Chapter IX: Part 9

CVI. Volux, coming forward, addressed himself to Sylla, saying that he was sent by Bocchus his father to meet and escort him. The two parties accordingly formed a junction, and prosecuted their journey, on that day and the following, without any alarm. But when they had pitched their camp, and evening had set in, Volux came running, with looks of perplexity, to Sylla, and said that he had learned from his scouts that Jugurtha was at hand, entreating and urging him, at the same time, to escape with him privately in the night. Sylla boldly replied, "that he had no fear of Jugurtha, an enemy so often defeated; that he had the utmost confidence in the valor of his troops; and that, even if certain destruction were at hand, he would rather keep his ground, than save, by deserting his followers, a life at best uncertain, and perhaps soon to be lost by disease." Being pressed, however, by Volux, to set forward in the night, he approved of the suggestion, and immediately ordered his men to dispatch their supper,[313] to light as many fires as possible in the camp, and to set out in silence at the first watch.

When they were all fatigued with their march during the night, and Sylla was preparing, at sunrise, to pitch his camp, the Moorish cavalry announced that Jugurtha was encamped about two miles in advance. At this report, great dismay fell upon our men; for they believed themselves betrayed by Volux, and led into an ambuscade. Some exclaimed that they ought to take vengeance on him at once, and not suffer such perfidy to remain unpunished.

CVII. But Sylla, though he had similar thoughts, protected the Moor from violence; exhorting his soldiers to keep up their spirits; and saying, "that a handful of brave men had often fought successfully against a multitude; that the less anxious they were to save their lives in battle, the greater would be their security; and that no man, who had arms in his hands, ought to trust for safety to his unarmed heels, or to turn to the enemy, in however great danger, the defenseless and blind parts of his body".[314] Having then called almighty Jupiter to witness the guilt and perfidy of Bocchus, he ordered Volux, as being an instrument of his father's hostility,[315] to quit the camp.

Volux, with tears in his eyes, entreated him to entertain no such suspicions; declaring "that nothing in the affair had been caused by treachery on his part, but all by the subtlety of Jugurtha, to whom his line of march had become known through his scouts. But as Jugurtha had no great force with him, and as his hopes and resource were dependent on his father Bocchus, he assuredly would not attempt any open violence, when the son of Bocchus would himself be a witness of it. He thought it best for Sylla, therefore, to march boldly through the middle of his camp, and that as for himself, he would either send forward his Moors, or leave them where they were, and accompany Sylla alone." This course, under such circumstances, was adopted; they set forward without delay, and, as they came upon Jugurtha unexpectedly, while he was in doubt and hesitation how to act, they passed without molestation. In a few days afterward, they arrived at the place to which their march was directed.

CVIII. There was, at this time, in constant and familiar intercourse with Bocchus, a Numidian named Aspar, who had been sent to him by Jugurtha, when he heard of Sylla's intended interview, in the character of embassador, but secretly to be a spy on the Mauretanian king's proceedings. There was also with him a certain Dabar, son of Massugrada, one of the family of Masinissa,[316] but of inferior birth on the maternal side, as his father was the son of a concubine. Dabar, for his many intellectual endowments, was liked and esteemed by Bocchus, who, having found him faithful[317] on many former occasions, sent him forthwith to Sylla, to say that "he was ready to do whatever the Romans desired; that Sylla himself should appoint the place, day, and hour,[318] for a conference; that he kept all points, which he had settled with him before, inviolate;[319] and that he was not to fear the presence of Jugurtha's embassador as any restraint[320] on the discussion of their common interests, since, without admitting him, he could have no security against Jugurtha's treachery". I find, however, that it was rather from African duplicity[321] than from the motives which he professed, that Bocchus thus allured both the Romans and Jugurtha with the hopes of peace; that he frequently debated with himself whether he should deliver Jugurtha to the Romans, or Sylla to Jugurtha; and that his inclination swayed him against us, but his fears in our favor.

CIX. Sylla replied, "that he should speak on but few particulars before Aspar, and discuss others at a private meeting, or in the presence of only a few;" dictating, at the same time, what answer should be returned by Bocchus.[322] Afterward, when they met, as Bocchus had desired, Sylla stated, "that he had come, by order of the consul, to inquire whether he would resolve on peace or on war." Bocchus, as he had been previously instructed by Sylla, requested him to come again at the end of ten days, since he had as yet formed no determination, but would at that time give a decisive answer. Both then retired to their respective camps.[323] But when the night was far advanced, Sylla was secretly sent for by Bocchus. At their interview, none but confidential interpreters were admitted on either side, together with Dabar, the messenger between them, a man of honor, and held in esteem by both parties. The king at once commenced thus:

CX. "I never expected that I, the greatest monarch in this part of the world, and the richest of all whom I know, should ever owe a favor to a private man. Indeed, Sylla, before I knew you, I gave assistance to many who solicited me, and to others without solicitation, and stood in need of no man's assistance.

But at this loss of independence, at which others are wont to repine, I am rather inclined to rejoice. It will be a pleasure to me[324] to have once needed your friendship, than which I hold nothing dearer to my heart. Of the sincerity of this assertion you may at once make trial, take my arms, my soldiers, my money, or whatever you please, and use it as your own. But do not suppose, as long as you live, that your kindness to me has been fully requited; my sense of it will always remain undiminished, and you shall, with my knowledge, wish for nothing in vain. For, as I am of opinion, it is less dishonorable to a prince to be conquered in battle than to be surpassed in generosity.

With respect to your republic, whose interests you are sent to guard, hear briefly what I have to say. I have neither made war upon the Roman people, nor desired that it should be made; I have merely defended my territories with arms against an armed force. But from hostilities, since such is your pleasure, I now desist. Prosecute the war with Jugurtha as you think proper. The river Malucha, which was the boundary between Miscipsa and me, I shall neither pass myself, nor suffer Jugurtha to come within it. And if you shall ask any thing besides, worthy of me and of yourself, you shall not depart with a refusal."

CXI. To this speech Sylla replied, as far as concerned himself, briefly and modestly; but spoke, with regard to the peace and their common concerns, much more at length. He signified to the king "that the senate and people of Rome, as they had the superiority in the field, would think themselves little obliged by what he promised; that he must do something which would seem more for their interest than his own; and that for this there was now a fair opportunity, since he had Jugurtha in his power, for, if he delivered him to the Romans, they would feel greatly indebted to him, and their friendship and alliance, as well as that part of Numidia which he claimed,[325] would readily be granted him." Bocchus at first refused to listen to the proposal, saying that affinity, the ties of blood,[326] and a solemn league, connected him with Jugurtha; and that he feared, if he acted insincerely, he might alienate the affections of his subjects, by whom Jugurtha was beloved, and the Romans disliked. But at last, after being frequently importuned, his resolution gave way,[327] and he engaged to do every thing in accordance with Sylla's wishes. They then concerted measures for conducting a pretended treaty of peace, of which Jugurtha, weary of war, was extremely desirous. Having settled their plans, they separated.

CXII. On the next day Bocchus sent for Aspar, Jugurtha's envoy, and acquainted him that he had ascertained from Sylla, through Dabar, that the war might be concluded on certain conditions; and that he should therefore make inquiry as to the sentiments of his king. Aspar proceeded with joy to Jugurtha's camp, and having received full instructions from him, returned in haste to Bocchus at the end of eight days, with intelligence "that Jugurtha was eager to do whatever might be required, but that he put little confidence in Marius, as treaties of peace, concluded with Roman generals, had often before proved of no effect; that if Bocchus, however, wished to consult the interests of both,[328] and to have an established peace, he should endeavor to bring all parties together to a conference, as if to settle the conditions, and then deliver Sylla into his hands, for when he had such a man in his power, a treaty would at once be concluded by order of the senate and people of Rome; as a man of high rank, who had fallen into the hands of the enemy, not from want of spirit, but from zeal for the public interest, would not be left in captivity".

CXIII. The Moor, after long meditation on these suggestions, at length expressed his assent to them, but whether in pretense or sincerity I have not been able to discover. But the inclinations of kings, as they are violent, are often fickle, and at variance with themselves. At last, after a time and place were fixed for coming to a conference about the treaty, Bocchus addressed himself at one time to Sylla and at another to the envoy of Jugurtha, treating them with equal affability, and making the same professions to both. Both were in consequence equally delighted, and animated with the fairest expectations. But on the night preceding the day appointed for the conference, the Moor, after first assembling his friends, and then, on a change of mind, dismissing them, is reported to have had many anxious struggles with himself, disturbed alike in his thoughts and his gestures, which, even when he was silent, betrayed the secret agitation of his mind. At last, however, he ordered that Sylla should be sent for, and, according to his desire, laid an ambush for Jugurtha.

As soon as it was day, and intelligence was brought that Jugurtha was at hand, Bocchus, as if to meet him and do him honor, went forth, attended by a few friends, and our quaestor, as far as a little hill, which was full in the view of the men who were placed in ambush. To the same spot came Jugurtha with most of his adherents, unarmed, according to agreement; when immediately, on a signal being given, he was assailed on all sides by those who were lying in wait. The others were cut to pieces, and Jugurtha himself was delivered bound to Sylla, and by him conducted to Marius.

CXIV. At this period war was carried on unsuccessfully by our generals Quintus Caepio and Marcus Manlius, against the Gauls; with the terror of which all Italy was thrown into consternation. Both the Romans of that day, indeed, and their descendants, down to our own times, maintained the opinion that all other nations must yield to their valor, but that they contended with the Gauls, not for glory, but merely in self-defense. But after the war in Numidia was ended, and it was announced that Jugurtha was coming in chains to Rome, Marius, though absent from the city, was created consul, and Gaul decreed to him as his province. On the first of January he triumphed as consul, with great glory. At that time[329] the hopes and dependence of the state were placed on him.

NOTES FOR THE JUGURTHINE WAR

[1] I. Intellectual power--_Virtute_. See the remarks on _virtus_, at the commencement of the Conspiracy of Catiline. A little below, I have rendered _via virtutis_, "the path of true merit."

[2] Worthy of honor--_Clarus_. "A person may be called _clarus_ either on account of his great actions and merits; or on account of some honor which he has obtained, as the consuls were called _clarissimi viri_; or on account of great expectations which are formed from him. But since the worth of him who is _clarus_ is known by all, it appears that the mind is here called _clarus_ because its nature is such that pre-eminence is generally attributed to it, and the attention of all directed toward it." _Dietsch_.

[3] Abandons itself--_Pessum datus est_. Is altogether sunk and overwhelmed.

[4] Impute their delinquency to circumstances, etc.--_Suam quisque culpam ad negotia transferunt_. Men excuse their indolence and inactivity, by saying that the weakness of their faculties, or the circumstances in which they are placed, render them unable to accomplish any thing of importance. But, says Seneca, _Satis natura, homini dedit roboris, si illo utamur;--nolle in causâ, non posse praetenditur_. "Nature has given men sufficient powers, if they will but use them; but they pretend that they can not when the truth is that they will not." "_Negotia_ is a common word with Sallust, for which other writers would use _res, facta_." Gerlach. "Cajus rei nos ipsi sumus auctores, ejus culpam rebus externis attribuimus." _Muller_. "Auctores" is the same as the [Greek: _aitioi_].

[5] Useless--_Aliena_. Unsuitable, not to the purpose, not contributing to the improvement of life.

[6] Instead of being mortal--_Pro mortalibus_. There are two senses in which these words may be taken: _as far as mortals can_, and _instead of being mortals_. Kritz and Dietsch say that the latter is undoubtedly the true sense. Other commentators are either silent or say little to the purpose. As for the translators, they have studied only how to get over the passage delicately. The latter sense is perhaps favored by what is said in c. 2, that "the illustrious achievements of the mind are, like the mind itself, immortal."

[7] II. They all rise and fall, etc.--_Omnia orta occidunt, et aucta senescunt_. This is true of things in general, but is here spoken only of the qualities of the body, as De Brosses clearly perceived.

[8] Has power over all things--_Habet cuncta_. "All things are in its power." Dietsch. "_Sub ditione tenet_. So Jupiter, Ov. Met. i. 197: Quum mihi qui fulmen, qui vos habeoque regoque." _Burnouf_. So Aristippus said, _Habeo Laidem, non habeor a Laide_, [Greek: _echo ouk echomai_]. Cic. Epist. ad Fam. ix. 26.

[9] III. Civil and military offices--_Magistratus et imperia_. "Illo vocabule civilia, hoc militaria munera, significantur." _Dietsch_.

[10] To rule our country or subjects, etc.--_Nam vi quidem regere patriam aut parentes_, etc. Cortius, Gerlach, Kritz, Dietsch, and Muller are unanimous in understanding _parentes_ as the participle of the verb _pareo_. That this is the sense, says Gerlach, is sufficiently proved by the conjunction _aut_; for if Sallust had meant _parents_, he would have used _ut_; and in this opinion Allen coincides. Doubtless, also, this sense of the word suits extremely well with the rest of the sentence, in which changes in government are mentioned. But Burnouf, with Crispinus, prefers to follow Aldus Manutius, who took the word in the other signification, supposing that Sallust borrowed the sentiment from Plato, who says in his Epistle _ad Dionis Propinquos_: [Greek: _Patera de hae maetera ouch osion haegoumai prosbiazesthai, mae noso paraphrosunaes hechomenous. Bian de patridi politeias metabolaes aeae prospherein, otan aneu phugon, kai sphagaes andron, mae dunaton hae ginesthae taen ariostaen_.] And he makes a similar observation in his Crito: [Greek: _Pantachou poiaetaen, o an keleuoi hae polis te, kai hae patris.--Biazesthai de ouch osion oute maetera, oute patera poly de touton eti aetton taen patrida_.] On which sentiments Cicero, ad Fam. i. 9, thus comments: _Id enim jubet idem ille Plato, quem ego auctorem vehementer sequor; tantum contendere in republica quantum probare tuis civibus possis: vim neque parenti, neque patriae afferre oportere_. There is also another passage in Cicero, Cat. i. 3, which seems to favor this sense of the word: _Si te parentes timerent atque odissent tui, neque eos ullâ ratione placare posses, ut opinor, ab eorum oculis aliquò concederes; nunc te patria, quae communis est omnium nostrum parens odit ac metuit_, etc. Of the first passage cited from Plato, indeed, Sallust's words may seem to be almost a translation. Yet, as the majority of commentators have followed Cortius, I have also followed him. Sallust has the word in this sense in Jug., c. 102; _Parentes abunde habemus_. So Vell. Pat. ii. 108: _Principatis constans ex voluntate parentium_.

[11] Lead to--_Portendant_. "_Portendere_ in a _pregnant sense_, meaning not merely to indicate, but _quasi secum ferre_, to carry along with them." _Kritzius_.

[12] IV, Presumptuously--_Per insolentiam_. The same as _insolenter_, though some refer it, not to Sallust, but to _quis existumet,_ in the sense of _strangely,_ i. e. _foolishly or ignorantly._ I follow Cortius's interpretation.

[13] At what periods I obtained office, what sort of men, etc. --_Quibus ego temporibus maqistratus adeptus sum, et quales viri,_ etc. --"Sallust obtained the quaestorship a few years after the conspiracy of Catiline, about the time when the state was agitated by the disorders of Clodius and his party. He was tribune of the people, A.U.C. 701, the year in which Clodius was killed by Milo. He was praetor in 708, when Caesar had made himself ruler. In the expression _quales viri,_ etc., he alludes chiefly to Cato, who, when he stood for the praetorship, was unsuccessful." _Burnouf._ Kritzius defends _adeptus sum._

[14] What description of persons have subsequently entered the senate--"Caesar chose the worthy and unworthy, as suited his own purposes, to be members of the senate." _Burnouf._

[15] Quintus Maximus--Quintus Fabius Maximus, of whom Ennius says,
Unus qui nobis cunctando restituit rem;
Non ponebat enim rumores ante salutem.

[16] Publius Scipio--Scipio Africanus the Elder, the conqueror of Hannibal. See c. 5.

[17] To the pursuit of honor--_Ad vertutem. Virtus_ in the same sense as in _virtutis viâ,_ c. 1.

[18] The wax--_Ceram illam._ The images or busts of their ancestors, which the nobility kept in the halls of their houses, were made of wax. See Plin. H. N. xxxv., 2.

[19] Men of humble birth--_Homines novi_. See Cat., c. 23.

[20] V. Threw every thing, religious and civil, into confusion--_Divina et humana cuncta permiscuit_. "All things, both divine and human, were so changed, that their previous condition was entirely subverted." _Dietsch_.

[21] Civil dissensions--_Studiis civilibus_. This is the sense in which most commentators take _studia_; and if this be right, the whole phrase must be understood as I have rendered it. So Cortius; "Ut non prius finirentur [_studia civilia_] nisi bello et vastitate Italiae." Sallust has _studia partium_ Jug. c. 42; and Gerlach quotes from Cic. pro Marcell. c. 10: "_Non enim consiliis solis et studiis, sed armis etiam et castris dissidebamus_".

[22] More than any other enemy--_Maximè_.

[23] Since the Roman name became great--_Post magnitudinem nominis Romani_. "I know not why interpreters should find any difficulty in this passage. I understand it to signify simply _since_ the Romans became so great as they were in the time of Hannibal; for, _before_ that period they had suffered even heavier calamities, especially from the Gauls." _Cortius_.

[24] Syphax--"He was King of the Masaesyli in Numidia; was at first an enemy to the Carthaginians (Liv. xxiv. 48), and afterward their friend (Liv. xxviii. 17). He then changed sides again, and made a treaty with Scipio; but having at length been offered the hand of Sophonisba, the daughter of Asdrubal, in marriage, he accepted it, and returned into alliance with the Carthaginians. Being subsequently taken prisoner by Masinissa and Laelius, the lieutenant of Scipio, (Liv. xxx. 2) he was carried into Italy, and died at Tibur (Liv. xxx. 45)." _Burnouf_.

[25] His reign--_Imperii_. Cortius thinks that the grant of the Romans ceased with the life of Masinissa, and that his son, Micipsa, reigned only over that part of Numidia which originally belonged to his father. But in this opinion succeeding commentators have generally supposed him to be mistaken.

[26] VII. During the Numantine war--_Bella Numantino_. Numantia, which stood near the source of the Durius or _Douro_ in Spain, was so strong in its situation and fortifications, that it with stood the Romans for fourteen years. See Florus, ii. 17,18; Vell. Pat. ii. 4.

[27] VIII. Rather by attention to them as a body, than by practicing on individuals--_Publicè quàm privatim._ "Universae potius civitatis, quàm privatorum gratiam quaerendo." _Burnouf_. The words can only be rendered periphrastically.

[28] IX. In a short time--_Statim_. If what is said in c. 11 be correct, that Jugurtha was adopted within three years of Micipsa's death, his adoption did not take place till twelve years after the taking of Numantia, which surrendered in 619, and Micipsa died in 634. _Statim_ is therefore used with great latitude, unless we suppose Sallust to mean that Micipsa signified to Jugurtha his intention to adopt him immediately on his return from Numantia, and that the formal ceremony of the adoption was delayed for some years.

[29] X. I received you--into my kingdom--_In meuum regnum accepi_. By these words it is only signified that Micipsa received Jugurtha into his palace so as to bring him up with his own children. The critics who suppose that there is any allusion to the adoption, or a pretended intention of it on the part of Micipsa, are evidently in the wrong.

[30] Pre-eminent merit--_Gloriâ_. Our English word _glory_ is too strong.

[31] By the fidelity which you owe to my kingdom--_Per regni fidem_. This seems to be the best of all the explanations that have been offered of these words. "Per fidem quam tu rex (futurus) mihi regi praestare debes." _Bournouf_. "Per fidem quae decet in regno, _i. e._ regem." _Dietsch_. "Per eam fidem, qua esse decet eum qui regnum obtinet. _Kritzius_.

[32] It is not armies, or treasures, etc.--[Greek: _Ou tode to chrusoun skaeptron to taen basileian diasozon estin, alla oi polloi philoi skaeptron basileioin ulaethestaton kai asphalestaton_.] "It is not this golden scepter that can preserve a kingdom; but numerous friends are to princes their trust and safest scepter." Xen. Cyrop., viii. 7,14.

[33] And who can be a greater friend than one brother to another? --_Quis autem amicior, quam frater fratri?_ "[Greek: _Nomiz adelphous tous alaethinous philous_] Menander." _Wasse_.

[34] That I have not adopted a better son, &c--_Ne ego meliores liberos sumsissevidear quam genuisse_. As there is no allusion to Micipsa's adoption of any other son than Jugurtha, Sallust's expression _liberos sumsisse_ can hardly be defended. It is necessary to give _son_ in the singular, in the translation.

[35] XI. Had spoken insincerely--_Ficta locutum_. Jugurtha saw that Micipsa pretended more love for him than he really felt. Compare c. 6,7.

[36] Which is regarded by the Numidians as the seat of honor--_Quad apud Numidas honori ducitur_. "I incline," says Sir Henry Steuart, "to consider those manuscripts as the most correct, in which the word _et_ is placed immediately before _apud, Quod et apud Numidas honori ducitur_." Sir Henry might have learned, had he consulted the commentators, that "_ the word_ et _is placed immediately before_ apud" in no manuscript; that Lipsius was the first who proposed its insertion; and that Crispinus, the only editor who has received it into his text, is ridiculed by Wasse for his folly. "Lipsius," says Cortius, "cùm sciret apud Romanos etiam medium locum honoratiorem fuisse, corrigit: _quod et apud Numidas honori ducitur_. Sed quis talia ab historico exegerit? Si de Numidis narrat, non facile aliquis intulerit, aliter propterea fuisse apud Romanos."

[37] To the other seat--_In alteram partem_. We must suppose that the three seats were placed ready for the three princes; that Adherbal sat down first, in one of the outside seats; the one, namely, that would be on the right hand of a spectator facing them; and that Hiempsal immediately took the middle seat, on Adherbal's right hand, so as to force Jugurtha to take the other outside one. Adherbal had then to remove Hiempsal _in alteram partem_, that is, to induce him to take the seat corresponding to his own, on the other side of the middle one.

[38] Chief lictor--_Proximus lictor_. "The _proximus lictor_ was he who, when the lictors walked before the prince or magistrate in a regular line, one behind the other, was last, or next to the person on whom they attended." _Cortius_. He would thus be ready to receive the great man's commands, and be in immediate communication with him. We must suppose either that Sallust merely speaks in conformity with the practice of the Romans, or, what is more probable, that the Roman custom of being preceded by lictors had been adopted in Numidia.

[39] Hut of a maid-servant--_Tugurio muliers ancillae_ Rose renders _tugurio_ "a mean apartment," and other translators have given something similar, as if they thought that the servant must have had a room in the house. But she, and other Numidian servants, may have had huts apart from the dwelling-house. _Tugurium_ undoubtedly signifies _a hut_ in general.

[40] XIII. Into our province--_In Provinciam_. "The word _province_, in this place, signifies that part of Africa which, after the destruction of Carthage, fell to the Romans by the right of conquest, in opposition to the kingdom of Micipsa." _Wasse_.

[41] Having thus accomplished his purposes--_Patratis consiliis_. After _consiliis_, in all the manuscripts, occur the words _postquam omnis Numidia potiebatur_, which were struck out by Cortius, as being _turpissima glossa_. The recent editors, Gerlach, Kritz, Dietsch, and Burnouf, have restored them.

[42] His intimate friends--_Hospitibus_. Persons probably with whom he had been intimate at Numantia, or who had since visited him in Numidia.

[43] The senate--gave audience to both parties--_senatus utrisque datur_. "The embassadors of Jugurtha, and Adberbal in person, are admitted into the senate-house to plead their cause." _Burnouf_.

[44] By deputation--_Procuratione_. He was to consider himself only the _procurator_, manager, or deputed governor, of the kingdom.

[45] Kindred--and relatives--_Cognatorum--affinium_. _Cognatus_ is a blood relation; _affinis_ is properly a relative by marriage.

[46] Hereditary--_Ab stirpe_.

[47] Next to this--_Secundum ea_. "Priscianus, lib. xiii., de praepositione agens, _Secundum_, inquit, _quando pro [Greek: _kata ei meta_] loco praepositionis est_. Sallustius in Jugurthino: _secundum ea, uti deditis uterer_.--Videlicet hoc dicit, _Secundum_ in Sallustii exemple, _post_ vel _proximè_ significare." _Rivius_.

[48] As I had no power to form the character of Jugurtha--_Neque mihi in manu fuit, qualis Jugurtha foret_. "_In manu fuit_ is simply _in potestate fuit_--Ter. Hec., iv. 4, 44: _Uxor quid faciat in manu non est meâ_." _Cortius_.

[49] Dishonored, afflicted--_Deformatus aerumnis.

[50] Above all others--_Potissimum_.

[51] One of us has been murdered, and I, the other, have scarcely escaped the hand of lawlessness--_Alter eorum necatus, alterius ipse ego manus impias vix effugi_. This is the general reading, but it can not be right. Adherbal speaks of himself and his brother as two persons, and of Jugurtha as a third, and says that _of those two_ the one (_alter_) has been killed; he would then naturally proceed to speak of himself as the other; _i. e._ he would use the word _alter_ concerning himself, not apply it to Jugurtha. Allen, therefore, proposes to read _alter necatus, alter manus impias vix effugi_. This mode of correction strikes out too much; but there is no doubt that the second _alter_ should be in the nominative case.

[52] From being friendly, has become hostile to me--_Ex necessariis adversa facta sunt._ "Si omnia mihi incolumia manerent, neque quidquam rerum mearum (s. praesidiorum) amisissem, neque Jugurtha aliique mihi ex necessariis inimici facti essent."_Kritzius_.

[53] But would that I could see him, etc.--_Quod utinam illum--videam_. The _quod_, in _quod utinam_, is the same as that in _quod si_, which we commonly translate, _but if_. _Quod_, in such expressions, serves as a particle of connection, between what precedes and what follows it; the Latins being fond of connection by means of relatives. See Zumpt's Lat. Grammar on this point, Sect. 63, 82, Kenrick's translation. Kritzius writes _quodutinam_, _quodsi_, _quodnisi_, etc., as one word. Cortius injudiciously interprets _quod_ in this passage as having _facientem_ understood with it.

[54] My life or death depends on the aid of others--_Cujus vitae necisque ex opibus alienis pendet_. On the aid of the Romans. Unless they protected him, he expected to meet with the same fate as Hiempsal at the hands of Jugurtha.

[55] Without disgrace--_Sine dedecore_. That is, if he did not succeed in getting revenge on Jugurtha.

[56] By your regard for yourselves, etc.--I have here departed from the text of Cortius, who reads _per, vos, liberos atque parentes_, i. e. _vos (obsecro) per liberos_, etc., as most critics would explain it, though Cortius himself prefers taking _vos_ as the nominative case, and joining it with _subvenite_, which follows. Most other editions have _per vos, per liberos, atque parentes vestros_, to which I have adhered. _Per vos_, though an adjuration not used in modern times, is found in other passages of the Roman writers. Thus Liv. xxix. 18: _Per vos, fidemque vestram_. Cic. pro Planc., c. 42; _Per vos, per fortunas vestras_.

[57] To sink into ruin--_Tabescere_. "Paullatim interire." _Cortius_. Lucret. ii. 1172: _Omnia paullatim tabescere el ire Ad capulum_. "This speech," says Gerlach, "though of less weighty argument than the other speeches of Sallust, is composed with great art. Neither the speaker nor his cause was adapted for the highest flights of eloquence; but Sallust has shrouded Adherbal's weakness in excellent language. That there is a constant recurrence to the same topics, is no ground for blame; indeed, such recurrence could hardly be avoided, for it is natural to all speeches in which the orator earnestly labors to make his hearers adopt his own feelings and views. The Romans were again and again to be supplicated, and again and again to be reminded of the character and services of Masinissa, that they might be induced, if not by the love of justice, yet by the dread of censure, to relieve the distresses of his grandson.... He omits no argument or representation that could move the pity of the Romans; and if his abject prostration of mind appears more suitable to a woman than a man, it is to be remembered that it is purposely introduced by Sallust to exhibit the weakness of his character."

[58] XV. Aemilius Scaurus--He was _princeps senatus_(see c. 25), and seems to be pretty faithfully characterized by Sallust as a man of eminent abilities, but too avaricious to be strictly honest. Cicero, who alludes to him in many passages with commendation (Off., i. 20, 30; Brut. 29; Pro Muraen., 7; Pro Fonteio, 7), mentions an anecdote respecting him (De Orat. ii. 70), which shows that he had a general character for covetousness. See Pliny, H. N, xxxvi. 14. Valerius Maximus (iii. 7, 8) tells another anecdote of him, which shows that he must have been held in much esteem, for whatever qualities, by the public. Being accused before the people of having taken a bribe from Mithridates, he made a few remarks on his own general conduct; and added, "Varius of Sucro says that Marcus Scaurus, being bribed with the king's money, has betrayed the interests of the Roman people. Marcus Scaurus denies that he is guilty of what is laid to his charge. Which of the two do you believe?" The people dismissed the accusation; but the words of Scaurus may be regarded as those of a man rather seeking to convey a notion of his innocence, than capable of proving it. The circumstance which Cicero relates is this: Scaurus had incurred some obloquy for having, as it was said, taken possession of the property of a certain rich man, named Phyrgio Pompeius, without being entitled to it by any will; and being engaged as an advocate in some cause, Mommius, who was pleading on the opposite side, seeing a funeral pass by at the time, said, "Scaurus, yonder is a dead man, on his way to the grave; if you can but get possession of his property!" I mention these matters, because it has been thought that Sallust, from some ill-feeling, represents Scaurus as more avaricious than he really was.

[59] His ruling passion--_Consuetâ libidine_. Namely, avarice.

[60] XVI. Lucius Opimius--His contention with the party of C. Gracchus may be seen in any history of Rome. For receiving bribes from Jugurtha he was publicly accused, and being condemned, ended his life, which was protracted to old age, in exile and neglect. Cic. Brut. 33; Planc. 28.

[61] XVII. Only two divisions, Asia and Europe--Thus Varro, de L. L. iv.13, ed. Bip. "As all nature is divided into heaven and earth, so the heaven is divided into regions, and the earth into Asia and Europe." See Bronkh. ad Tibull., iv. 1, 176.

[62] The strait connecting our sea with the ocean--_Fretum nostri maris et oceani_. That is, the _Fretum Gaditanum_, or Strait of Gibraltar. By _our see_, he means the Mediterranean. See Pomp. Mela, i. 1.

[63] A vast sloping tract--Catabathmos--_Declivem latitudinem, quem locum Catabathmon incolae appellant. Catabathmus--vallis repente convexa_, Plin. H. N. v 5. _Catabathmus, vallis devexa in Aegyptum_, Pomp. Mela, i. 8. I have translated _declivem latitudinem_ in conformity with these passages. _Catabathmus_, a Greek word, means _a descent_. There were two, the _major_ and _minor_; Sallust speaks of the _major_.

[64] Most of them die by the gradual decay of age--_Plerosque senectus dissolvit_ "A happy expression; since the effect of old age on the bodily frame is not to break it in pieces suddenly, but to dissolve it, as it were, gradually and imperceptibly." _Burnouf_.

[65] King Hiempsal--"This is not the prince that was murdered by Jugurtha, but the king who succeeded him; he was grandson of Masinissa, son of Gulussa, and father of Juba. After Juba was killed at Thapsus, Caesar reduced Numidia to the condition of a province, and appointed Sallust over it, who had thus opportunities of gaining a knowledge of the country, and of consulting the books written in the language of it." _Burnouf_.

[66] XVIII. Getulians and Lybians--_Gaetuli et Libyes_, "See Pompon. Mel. i. 4; Plin. H. N. v. 4, 6, 8, v. 2, xxi. 13; Herod, iv. 159, 168." _Gerlach_. The name _Gaetuli_, is, however, unknown to Herodotus. They lay to the south of Numidia and Mauretania. See Strabo, xvii. 3. _Libyes_ is a term applied by the Greek writers properly to the Africans of the North coast, but frequently to the inhabitants of Africa in general.

[67] His army, which was composed of various nations--This seems to have been an amplification of the adventure of Hercules with Geryon, who was a king in Spain. But all stories that make Hercule a leader of armies appear to be equally fabulous.

[68] Medes, Persians and Armenians--De Brosses thinks that these were not real Medes, etc., but that the names were derived from certain companions of Hercules. The point is not worth discussion.

[69] Our sea--The Mediterranean. See above, c. 17.

[70] More toward the Ocean--_Intra oceanum magis_. "_Intra oceanum_ is differently explained by different commentators. Cortius, Muller and Gerlach, understand the parts bounded by the ocean, lying close upon it, and stretching toward the west; while Langius thinks that the regions more remote from the Atlantic Ocean, and extending toward the east, are meant. But Langius did not consider that those who had inverted keels of vessels for cottages, could not have strayed far from the ocean, but must have settled in parts bordering upon it_. And this is what is signified by _intra oceanum_. For _intra aliquam rem_ is not always used to denote what is actually _in a thing,_ and circumscribed by its boundaries, but what approaches toward it, and reaches close to it." Kritzius. He then instances _intra modum, intra legem; Hortensii scripta intra famam sunt_, Quintil. xi. 8, 8. But the best example which he produces is Liv. xxv. 11: _Fossa ingens ducta, et vallum_, intra eam _erigitur_. Cicero, in Verr. iii. 89, has also, he notices, the same, expression, _Locus_ intra oceanum _jam nullus est--quò non nostrorum hominum libido iniquitasque pervaserit_, i. e.. _locus oceano conterminus_. Burnouf absurdly follows Langius.

[71] Numidians--_Numidas_. The same as _Nomades_, or wanderers; a term applied to pastoral nations, and which, as Kritzius observes, the Africans must have had from the Greeks, perhaps those of Sicily.

[72] More to the sun--_sub sole magis_. I have borrowed this expression from Rose. The Getulians were more southward.

[73] These soon built themselves towns--That is, the united Medes, Armenians, and Libyans.

[74] Medes--into Moors--_Mauris pro Medis_. A most improbable, not to say impossible corruption.

[75] Of the Persians--_Persarum_. That is, of the Persians and Getulians united.

[76] The two parties--_Utrique_. The older Numidians, and the younger, who had emigrated toward Carthage.

[77] Those who had spread toward our sea--for the Libyans are less warlike than the Getulians--_Magis hi, qui ad nostrum mare processerant; quia Libyes quam Gaetuli minus bellicosi_. The Persians and Getulians (under the name of Numidians), and their colonists, who were more toward the Mediterranean, and were more warlike than the Libyans (who were united with the Medes and Armenians) took from them portions of their territories by conquest. This is clearly the sense, as deducible from the preceding portion of the text.

[78] Lower Africa--_Africa pars inferior_. The part nearest to the sea. The ancients called the maritime parts of a country _the lower parts_, and the inland parts _the higher_, taking the notion, probably, from the course of the rivers. Lower Egypt was the part at the mouth of the Nile.

[79] XIX. Hippo--"It is not Hippo Regius" (now called _Bona_) "that is meant, but another Hippo, otherwise called _Diarrhytum_ or _Zarytum_, situate in Zengitana, not far from Utica. This is shown by the order in which the places are named, as has already been observed by Cortius." _Kritzius_.

[80] Leptis--There were two cities of this name. Leptis Major, now _Lebida_, lay between the two Syrtes; Leptis Minor, now _Lempta_, between the smaller Sytis and Carthage. It is the latter that is meant here, and in c. 77, 78.

[81] Next to the Catabathmos--_Ad Catabathmon_. _Ad_ means, on the side of the country toward the Catabathmos. "Catabathmon _initium_ ponens Sallustius ab eo _discedit_." Kritzius.

[82] Along the sea-coast--_Secundo mari_. "Si quis secundum mare pergat" _Wasse._

[83] Of Therseans--_Theraeon_. From the island of Thera, one of the Sporades, in the Aegean Sea, now called _Santorin_. Battus was the leader of the colony. See Herod., iv. 145; Strab., xvii. 8; Pind. Pyth., iv.

[84] Two Syrtes--See c. 78.

[85] Leptis--That is, _Leptis Major_. See above on this c.

[86] Altars of the Philaeni--see c. 79.

[87] To the south of Numidia--_Super Numidiam_. "Ultra Numidiam, meridiem versus." _Burnouf_.

[88] Had lately possessed--_Novissimè habuerant_. In the interval between the second and third Punic wars.

[89] XXI. Both armies took up, etc.--I have omitted the word _interim_ at the beginning of this sentence, as it would be worse than useless in the translation. It signifies, _during the interval before the armies came to an engagement_; but this is sufficiently expressed at the termination of the sentence.

[90] Cirta--Afterward named _Sittianorum Colonia_, from P. Sittius Nucerinus (mentioned in Cat., c. 21), who assisted Caesar in the African war, and was rewarded by him with the possession of this city and its lands. It is now called _Constantina_, from Constantine the Great, who enlarged and restored it when it had fallen into decay. Strabo describes it, xvii. 3.

[91] Twilight was beginning to appear--_Obscuro etiam tum lumine_. Before day had fairly dawned.

[92] Romans--_Togatorum_. Romans, with, perhaps, some of the allies, engaged in merchandise, or other peaceful occupations, and therefore wearing the _toga_. They are called _Italici_ in c. 26.

[93] Three young men--_Tres adolescentes_. Cortius includes these words in brackets, regarding them as the insertion of some sciolist. But a sciolist, as Burnouf observes, would hardly have thought of inserting _tres adolescentes_. The words occur in all the MSS., and are pretty well confirmed by what is said below, c. 25, that when the senate next sent a deputation, they took care to make it consist of _majores natu, nobiles_. See on _adolescens_, Cat., c. 38.

[94] XXII. Told much less than the truth--_Sed is rumor clemens erat_. "It fell below the truth, not telling the whole of the atrocity that had been committed." _Gruter._ "Priscian (xviii. 26) interprets _clemens_ 'non nimius,' alluding to this passage of Sallust." _Kritzius._ All the later commentators have adopted this interpretation, except Burnouf, who adopts the supposition of Ciacconius, that a _vague and uncertain_ rumor is meant.

[95] Right of nations--_Jure gentium._ "That is, the right of avenging himself." _Rupertus._

[96] XXIV. Pays no regard--_Neque--in animo habeat._ This letter of Adherbal's, both in matter and tone, is very similar to his speech in c. 14.

[97] I have experienced, even before--_Jam antea expertus sum._ He means, in the result of his speech to the senate.

[98] XXV. Chief of the senate--_Princeps senatûs._ "He whose name was first entered in the censors' books was called _Princeps Senatûs_, which title used to be given to the person who of those alive had been censor first (_qui primus censor, ex iis qui viverent, fuisset_), but after the year 544, to him whom the censors thought most worthy, Liv., xxvii. 13. This dignity, although it conferred no command or emolument, was esteemed the very highest, and was usually retained for life, Liv., xxxiv. 44; xxxix. 52. It is called _Principatus_; and hence afterward the Emperor was named _Princeps_, which word properly denotes rank, and not power." Adam's Rom. Antiq., p. 3.

[99] At length the evil incitements of ambition prevailed--_Vicit tamen in avido ingenio pravum consilium._ "Evil propensities gained the ascendency in his ambitious disposition."

[100] XXVI. The Italians--_Italici._ See c. 21.

[101] XXVII. By the Sempronian law--_Lege Semproniâ._ This was the _Lex Sempronia de Provinciis._ In the early ages of the republic, the provinces were decreed by the senate to the consuls after they were elected; but by this law, passed A.U.C. 631, the senate fixed on two provinces for the future consuls before their election (Cic. Pro Dom., 9; De Prov. Cons., 2), which they, after entering on their office, divided between themselves by lot or agreement. The law was passed by Caius Gracchus. See Adam's Rom. Antiq., p. 105.

[102] Publius Scipio Nasica--"The great-grandson of him who was pronounced by the senate to be _vir optimus_; and son of him who, though holding no office at the time, took part in putting to death Tiberius Gracchus. He was consul with Bestia, A.U.C. 643, and died in his consulship. Cic. Brut., 34." _Burnouf._

[103] Lucius Bestia Calpurnius--"He had been on the side of the nobility against the Gracchi, and was therefore in favor with the senate. After his consulship he was accused and condemned by the Mamilian law (c. 40), for having received money from Jugurtha, Cic. Brut. c. 34. De Brosses thinks that he was the grandfather of that Bestia who was engaged in the conspiracy of Catilina." Burnouf._

[104] XXIX. For the sake of giving confidence--_Fidei causâ._ "In order that Jugurtha might have confidence in Bestia, Sextius the quaestor was sent as a sort of hostage into one of Jugurtha's towns." _Cortius._

[105] As if by an evident majority of voices--_Quasi per saturam exquisitis sententiis._ "The opinions being taken in a confused manner," or, as we say, _in the lump_. The sense manifestly is, that there was (or was said to be) such a preponderating majority in Jugurtha's favor, that it was not necessary to ask the opinion of each individual in order. _Satura_, which some think to be always an adjective, with _lanx_ understood, though _lanx_, according to Scheller, is never found joined with it in ancient authors, was _a plate filled with various kinds of fruit, such as was annually offered to the gods._ "Lanx plena diversis frugibus in templum Cereris infertur, quae satura nomine appellatur," Acron. ad Hor. Sat., i. 1, _init_. "Lanx. referta variis multisque primitiis, sacris Cereris inferebatur," Diomed., iii. p. 483."Satura, cibi genus ex variis rebus conditum," Festus _sub voce_. See Casaubon. de Rom. Satirâ, ii. 4; Kritzius ad h. l., and Scheller's Lex. v., _Satur._ In the Pref. to Justinian's Pandects, that work is called _opus sparsim et quasi per saturam collectum, utíle cum inutilibus mixtim._

[106] To preside at the election of magistrates--_Ad magistratus rogandos._ The presiding magistrate had _to ask_ the consent of the people, saying _Velitis, jubeatis--rogo Quirites._

[107] XXX. To give in full--_Perscribere._ "To write at length." The reader might suppose, at first, that Sallust transcribed this speech from some publication; but in that case, as Burnouf observes, he would rather have said _ascribere._ Besides, the following _hujuscemodi_ shows that Sallust did not profess to give the exact words of Memmius. And the speech is throughout marked with Sallustian phraseology. "The commencement of it, there is little doubt, is imitated from Cato, of whose speech _De Lusitanis_ the following fragment is extant in Aul. Gell. xiii. 24: _Multa me dehortata sunt huc prodere, anni, aetas, vox vires, senectus._" Kritzius.

[108] XXXI. During the last fifteen years--_His annis quindecim._ "It was at this time, A.U.C. 641, twenty-two years since the death of Tiberius Gracchus, and ten since that of Caius; Sallust, or Memmius, not to appear to make too nice a computation, takes a mean." _Burnouf._ The manuscripts, however, vary; some read _fifteen_, and others _twelve_. Cortius conjectured _twenty_, as a rounder number, which Kritzius and Dietsch have inserted in their texts. _Twenty_ is also found in the Editio Victoriana, Florence, 1576.

[109] Your defenders have perished--_Perierint vestri defensores._ Tiberius and Caius Gracchus, and their adherents.

[110] Liberty of speech--_Libertatem._ Liberty of speech is evidently intended.

[111] Every civil and religions obligation--_Divina et humana omnia._ "They offended against the laws, when they took bribes from an enemy; against the honor of Rome when they did what was unworthy of it, and greatly to its injury; and against gods and men, against all divine and human obligations, when they granted to a wicked prince not only impunity, but even rewards, for his crimes." _Dietsch._

[112] Slaves purchased with money, etc.--_Servi, aere parati,_ etc. This is taken from another speech of Cato, of which a portion is preserved in Aul. Gell. x. 3: _Servi injurias nimis aegre ferunt; quid illos bono genere natos, magnâ virtute praeditos, animi habuisse atque habituros, dum vivent?_ "Slaves are apt to be too impatient of injuries; and what feelings do you think that men of good family, and of great merit, must have had, and will have as long as they live?"

[113] Public spirit--_Pietas._ Under this word are included all duties that we ought to perform to those with whom we are intimately connected, or on whom we are dependent, as our parents, our country, and the gods. I have borrowed my translation of the word from Rose.

[114] The marks of favor which proceed from you--_Beneficia vestra._ Offices of state, civil and military.

[115] A greater disgrace to lose, etc.--_Quod majus dedecus est parta amitere quam omnino non paravisse._ [Greek: Aischion de echontas aphairethaenai ae ktomenous atychaesai] Thucyd. ii. 62.

[116] These times please you less than those, etc.--_Illa quam haec tempora magis placent,_ etc. "_Those times_, which immediately succeeded the deaths of the Gracchi, and which were distinguished for the tyranny of the nobles, and the humiliation of the people; _these times_, in which the people have begun to rouse their spirit and exert their liberty." _Burnouf._

[117] Embezzlement of the public money--_Peculatus aerarii._ "Peculator, qui furtum facit pecuniae publicae." Ascon. Pedian. in Cic. Verr i.

[118] Kings--I have substituted the plural for the singular. "No name was more hated at Rome than that of a king; and no sentiment, accordingly, could have been better adapted to inflame the minds of Memmius's hearers, than that which he here utters." _Dietsch._

[119] If the crimes of the wicked are suppressed, etc.--_Si injuriae non sint, haud saepe auxilii egeas._ "Some foolishly interpret _auxilium_ as signifying _auxilium tribunicium_, the aid of the tribunes; but it is evident to me that Sallust means _aid against the injuries of bad men_, i.e. revenge or punishment." _Kritzius._ "If injuries are repressed, or prevented, there will be less need for the help of good men and it will be of less consequence if they become inactive." _Dietsch._

[120] XXXII. Lucius Cassius--This is the man from whom came the common saying _cui bono?_ "Lucius Cassius, whom the Roman people thought the most accurate and wisest of judges, was accustomed constantly to inquire, in the progress of a cause, _cui bono fuisset_, of what advantage any thing had been." Cic. pro Rosc. Am. 80. "His tribunal," says Valerius Maximus (iii. 7), "was called, from his excessive severity, the rock of the accused." It was probably on account of this quality in his character that he was now sent into Numidia.

[121] Under guarantee of the public faith--_Interpositâ fide publicâ._ See Cat.47, 48. So a little below, _fidem suam interponit. Interpono_ is "to pledge."

[121] Under guarantee of the public faith--_Interpositâ fide publicâ._ See Cat. 47, 48. So a little below, _fidem suam interponit. Interpono_ is "to pledge."

[122] XXXIII. In the garb, as much as possible, of a suppliant--_Cultu quam maximè miserabili_. "In such a garb as accused persons, or suppliants, were accustomed to adopt, when they wished to excite compassion, putting on a mean dress, and allowing their hair and beard to grow." _Burnouf._

[123] XXXIV. Enjoined the prince to hold his peace--A single tribune might, by such intervention, offer an effectual opposition to almost any proceeding. On the great power of the tribunes, see Adam's Rom. Ant., under the head "Tribunes of the People."

[124] Every other act to which anger prompts--_Aliis omnibus, qua ira fieri amat._ "These words have given rise to wonderful hallucinations; for Quintilian, ix. 3. 17, having observed that many expressions of Sallust are borrowed from the Greek, as _Vulgus amat fieri,_ all interpreters, from Cortius downward, have thought that the structure of Sallust's words must be Greek, and have taken _ira,_ in this passage, for an ablative, and _quae_ for a nominative plural. Gerlach has even gone so far as to take liberties with the words cited By Quintilian, and to correct them, please the gods, into _quae in Vulgus amat fieri._ But how could there have been such want of penetration in learned critics, such deficiency in the knowledge of the two languages, that, when the imitation of the Greek, noticed by Quintilian, has reference merely to the word [Greek: philei], _amat_, they should think of extending it to the dependence of a singular verb on a neuter plural? With truth, indeed, though with much simplicity, does Gerlach observe, that you will in vain seek for instances of this mode of expression in other writers." _Kritzius._ Dietsch agrees with Kritzius; and there will, I hope, be no further doubt that _quae_ is the accusative and _ira_ the nominative; the sense being, "which anger loves or desires to be done." Another mode of explanation has been suggested, namely, to understand _multitudo_ as the nominative case to _amat_, making _ira_ the ablative; but this method is far more cumbersome, and less in accordance with the style of Sallust. The words quoted by Quintilian do not refer, as Cortius erroneously supposes, to this passage, but to some part of Sallust's works that is now lost.

[125] XXXV. Should be disturbed--_Movere_ is the reading of Cortius; _moveri_ that of most other editors, in conformity with most of the MSS. and early editions.

[126] The times at which he resorted to particular places--_Loca atque tempora cuncta._ "All his places and times." There can be no doubt that the sense is what I have given in the text.

[127] In accordance with the law of nations, etc.--As the public faith had been pledged to Jugurtha for his security, his retinue was on the same footing as that of embassadors, the persons of whose attendants are considered as inviolable as their own, as long as they commit no offense against the laws of the country in which they are resident. If any such offense is committed by an attendant of an embassador, an application is usually made by the government to the embassador to deliver him up for trial. Bomilcar seems to have been apprehended without any application having been made to Jugurtha; as, in our own country, the Portuguese embassador's brother, who was one of his retinue, was apprehended and executed for a murder, by Oliver Cromwell. See, on this point, Grotius De Jure Bell, et Pac., xviii, 8; Vattel, iv. 9; Burlamaqui on Politic Law, part iv. ch. 15. Jugurtha, says Vattel, should have given up Bomilcar; but such was not Jugurtha's object.

[128] At the commencement of the proceedings--_In priori actione._ That is, when Bomilcar was apprehended and charged with the murder.