of private houses, in which the _ara_ belonged to the _Dii Penates_, and was placed in the _impluvium_ in the inner part of the house; the _focus_ was dedicated to the _lares_, and was in the hall." Ernesti, Clav. Cic., sub. v. _Ara_. Of the commentators on Sallust, Kritzius is, I believe, the only one who has concurred in this notion of Ernesti; Langins and Dietsch (with Cortius) adhere to the common opinion that _arae_ are the public altars. Dietsch refers, for a complete refutation of Ernesti, to G. A. B. Hertzberg _de Diis Romanorum Penatibus_, Halae, 1840, p. 64; a book which I have not seen. Certainly, in the observation of Cicero ad Att., vii. 11, "Non est respublica in parietibus, sed in aris et focis," _arae_ must be considered (as Schiller observes) to denote the public altars and national religion. See Schiller's Lex. v. _Ara_.

[258] In vain appeal to justice--_Frusta judicia implores. Judicia_, trials, to procure the inflictions of legal penalties.

[259] Could not easily pardon the misconduct, etc.--_Haud facile alterius lubidini malefacta condonabam_. "Could not easily forgive the licentiousness of another its evil deeds."

[260] Yet the republic remained secure; its own strength, etc. --_Tamen respublica firma, opulentia neglegentiam tolerabat_. This is Cortius's reading; some editors, as Havercamp, Kritzius, and Dietsch, insert _erat_ after _firma_. Whether _opulentia_ is the nominative or ablative, is disputed. "_Opulentia_," says Allen, "casum sextum intellige, et repete _respublica_ (ad _tolerabat_)." "_Opulentia_," says Kritzius, "melius nominativo capiendum videtur; nam quae sequuntur verba novam enunciationem efficiunt." I have preferred to take it as a nominative.

[261] We have lost the real names of things, etc.--Imitated from Thucydides, iii. 32: [Greek: _Kai taen eiothuian axiosin ton onomaton es ta erga antaellaxan tae dikaiosei. Tolma men gar alogistos, andria philetairos enomisthae, mellasis te promaethaes, deilia euprepaes to de sophron. Tou anandrou proschaema, kai to pros apan syneton, epi pan argon_.] "The ordinary meaning of words was changed by them as they thought proper. For reckless daring was regarded as courage that was true to its friends; prudent delay, as specious cowardice; moderation, as a cloak for unmanliness; being intelligent in every thing, as being useful for nothing." _Dale's_ translation; Bohn's Classical Library.

[262] Elegant language--_Compositè_. See above, c. 51.

[263] In a most excellent condition--_Multo pulcherrumam._ See c. 36.

[264] For of allies and citizens, etc.--Imitated from Demosthenes, Philipp. III.4.

[265] I advise you to have mercy upon them--_Misereamini censeo, i.e._, censeo _ut_ misereanum, spoken ironically. Most translators have taken the words in the sense of "You would take pity on them, I suppose," or something similar.

[266] Unless this be the second time that he has made war upon his country--"Cethegus first made war on his country in conjunction with Marius." _Bernouf_. Whether Sallust alludes to this, or intimates (as Gerlach thinks) that he was engaged in the first conspiracy, is doubtful.

[267] Is ready to devour us--_Faucibus urget_. Cortius, Kritzius, Gerlach, Burnouf, Allen, and Dietsch, are unanimous in interpreting this as a metaphorical expression, alluding to a wild beast with open jaws ready to spring upon its prey. They support this interpretation by Val. Max., v. 3: "Faucibus apprehensam rempublicam;" Cic. pro. Cluent., 31: "Quum faucibus premetur;" and Plaut. Casin. v. 3,4, "Manifesto faucibus teneor." Some, editors have read _in faucibus_, and understood the words as referring to the jaws or narrow passes of Etruria, where Catiline was with his army.

[268] LIII. All the senators of consular dignity, and a great part of the rest--_Consulares omnes, itemque senatus magna pars_. "As the consulars were senators, the reader would perhaps expect Sallust to have said _reliqui senatús_ but _itemque_ is equivalent to _et praeter eos_." _Dietsch_.

[269] That they had carried on wars--_Bella gesta_. That wars had been carried on _by them_.

[270] As if the parent stock were exhausted--_Sicuti effoeta parentum_. This is the reading of Cortius, which he endeavors to explain thus: "Ac sicuti _effoeta parens_, inter parentes, _sese habere solet_, ut nullos amplius liberas proferat, sic Roma sese habuit, ubi multis tempestatibus nemo virtute magnus fuit." "_Est_," he adds, "or _solet esse_, or _sese habere solet_, may very well be understood from the _fuit_ which follows." But all this only serves to show what a critic may find to say in defense of a reading to which he is determined to adhere. All the MSS., indeed, have _parentum_, except one, which has _parente_. Dietsch thinks that some word has been lost between _effoeta_ and _parentum_, and proposes to read _sicuti effoetá aetate parentum, with the sense, _as if the age of the parents were too much exhausted to produce strong children_. Kritzius, from a suggestion of Cortius (or rather of his predecessor, Rupertus), reads _effoetae parentum_ (the effoetae agreeing with Romae which follows), considering the sense to be the same as as _effoetae parentis_--as _divina dearum_ for _divina dea_, etc. Gerlach retains the rending of Cortius, and adopts his explanation (4to. ed., 1827), but says that the _explicatio_ may seem _durior_, and that it is doubtful whether we ought not to have recourse to the _effoeta parente_ of the old critics. Assuredly if we retain _parentum_, _effoetae_ is the only reading that we can well put with it. We may compare with it _loca nuda gignentium_, (Jug. c. 79), i.e. "places bare of objects producing any thing." Gronovius know not what to do with the passage, called it _locus intellectus nemini_, and at last decided on understanding _virtute_ with _effoetae parentum_, which, _pace tarti viri_, and although Allen has followed him, is little better than folly. The concurrence of the majority of manuscripts in giving _parentum_ makes the scholar unwilling to set it aside. However, as no one has explained it satisfactorily even to himself, I have thought it better, with Dietsch, to regard it a _scriptura non ferenda_, and to acquiesce, with Glareanus, Rivius, Burnouf, and the Bipont edition, in the reading _effoetâ parente_.

[271] LIV. Though attained by different means--_Sed alia alii_. "Alii alia _gloria_," for _altera alteri_. So Livy, i. 21: _Duo reges_, alius alia via.

[272] Simplicity--_Pudore_. The word here seems to mean the absence of display and ostentation.

[273] With the temperate--_Cum innocente_. "That is _cum integro et abstinente_. For _innocentia_ is used for _abstinentia_, and opposed to _avaritia_. See Cic. pro Lego Manil., c. 13." _Burnouf_.

[274] LV. The triumvirs--_Triumviros_. The _triumviri capitales_, who had the charge of the prison and of the punishment of the condemned. They performed their office by deputy, Val. Max., v. 4. 7.

[275] The Tullian dungeon--_Tullianum_. "Tullianum" is an adjective, with which _robur_ must be understood, as it was originally constructed, wholly or partially, with oak. See Festus, sub voce _Robum_ or _Robur_: his words are _arcis robustis includebatur_, of which the sense is not very clear. The prison at Rome was built by Ancus Marcius, and enlarged by Servius Tullius, from whom this part of it had its name; Varro de L. L., iv. 33. It is now transformed into a subterranean chapel, beneath a small church erected over it, called _San Pietro in Carcere_. De Brosses and Eustace both visited it; See Eustace's Classical Tour, vol. i. p. 260, in the _Family Library_. See also Wasse's note on this passage.

[276] A vaulted roof connected with stone arches--_Camera lapideis fornicibus vincta_. "That _camera_ was a roof curved in the form of a _testudo_, is generally admitted; see Vitruv. vii. 3; Varr., R. R. iii. 7, init." _Dietsch_. The roof is now arched in the usual way.

[277] Certain men, to whom orders had been given--_Quibus praeceptum erat_. The editions of Havercamp, Gerlach, Kritzius, and Dietsch, have _vindices rerum capitalium, quibus_, etc. Cortius ejected the first three words from his text, as an intruded gloss. If the words be genuine, we must consider these _vindices_ to have been the deputies, or lictors, of the "triumvirs" mentioned above.

[278] LVI. As far as his numbers would allow--_Pro numero militum_. He formed his men into two bodies, which he called legions, and divided each legion, as was usual, into ten cohorts, putting into each cohort as many men as he could. The cohort of a full legion consisted of three maniples, or six hundred men; the legion would then be six thousand men. But the legions were seldom so large as this; they varied at different periods, from six thousand to three thousand; in the time of Polybius they were usually four thousand two hundred. See Adam's Rom. Ant., and Lipsius de Mil. Rom Dial. iv.

[279] From his confederates--_Ex sociis_. "Understand, not only the leaders in the conspiracy, but those who, in c. 35, are said to have set out to join Catiline, though not at that time exactly implicated in the plot." _Kritzius_. It is necessary to notice this, because Cortius erroneously supposes "sociis" to mean the _allies of Rome_. Dahl, Longius, Müller, Burnouf, Gerlach, and Dietsch, all interpret in the same manner as Kritzius.

[280] Hoped himself shortly to find one--_Sperabat propediem sese habiturum_. Other editions, as those of Havercamp, Gerlach, Kritzius, Dietsch, and Burnouf, have the words _magnas copias_ before _sese_. Cortius struck them out, observing that _copiae_ occurred too often in this chapter, and that in one MS. they were wanting. One manuscript, however, was insufficient authority for discarding them; and the phrase suits much better with what follows, _si Romae socii incepta patravissent_, if they are retained.

[281] Slaves--of whom vast numbers, etc.--_Servitia--cujus magnae copiae_. "_Cujus_," says Priscian (xvii. 20, vol. ii., p. 81, cd. Krehl), "is referred _ad rem_, that is _cujus rei servitiorum_." _Servorum_ or _hominum genus_, is, perhaps, rather what Sallust had in his mind, as the subject of his relation. Gerlach adduces as an expression most nearly approaching to Sallust's, Thucyd., iii. 92; [Greek: _Kai dorieis, hae maetropolis ton Lakedaimonion_].

[282] Impolitic--_Alienum suis rationibus_. Foreign to his views; inconsistent with his policy.

[283] LVII. In his hurried march into Gaul--_In Galliam properanti_. These words Cortius inclosed in brackets, pronouncing them as a useless gloss. But all editors have retained them as genuine, except the Bipont and Burnouf, who wholly omitted them.

[284] As he was pursuing, though with a large army, yet through plainer ground, and with fewer hinderances; the enemy in retreat--_Utpote qui magna exercitu, locis aequioribus, expeditus, in fuga sequeretur_. It would be tedious to notice all that has been written upon this passage of Sallust. All the editions, before that of Cortius, had _expeditos, in fugam_, some joining _expeditos_ with _locis aequioribus_, and some with _in fugam_. _Expeditos in fugam_ was first condemned by Wasse, no negligent observer of phrases, who said that no expression parallel to it could be found in any Latin writer. Cortius, seeing that the _expedition_, of which Sallust is speaking, is on the part of Antonius, not of Catiline, altered _expeditos_, though found in all the manuscripts, into _expeditus_; and _in fugam_, at the same time, into _in fuga_; and in both these emendations he has been cordially followed by the subsequent editors, Gerlach, Kritzius, and Dietsch. I have translated _magno exercitu_, "_though_ with a large army," although, according to Dietsch and some others, we need not consider a large army as a cause of slowness, but may rather regard it as a cause of speed; since the more numerous were Metellus's forces, the less he would care how many he might leave behind through fatigue, or to guard the baggage; so that he might be the more _expeditus_, unincumbered. With _sequeretur_ we must understand _hostes_. The Bipont, Burnouf's, which often follows it, and Havercamp's, are now the only editions of any note that retain _expeditos in fugam_.

[285] LVIII. That a spiritless army can not be rendered active, etc.--_Neque ex ignavo strenuum, neque fortem ex timido exercitum oratione imperatoris fieri_. I have departed a little from the literal reading, for the sake of ease.

[286] That on your own right hands depend, etc.--_In dextris portare_. "That you carry in your right hands."

[287] Those same places--_Eadem illa_. "Coloniae atque municipia portas claudent." _Burnouf_.

[288] They contend for what but little concerns them--_Illis supervacaneum est pugnare_. It is but of little concern to the great body of them personally: they may fight, but others will have the advantages of their efforts.

[289] We might, etc.--_Licuit nobis_. The editions vary between _nobis_ and _robis_; but most, with Cortius, have _nobis_.

[290] LIX. In the rear--_In subsidio_. Most translators have rendered this, "as a body of reserve;" but such can not well be the signification. It seems only to mean the part behind the front: Catiline places the eight cohorts _in front_, and the rest of his force _in subsidio_, to support the front. _Subsidia_, according to Varro (de L. L., iv. 16) and Festus (v. _Subsidium_), was a term applied to the Triarii, because they _subsidebant_, or sunk down on one knee, until it was their turn to act. See Sheller's Lex. v. _Subsidium_. "Novissimi ordines ita dicuntur." _Gerlach_. _In subsidiis_, which occurs a few lines below, seems to signify _in lines in the rear_; as in Jug. 49, _triplicibus subsidiis aciem intruxit, i.e. with three lines behind the front_. "Subsidium ea pars aciei vocabatur quae reliquis submitti posset; Caes. B. G., ii. 25." _Dietsch_.

[291] All the ablest centurions--_Centuriones omnes lectos_. "_Lectos_ you may consider to be the same as _eximios, praestantes_, centurionum praestantissimum quemque." _Kritzius_. Cortius and others take it for a participle, _chosen_.

[292] Veterans--_Evocatos_. Some would make this also a participle, because, say they, it can not signify _evocati_, or _called-out veterans_, since, though there were such soldiers in a regular Roman army, there could be none so called in the tumultuary forces of Catiline. But to this it is answered that Catiline had imitated the regular disposition of a Roman army, and that his veterans might consequently be called _evocati_, just as if they had been in one; and, also that _evocatus_ as a participle would be useless; for if Catiline removed (_subducit_) the centurions, it is unnecessary to add that he called them out, "_Evocati_ erant, qui expletis stipendiis non poterant in delectu scribi, sed precibus imperatoris permoti, aut in gratiam ejus, militiam resumebant, homines longo uso militiae peritissimi. Dio., xiv. p. 276. [Greek: _Ek touton de ton anoron kai to ton Haeouokaton hae Ouokaton systaema (ous Anaklaetous an tis Ellaenisas, hoti pepaumenoi taes strateias, ep' autein authis aneklaethmsan, ouomaseien) enomisthae_.] Intelligit itaque ejusmodi homines veteranos, etsi non proprie erant tales evocati, sed sponte castra Catilinae essent secuti." _Cortius_.

[293] Into the foremost ranks--_In primam aciem_. Whether Sallust means that he ranged them with the eight cohorts, or only in the first line of the _subsidia_, is not clear.

[294] A certain officer of Faesulae--_Faesulanum quemdam_. "He is thought to have been that P. Furius, whom Cicero (Cat., iii. 6, 14) mentions as having been one of the colonists that Sylla settled at Faesulae, and who was to have been executed, if he had been apprehended, for having been concerned in corrupting the Allobrogian deputies." _Dietsch_. Plutarch calls this officer Furius.

[295] His freedmen--_Libertis_. "His own freedmen, whom he probably had about him as a body-guard, deeming them the most attached of his adherents. Among them was, possibly, that Sergius, whom we find from Cic. pro Domo, 5, 6, to have been Catiline's armor bearer." _Dietsch_.

[296] The colonists--_Colonis_. "Veterans of Sylla, who had been settled by him as colonists in Etruria, and who had now been induced to join Catiline." _Gerlach_. See c. 28.

[297] By the eagle--_Propter aquilam_. See Cic. in Cat., i. 9.

[298] Being lame--_Pedibus aeger_. It has been common among translators to render _pedibus aeger_ afflicted with the gout, though a Roman might surely be lame without having the gout. As the lameness of Antonius, however, according to Dion Cassius (xxxvii. 39), was only pretended, it may be thought more probable that he counterfeited the gout than any other malady. It was with this belief, I suppose, that the writer of a gloss on one of the manuscripts consulted by Cortius, interpreted the words, _ultroneam passus est podogram_, "he was affected with a voluntary gout." Dion Cassius says that he preferred engaging with Antonius, who had the larger army, rather than with Metellus, who had the smaller, because he hoped that Antonius would designedly act in such a way as to lose the victory.

[299] To meet the present insurrection--_Tumulti causa_. Any sudden war or insurrection in Italy or Gaul was called _tumultus_. See Cic. Philipp. v. 12.

[300] Their temples and their homes--_Aris atque focis suis_. See c. 52.

[301] LX. In a furious charge--_Infestis siqnis_.

[302] Offering but partial resistance--_Alios alibi resistentes_. Not making a stand in a body, but only some in one place, and some in another.

[303] Among the first, etc.--_In primis pugnantes cadunt_. Cortius very properly refers _in primis_ to _cadunt_.

CHRONOLOGY OF THE CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE.

EXTRACTED FROM DE BROSSES.

A.U.C 685.--COSS. L. CAECILIUS METELLUS, Q. MARCIIS REX.--Catiline is Praetor.

686.--C. CALPURNIUS PISO, M. ACILIUS GLABRIO.--Catiline Governor of Africa.

687.--L. VOLCATIUS TULLUS, M. AEMILIUS LEPIDUS.--Deputies from Africa accuse Catiline of extortion, through the agency of Clodius. He is obliged to desist from standing for the consulship, and forms the project of the first conspiracy. See Sall. Cat., c. 18.

688.--L. MANLIUS TORQUATUS, L. AURELIUS COTTA.--_Jan_. 1: Catiline's project of the first conspiracy becomes known, and he defers the execution of it to the 5th of February, when he makes an unsuccessful attempt to execute it. _July_ 17: He is acquitted of extortion, and begins to canvass for the consulship for the year 690.

689.--L. JULIUS CAESAR, C. MARCIUS FIGULUS THERMUS.--_June_ 1: Catiline convokes the chiefs of the second conspiracy. He is disappointed in his views on the consulship.

690--M. TULLIUS CICERO, C. ANTONIUS HYBRIDA.--_Oct_. 19: Cicero lays the affair of the conspiracy before the senate, who decree plenary powers to the consuls for defending the state. _Oct_. 21: Silanus and Muraena are elected consuls for the next year, Catiline, who was a candidate, being rejected. _Oct_. 22: Catiline is accused under the Plautian Law _de vi_. Sall. Cat., c. 31. _Oct_. 24: Manlius takes up arms in Etruria. _Nov_. 6: Catiline assembles the chief conspirators, by the agency of Porcius Laeca Sall. Cat., c. 27. _Nov_. 7: Vargunteius and Cornelius undertake to assassinate Cicero. Sall. Cat., c. 28. _Nov_. 8: Catiline appears in the senate; Cicero delivers his first Oration against him; he threatens to extinguish the flame raised around him in a general destruction, and quits Rome. Sall. Cat., c. 31. _Nov_. 9: Cicero delivers his second Oration against Catiline, before an assembly of the people, convoked by order of the senate. _Nov_. 20, _or thereabouts_: Catiline and Manlius are declared public enemies. Soon after this the conspirators attempt to secure the support of the Allobrogian deputies. _Dec_. 3: About two o'clock in the morning the Allobroges are apprehended. Toward evening Cicero delivers his third Oration against Catiline, before the people. _Dec_. 5. Cicero's fourth Oration against Catiline, before the senate. Soon after, the conspirators are condemned to death, and great honors are decreed by the senate to Cicero. 691.--D. JUNIUS SILANUS, L. LICINIUS MURAENA--_Jan_. 5: Battle of Pistoria, and death of Catiline.

* * * * *

The narrative of Sallust terminates with the account of the battle of Pistoria. There are a few other particulars connected with the history of the conspiracy, which, for the sake of the English reader, it may not be improper to add.

When the victory was gained, Antonius caused Catiline's head to be cut off, and sent it to Rome by the messengers who carried the news. Antonius himself was honored, by a public decree, with the title of _Imperator_, although he had done little to merit the distinction, and although the number of slain, which was three thousand, was less than that for which the title was generally given. See Dio Cass. xxxvii., 40, 41.

The remains of Catiline's army, after the death of their leader, continued to make efforts to raise another insurrection. In August, eight months after the battle, a party, under the command of Lucius Sergius, perhaps a relative or freedman of Catiline, still offered resistance to the forces of the government in Etruria. _Reliquiae conjuratorum, cum L. Sergio, tumultuantur in Hetruria_. Fragm. Act. Diurn. The responsibility of watching these marauders was left to the proconsul Metellus Celer. After some petty encounters, in which the insurgents were generally worsted, Sergius, having collected his force at the foot of the Alps, attempted to penetrate into the country of the Allobroges, expecting to find them ready to take up arms; but Metellus, learning his intention, pre-occupied the passes, and then surrounded and destroyed him and his followers.

At Rome, in the mean time, great honors were paid to Cicero. A thanksgiving of thirty days was decreed in his name, an honor which had previously been granted to none but military men, and which was granted to him, to use his own words, because _he had delivered the city from fire, the citizens from slaughter, and Italy from war_. "If my thanksgiving," he also observes, "be compared with those of others, there will be found this difference, that theirs were granted them for having managed the interests of the republic successfully, but that mine was decreed to me for having preserved the republic from ruin." See Cic. Orat. iii., in Cat., c. 6. Pro Sylla, c. 30. In Pison. c. 3. Philipp. xiv., 8. Quintus Catulus, then _princeps senatus_, and Marcus

Roma parentem,
Roma patrem patriae Ciceronem libera dixit.

Juv. Sat., viii. 244.

Of the inferior conspirators, who did not follow Sergius, and who were apprehended at Rome, or in other parts of Italy, after the death of the leaders in the plot, some were put to death, chiefly on the testimony of Lucius Vettius, one of their number, who turned informer against the rest. But many whom he accused were acquitted; others, supposed to be guilty, were allowed to escape.

THE JUGURTHINE WAR

THE ARGUMENT.