Chapter XVI (6)

It is now, however, known that George II. had been induced by Walpole to come into a scheme, by which Hanover, after his decease, was to be separated from England. It stands on the indisputable authority of Speaker Onslow. "A little while before Sir Robert Walpole's fall (and as a popular act to save himself, for he went very unwillingly out of his offices and power), he took me one day aside, and said, 'What will you say, speaker, if this hand of mine shall bring a message from the king to the House of Commons, declaring his consent to having any of his family, after his death, to be made, by act of parliament, incapable of inheriting and enjoying the crown, and possessing the electoral dominions at the same time?' My answer was, 'Sir, it will be as a message from heaven.' He replied, 'It will be done.' But it was not done; and I have good reason to believe, it would have been opposed, and rejected at that time, because it came from him, and by the means of those who had always been most clamorous for it; and thus perhaps the opportunity was lost: when will it come again? It was said that the prince at that juncture would have consented to it, if he could have had the credit and popularity of the measure, and that some of his friends were to have moved it in parliament, but that the design at St. James's prevented it. Notwithstanding all this, I have had some thoughts that neither court ever really intended the thing itself; but that it came on and went off, by a jealousy of each other in it, and that both were equally pleased that it did so, from an equal fondness (very natural) for their own native country." _Notes on Burnet_ (iv. 490, Oxf. edit.). This story has been told before, but not in such a manner as to preclude doubt of its authenticity.

[410] A bill was brought in for this purpose in 1712, which Swift, in his _History of the Last Four Years_, who never printed anything with his name, naturally blames. It miscarried, probably on account of this provision. _Parl. Hist._ vi. 1141. But the queen, on opening the session, in April 1713, recommended some new law to check the licentiousness of the press. _Id._ 1173. Nothing, however, was done in consequence.

[411] Bolingbroke's letter to the _Examiner_, in 1710, excited so much attention that it was answered by Lord Cowper, then chancellor, in a letter to the _Tatler_ (_Somers Tracts_, xiii. 75), where Sir Walter Scott justly observes, that the fact of two such statesmen becoming the correspondents of periodical publications shows the influence they must have acquired over the public mind.

[412] It was resolved, _nem. con._, Feb. 26th, 1729, That it is an indignity to, and a breach of the privilege of, this house, for any person to presume to give, in written or printed newspapers, any account or minutes of the debates, or other proceedings of this house or of any committee thereof; and that upon discovery of the authors, etc., this house will proceed against the offenders with the utmost severity. _Parl. Hist._ viii. 683. There are former resolutions to the same effect. The speaker having himself brought the subject under consideration some years afterwards, in 1738, the resolution was repeated in nearly the same words, but after a debate wherein, though no one undertook to defend the practice, the danger of impairing the liberty of the press was more insisted upon than would formerly have been usual; and Sir Robert Walpole took credit to himself, justly enough, for respecting it more than his predecessors. _Id._ x. 800; Coxe's _Walpole_, i. 572. Edward Cave, the well-known editor of the _Gentleman's Magazine_, and the publisher of another magazine, was brought to the bar, April 30th, 1747, for publishing the house's debates; when the former denied that he retained any person in pay to make the speeches, and after expressing his contrition was discharged on payment of fees. _Id._ xiv. 57.

[413] Malthus, _Principles of Political Economy_ (1820), p. 279.

[414] Macpherson (or Anderson), _Hist. of Commerce_; Chalmers's _Estimate of Strength of Great Britain_; Sinclair's _Hist. of Revenue_, cum multis aliis.

[415] Tindal, apud _Parl. Hist._ xiv. 66. I have read the same in other books, but know not at present where to search for the passages. Hogarth's pictures of the election are evidence to the corruption in his time, so also are some of Smollett's novels. Addison, Swift, and Pope would not have neglected to lash this vice if it had been glaring in their age; which shows that the change took place about the time I have mentioned.

[416] 9 Anne, c. 5. A bill for this purpose had passed the Commons in 1696; the city of London and several other places petitioning against it. Journals, Nov. 21, etc. The house refused to let some of these petitions be read; I suppose on the ground that they related to a matter of general policy. These towns, however, had a very fair pretext for alleging that they were interested; and in fact a rider was added to the bill, that any merchant might serve for a place where he should be himself a voter, on making oath that he was worth £5000. _Id._ Dec. 19.

[417] 33 G. II. c. 20.