Chapter I: HAVE endeavored, in the preceding part of my work, to explain and (6)

The number of telescopic stars in the Milky Way uninterrupted by any nebulae is estimated at 18 millions. In order, I will not say, to realize the greatness of this number, but, at any rate, to compare it with something analogous, I will call attention to the fact that there are not in the whole heavens more than about 8000 stars between the first and the sixth magnitudes, visible to the naked eye. The barren astonishment excited by numbers and dimensions in space, when not considered with reference to applications engaging the mental and perceptive powers of man, is awakened in both extremes of the universe, in the celestial bodies as in the minutest animalcules.*

[footnote] *Sir John Herschel, in a letter from Feldhuysen, dated Jan. 13th, 1836. Nicholl, 'Architecture of the Heavens', 1838, p. 22. (See, also, some separate notices by Sir William Herschel on the starless space which separates us by a great distance from the Milky Way, in the 'Philos. Transact.' for 1817, Part ii., p. 328.)

A cubic inch of the polishing slate of Bilin contains, according to Ehrenberg, 40,000 millions of the silicious shells of Galionellae.

The stellar Milky Way, in the region of which, according to Argelander's admirable observations, the brightest stars of the firmament appear to be congregated, is almost at right angles p 151 with another Milky Way, composed of nebulae. The former constitutes, according to Sir John Herschel's views, an annulus, that is to say, an independent zone, somewhat remote from our lenticular-shaped starry stratum, and similar to Saturn's ring. Our planetary system lies in an eccentric direction, nearer to the region of the Cross than to the diametrically opposite point, Cassiopeia.*

[footnote] *Sir John Herschel, 'Astronom.', 624; likewise in his 'Observations on Nebulae and Clusters of Stars' ('Phil. Transact.', 1833, Part ii., p. 479, fig. 25): "We have here a brother system, bearing a real physical resemblance and strong analogy of structure to our own."

An imperfectly seen nebulous spot, discovered by Messier in 1774, appeared to present a remarkable similarity to the form of our starry stratum and the divided ring of our Milky Way.*

[footnote] *Sir William Herschel, in the 'Phil. Trans.' for 1785, Part i., p. 257. Sir John Herschel, 'Astron.', 616. ("The 'nebulous' region of the heavens forms 'a nebulous Milky Way', composed of distinct nebulae, as the other of stars." The same observation was made in a letter he addressed to me in March, 1829.)

The Milky Way composed of nebulae does not belong to our starry stratum, but surrounds it at a great distance without being physically connected with it, passing almost in the form of a large cross through the dense nebulae of Virgo, especially in the northern wing, through Comae Berenicis, Ursa Major, Andromeda's girdle, and Pisces Boreales. It probably intersects the stellar Milky Way in Cassiopeia, and connects its dreary poles (rendered starless from the attractive forces by which stellar bodies are made to agglomerate into groups) in the least dense portion of the starry stratum.

We see from these considerations that our starry cluster, which bears traces in its projecting branches of having been subject in the course of time to various metamorphoses, and evinces a tendency to dissolve and separate, owing to secondary centers of attraction -- is surrounded by two rings, one of which, the nebulous zone, is very remote, while the other is nearer, and composed of stars alone. The latter, which we generally term the Milky Way, is composed of nebulous stars, averaging from the tenth to the eleventh degree of magnitude,* but appearing, when considered individually, of very different magnitudes, while isolated starry clusters (starry swarms) almost always exhibit throughout a character of great uniformity in magnitude and brilliancy.

[footnote] *Sir John Herschel, 'Astron.', 585.

In whatever part the vault of heaven has been pierced by powerful and far-penetrating telescopic instruments, stars or luminous nebulae are every where discoverable, the former, in p 152 some cases, not exceeding the twentieth or twenty-fourth degree of telescopic magnitude. A portion of the nebulous vapor would probably be found resolvable into stars by more powerful optical instruments. As the retina retains a less vivid impression of separate than of infinitely near luminous points, less strongly marked photometric relations are excited in the latter case, as Arago has recently shown.*

[footnote] *Arago, in the 'Annuaire', 1842, p. 282-285, 409-411, and 439-442.

The definite or amorphous cosmical vapor so universally diffused, and which generates heat through condensation, probably modifies the transparency of the universal atmosphere, and diminishes that uniform intensity of light which, according to Halley and Olbers, should arise, if every point throughout the depths of space were filled by an infinite series of stars.*

[footnote] *Olbers, on the transparency of celestial space, in Bode's 'Jahrb.', 1826, s. 110-121.

The assumption of such a distribution in space is, however, at variance with observation, which shows us large starless regions of space, 'openings' in the heavens, as William Herschel terms them -- one, four degrees in width, in Scorpio, and another in Serpentarius. In the vicinity of both, near their margin, we find unresolvable nebulae, of which that on the western edge of the opening Scorpio is one of the most richly thronged of the clusters of small stars by which the firmament is adorned. Herschel ascribes these openings or starless regions to the attractive and agglomerative forcesof the marginal groups.*

[footnote] *"An opening in the heavens," William Herschel, in the 'Phil. Trans.' for 1785, vol. lxxv., Part i., p. 256. Le Francais Lalande, in the 'Connaiss. des Tems pour l'An.' VIII., p. 383. Arago, in the 'Annuaire', 1842, p. 425.

"They are parts of our starry stratum," says he, with his usual graceful animation of style, "that have experienced great devastation from time." If we picture to ourselves the telescopic stars lying behind one another as a starry canopy spread over the vault of heaven, these starless regions in Scorpio and Serpentarius may, I think, be regarded as tubes through which we may look into the remotest depths of space. Other stars may certainly lie in those parts where the strata forming the canopy are interrupted, but these are unattainable by our instruments. The aspect of fiery meteors had led the ancients likewise to the idea of clefts or openings ('chasmata') in the vault of heaven. These openings were, however, only regarded as transient, while the reason of their being luminous and fiery, instead of obscure, was supposed to be owing to the p 153 translucent illuminated ether which lay beyond them.*

[footnote] *Aristot., 'Meteor.', ii.,, 5, 1. Seneca, 'Natur. Quaest.', i., 14, 2. "Coelum discessisse," in Cic., 'de Divin.', i., 43.

Derham, and even Huygens, did not appear disinclined to explain in a similar manner the mild radiance of the nebulae.*

[footnote] *Arago, in the 'Annuaire', 1842, p. 429.

When we compare the stars of the first magnitude, which, on an average, are certainly the nearest to us, with the non-nebulous telescopic stars, and further, when we compare the nebulous stars with unresolvable nebulae, for instance, with the nebula in Andromeda, or even with the so-called planetary nebulous vapor, a fact is made manifest to us by the consideration of the varying distances and the boundlessness of space, which shows the world of phenomena, and that which constitutes its causal reality, to be dependent upon the 'propagation of light'. The velocity of this propagation is according to Struve's most recent investigations, 166,072 geographical miles in a second, consequently almost a million of times greater than the velocity of sound. According to the measurements of Maclear, Bessel, and Struve, of the parallaxes and distances of three fixed stars of very unequal magnitudes ('a' Centauri, 16 Cygni, and 'a' Lyrae), a ray of light requires respectively 3, 9 1/4, and 12 years to reach us from these three bodies. In the short but memorable period between 1572 and 1604, from the time of Cornelius Gemma and Tycho Brahe to that of Kepler, three new stars suddenly appeared in Cassiopeia and Cygnus, and in the foot of Serpentarius. A similar phenomenon exhibited itself at intervals in 1670, in the constellation Vulpis. In recent times, even since 1837, Sir John Herschel has observed, at the Cape of Good Hope, the brilliant star [Greek symbol] in Argo increase in splendor from the second to the first magnitude.*

[footnote] *In December, 1837, Sir John Herschel saw the star [Greek symbol] Argo, which till that time appeared as of the second magnitude, and liable to no change, rapidly increase till it became of the first magnitude. In January, 1838, the intensity of its light was equal to that of 'a' Centauri. According to our latest information, Maclear in March, 1843, found it as bright as Canopus; and even 'a' Crucis looked faint by [Greek symbol] Argo.

These events in the universe belong, however, with reference to their historical reality, to other periods of time than those in which the phenomena of light are first revealed to the inhabitants of the Earth: they reach us like the voices of the past. It has been truly said, that with our large and powerful telescopic instruments we penetrate alike through the boundaries of time and space: we measure the former through the latter, for in the course of an p 154 hour a ray of light traverses over a space of 592 millions of miles. While according to the theogony of Hesiod, the dimensions of the universe were supposed to be expressed by the time occupied by bodies in falling to the ground ("the brazen anvil was not more than nine days and nine nights in falling from heaven to earth"), the elder Herschel was of opinion* that light required almost two millions of years to pass to the Earth from the remotest luminous vapor reached by his forty-foot reflector.

[footnote] *"Hence it follows that the rays of light of the remotest nebulae must have been almost two millions of years on their way, and that consequently, so many years ago, this object must already have had an existence in the sidereal heaven, in order to send out those rays by which we now perceive it." William Herschel, in the 'Phil. Trans.' for 1802, p. 498. John Herschel, 'Astron.', 590. Arago, in the 'Annuaire', 1842, p. 334, 359, and 382-385.

Much, therefore, has vanished long before it is rendered visible to us -- much that we see was once differently arranged from what it now appears. The aspect of the starry heavens presents us with the spectacle of that which is only apparently simultaneous, and however much we may endeavor, by the aid of optical instruments, to bring the mildly-radiant vapor of nebulous masses or the faintly-glimmering starry clusters nearer, and diminish the thousands of years interposed between us and them, that serve as a criterion of their distance, it still remains more than probable, from the knowledge we possess of the velocity of the transmission of luminous rays, that the light of remote heavenly bodies presents us with the most ancient perceptible evidence of the existence of matter. It is thus that the reflective mind of man is led from simple premises to rise to those exalted heights of nature, where in the light-illumined realms of space, "myriads of worlds are bursting into life like the grass of the night."*

[fotnote] *From my brother's beautiful sonnet "Freiheit und Gesetz." (Wilhelm von Humboldt, 'Gesammelte Werke', bd. iv., s. 358, No. 25.)

From the regions of celestial forms, the domain of Uranus, we will now descend to the more contracted sphere of terrestrial forces -- to the interior of the Earth itself. A mysterious chain links together both classes of phenomena. According to the ancient signification of the Titanic myth,* the powers of organic life, that is to say, the great order of nature, depend upon the combined action of heaven and earth.

[footnote] *Otfried Muller, 'Prolegomena', s. 373.

If we suppose that the Earth, like all the other planets, primordially belonged, according to its origin, to the central body, the Sun, and to the solar atmosphere that has been separated into nebulous p 155 rings, the same connection with this continguous Sun, as well as with all the remote suns that shine in the firmament, is still revealed through the phenomena of light and radiating heat. The difference in the degree of these actions must not lead the physicist, in his delineation of nature, to forget the connection and the common empire of similar forces in the universe. A small fraction of telluric heat is derived from the regions of universal space in which our planetary system is moving, whose temperature (which according to Fourier, is almost equal to our mean icy polar heat) is the result of the combined radiation of all the stars. The causes that more powerfully excite the light of the Sun in the atmosphere and in the upper strata of our air, that give rise to heat-engendering electric and magnetic currents, and awaken and genially vivify the vital spark in organic structures on the earth's surface, must be reserved for the subject of our future consideration.

As we purpose for the present to confine ourselves exclusively within the telluric sphere of nature, it will be expedient to cast a preliminary glance over the relations in space of solids and fluids, the form of the Earth, its mean density, and the partial distribution of this density in the interior of our planet, its temperature and its electro-magnetic tension. From the consideration of these relations in space, and of the forces inherent in matter, we shall pass to the reaction of the interior on the exterior of our globe; and to the special consideration of a universally distributed natural power -- subterranean heat; to the phenomena of earthquakes, exhibited in unequally expanded circles of commotion, which are not referable to the action of dynamic laws alone; to the springing forth of hot wells; and, lastly, to the more powerful actions of volcanic processes. The crust of the Earth, which may scarcely have been perceptibly elevated by the sudden and repeated, or almost uninterrupted shocks by which it has been moved from below, undergoes, nevertheless, great changes in the course of centuries in the relations of the elevation of solid portions, when compared with the surface of the liquid parts, and even in the form of the bottom of the sea. In this manner simultaneous temporary or permanent fissures are opened, by which the interior of the Earth is brought in contact with the external atmosphere. Molten masses, rising from an unknown depth, flow in narrow streams along the declivity of mountains, rushing impetuously onward, or moving slowly and gently, until the fiery source is quenched in the midst of exhalations, and the lava becomes incrusted, as it were, by p 156 the solidification of its outer surface. New masses of rocks are thus formed before our eyes, while the older ones are in their turn converted into other forms by the greater or lesser agency of Platonic forces. Even where no disruption takes place the crystalline moleculres are displaced, combining to form bodies of denser texture. The water presents structures of a totally different nature, as, for instance, concretions of animal and vegetable remains, of earthy, calcareous, or aluminous precipitates, agglomerations of finely-pulverized mineral bodies, covered with layers of the silicious shields of infusoria, and with transported soils containing the bones of fossil animal forms of a more ancient world. The study of the strata which are so differently formed and arranged before our eyes, and of all that has been so variously dislocated, conforted, and upheaved, by mutual compression and volcanic force, leads the reflective observer, by simple analogies, to draw a comparison between the present and an age that has long passed. It is by a combination of actual phenomena, by an ideal enlargement of relations in space, and of the amount of active forces, that we are able to advance into the long sought and indefinitely anticipated domain of geognosy, which has only within the last half century been based on the solid foundation of scientific deduction.

It has been acutely remarked, "that notwithstanding our continual employment of large telescopes, we are less acquainted with the exterior than with the interior of other planets, excepting, perhaps, our own satellite." They have been weighed, and their volume measured; and their mass and density are becoming known with constantly-increasing exactness; thanks to the progress made in astronomical observation and calculation. Their physical character is, however, hidden in obscurity, for it is only in our own globe that we can be brought in immediate contact with all the elements of organic and inorganic creation. The diversity of the most heterogenous substances, their admixtures and metamorphoses, and the ever-changing play of the forces called into action, afford to the human mind both nourishment and enjoyment, and open an immeasurable field of observation, from which the intellectual activity of man derives a great portion of its grandeur and power. The world of perceptive phenomena is reflected in the depths of the ideal world, and the richness of nature and the mass of all that admits of classification gradually become the objects of inductive reasoning.

I would here allude to the advantage, of which I have already p 157 spoken, possessed by that portion of physical science whose origin is familiar to us, and is connected with our earthly existence. The physical description of celestial bodies from the remotely-glimmering nebulae with their suns, to the central body of our own system, is limited, as we have seen, to general conceptions of the volume and quantity of matter. No manifestation of vital activity is there presented to our senses. It is only from analogies, frequently from purely ideal combinations, that we hazard conjectures on the specific elements of matter, or on their various modifications in the different planetary bodies. But the physical knowledge of the heterogeneous nature of matter, its chemical differences, the regular forms in which its molecules combine together, whether in crystals or granules; its relations to the deflected or decomposed waves of light by which it is penetrated; to radiating, transmitted, or polarized heat; and to the brilliant or invisible, but not, on that account, less active phenomena of electro-magnetism -- all this inexhaustible treasure, by which the enjoyment of the contemplation of nature is so much heightened, is dependent on the surface of the planet which we inhabit, and more on its solid than on its liquid parts. I have already remarked how greatly the study of natural objects and forces, and the infinite diversity of the sources they open for our consideration, strengthen the mental activity, and call into action every manifestation of intellectual progress. These relations require, however, as little comment as that concatenation of causes by which particular nations are permitted to enjoy a superiority over others in the exercise of a material power derived from their command of a portion of these elementary forces of nature.

If, on the one hand, it were necessary to indicate the difference existing between the nature of our knowledge of the Earth and of that of the celestial regions and their contents, I am no less desirous, on the other hand, to draw attention to the limited boundaries of that portion of spacefrom which we derive all our knowledge of the heterogeneous character of matter. This has been somewhat inappropriately termed the Earth's crust; it includes the strata most contiguous to the upper surface of our planet, and which have been laid open before us by deep fissure-like valleys, or by the labors of man, in the bores and shafts formed by miners. These labors* do not extend beyond a vertical depth of somewhat more than 2000 feet (about one third of a geographical mile) below the p 159 level of the sea, and consequently only about 1/9800th of the Earth's radius.

[footnote] *In speaking of the greatest depths within the Earth reached by human labor, we must recollect that there is a difference between the 'absolute depth' (that is to say, the depth below the Earth's surface at that point) and the 'relative depth' (or that beneath the level of the sea). The greatest relative depth that man has hitherto reached is probably the bore at the new salt-works at Minden, in Prussia: in June, 1814, it was exactly 1993 feet, the absolute depth being 2231 feet. The temperature of the water at the bottom was 98 degrees F., which assuming the mean temperature of the air at 49.3 degrees gives an augmentation of temperature of 1 degree for every 54 feet. The absolute depth of the Artesian well of Grenelle, near Paris, is only 1795 feet. According to the account of the missionary Imbert, the fire-springs, "Ho-tsing." of the Chinese, which are sunk to obtain [carbureted] hydrogen gas for salt-boiling, far exceed our Artesian springs in depth. In the Chinese province of Szu-tschuan these fire-springs are very commonly of the depth of more than 2000 feet; indeed, at Tseu-lieu-tsing (the place of continual flow) there is a Ho-tsing which, in the year 1812, was found to be 3197 feet deep. (Humboldt, 'Asie Centrale', t. ii., p. 521 and 525. 'Annales de l'Association de la Propagation de la Foi', 1829, No. 16, p. 369.)

[footnote continues] The relative depth reached at Mount Massi, in Tuscany, south of Volterra, amounts, according to Matteuci, to only 1253 feet. The boring at the new salt-works near Minden is probably of about the same relative depth as the coal-mine at Apendale, near Newcastle-under-Lyme, in Staffordshire, where men work 725 yards below the surface of the earth. (Thomas Smith, 'Miner's Guide', 1836, p. 160.) Unfortunately, I do not know the exact height of its mouth above the level of the sea. The relative depth of the Monk-wearmouth mine, near Newcastle, is only 1496 feet. (Phillips, in the 'Philos. Mag.', vol. v., 1834, p. 446.) That of the Liege coal-mine, 'l'Esperance' at Seraing, is, according to M. Gernaert, Ingenieur des Mines, 1223 feet in depth. The works of greatest absolute depth that have ever been formed are for the most part situated in such elevated plains or valleys that they either do not descend so low as the level of the sea, or at most reach very little below it. Thus the Eselchacht, at Kuttenberg, in Bohemia, a mine which can not now be worked, had the enormous absolute depth of 3778 feet. (Fr. A. Schmidt, 'Berggestze der oter Mon.', abth. i., bd. i., s. xxxii.) Also, at St. Daniel and at Geish, on the Rorerbubel, in the 'Landgericht' (or provincial district) of Kitzbuhl, there were, in the sixteenth century, excavations of 3107 feet. The plans of the works of the Rorerbubel are still preserved. (See Joseph von Sperges, 'Tyroler Bergwerksgeschichte', s. 121. Compare, also, Humboldt, 'Gutachten uber √∫erantreibung des Meissner Stollens in die Freiberger Erzrevier', printed in Herder, 'uber Herantreibung des Meissner Stollens in die Freiberger Erzrevier', printed in Herder, 'uber den jetz begonnenen Erbstollen', 1838, s. cxxiv.) We may presume that the knowledge of the extraordinary depth of the Rorerbuhel reached England at an early period, for I find it remarked in Gilbert, 'de Magnete', that men have penetrated 2400 or even 3000 feet into the crust of the Earth. ("Exigua videtur terrae portio, quae unquam hominibus spectanda emerget aut eruitur; cum profundinus in ejus viscera, ultra efflorescentis extremitatis corruptelam, aut propter aquas in magnis fodin, tanquam per venas scaturientesaut propter seris salubrioris ad vitam operariorum sustinendam necessarii defectum, aut propter ingentex sumptus ad tantos labores exantlandos, multasque difficultates, ad profundiores terrz' partes penetrre non possumus; adeo ut quadrigentas aut [quod rarissime] quingentas orgyas in quibusdam metallis descendisse, stupendus omnibus videatur connatus." -- Guilielmi Gilberti, Colcestrensis, 'de Magnete Physiologia nova'. Lond., 1600, p. 40.)

[footnote continues] The absolute depth of the mines in the Saxon Erzgebirge, near Freiburg, are: in the Thurmhofer mines, 1944 feet; in the Honenbirker mines, 1827 feet; the relative depths are only 677 and 277 feet, if, in order to calculate the elevation of the mine's mouth above the level of the sea, we regard the elevation of Freiburg as determined by Reich's recent observations to be 1269 feet. The absolute depth of the celebrated mine of Joachimsthal, in Bohemia (Verkreuzung des Jung Hauer Zechen-und Andreasganges), is full 2120 feet; so that, as Von Dechen's measurements show that its surface is about 2388 feet above the level of the sea, it follows that the excavations have not as yet reached that point. In the Harz, the Samson mine at Andreasberg has an absolute depth of 2197 feet. In what was formerly Spanish America, I know of no mine deeper than the Valenciana, near Guanaxuato (Mexico), where I found the absolute depth of the Planes de San Bernardo to be 1686 feet; but these planes are 5960 feet above the level of the sea. If we compare the depth of the old Kuttenberger mine (a depth greater than the height of our Brocken, and only 200 feet less than that of Vesuvius) with the loftiest structures that the hands of man have erected (with the Pyramid of Cheops and with the Cathedral of Strasburg), we find that they stand in the ratio of eight to one. In this note I have collected all the certain information I could find regarding the greatest absolute and relative depths of mines and borings. In descending eastward from Jerusalem toward the Dead Sea, a view presents itself to the eye, which, according to our present hypsometrical knowledge of the surface of our planet, is unrivaled in any country; as we approach the open ravine through which the Jordan takes its course, we tread, with the open sky above us, on rocks which, according to the barometric measurements of Berton and Russegger are 1385 feet below the level of the Mediterranean. (Humboldt, 'Asie Centrale', th. ii., p. 323.)

The crystalline masses that have been erupted from active volcanoes, and are generally similar to the rocks on the upper surface, have come from depths which, although not accurately determined, must certainly be sixty times greater than those to which human labor has been enabled to penetrate. We are able to give in numbers the depth of the shaft where the strata of coal, after penetrating a certain way, rise again at a distance that admits of being accurately defined by measurements. These dips show that the carboniferous strata, together with the fossil organic remains which they contain, must lie, as, for instance, in Belgium, more than five or six thousand feet* below the present level p 160 of the sea, and that the calcareous and the curved strata of the Devonian basin penetrate twice that depth.

[footnote] *Basin-shaped curved strata, which dip and reappear at measureable distances, although their deepest portions are beyond the reach of the miner, afford sensible evidence of the nature of the earth's crust at great depths below its surface. Testimony of this kind possesses, consequently, a great geognostic interest. I am indebted to that excellent geognosist, Von Dechen, for the following observations. "The depth of the coal basin of Liege, at Mont St. Gilles, which I, in conjunction with our friend Von Oeynhausen, have ascertained to be 3890 feet below the surface, extends 3464 feet below the surface of the sea, for the absolute height of Mont St. Gilles certainly does not much exceed 400 feet; the coal basin of Mons is fully 1865 feet deeper. But all these depths are trifling compared with those which are presented by the coal strata of Saar-Revier (Saarbrucken). I have found after repeated examinations, that the lowest coal stratum which is known in the neighborhood of Duttweiler, near Bettingen, northeast of Saarlouis, must descend to depths of 20,682 and 22,015 feet (or 3.6 geographical miles) below the level of the sea." This result exceeds, by more than 8000 feet, the assumption made in the text regarding the basin of the Devonian strata. This coal-field is therefore sunk as far below the surface of the sea as Chimborazo is elevated above it -- at a depth at which the Earth's temperature must be as high as 435ºdegrees F. Hence, from the highest pinnacles of the Himalaya to the lowest basins containing the vegetation of an earlier world, there is a vertical distance of about 48,000 feet, or of the 435th part of the Earth's radius.

If we compare these subterranean basins with the summits of montains that have hitherto been considered as the most elevated portions of the raised crust of the Earth, we obtain a distance of 37,000 feet (about seven miles), that is, about the 1/524th of the Earth's radius. These, therefore, would be the limits of vertical depth and of the superposition of mineral strata to which geognostical inquiry could penetrate, even if the general elevation of the upper surface of the earth were equal to the height of the Dhawalagigi in the Himalaya, or of the Sorata in Bolivia. All that lies at a greater depth below the level of the sea than the shafts or the basins of which I have spoken, the limits to which man's labors have penetrated, or than the depths to which the sea has in some few instances been sounded (Sir James Ross was unable to find bottom with 27,600 feet of line), is as much unknown to us as the interior of the other planets of our solar system. We only know the mass of the whole Earth and its mean density by comparing it with the open strata, which alone are accessible to us. In the interior of the Earth, where all knowledge of its chemical and mineralogical character fails, we are again limited to as pure conjecture, as in the remotest bodies that revolve round the Sun. We can determine nothing with certainty regarding the depth at which the geological strata must be supposed to be in state of softening or of liquid fusion, of the cavities occupied by elastic vapor, of the condition of fluids when heated under an enormous pressure, or of the law of the increase p 161 of density from the upper surface to the center of the Earth.

The consideration of the increase of heat with the increase of depth toward the interior of our planet, and of the reaction of the interior on the external crust, leads us to the long series of volcanic phenomena. These elastic forces are manifested in earthquakes, eruptions of gas, hot wells, mud volcanoes and lava currents from craters of eruption and even in producing alterations in the level of the sea.*

[footnote] * [See Daubeney 'On Volcanoes', 2d edit., 3848, p. 539, etc., on the so called 'mud volcanoes', and the reasons advanced in favor of adopting the term "salses" to designate these phenomena.] -- Tr.

Large plains and variously indented continents are raised or sunk, lands are separated from seas, and the ocean itself, which is permeated by hot and cold currents, coagulates at both poles, converting water into dense masses of rock, which are either stratified and fixed, or broken up into floating banks. The boundaries of sea and land, of fluids and solids, are thus variously and frequently changed. Plains have undergone oscillatory movements, being alternately elevated and depressed. After the elevation of continents, mountain chains were raised upon long fissures, mostly parallel, and in that case, probably cotemporaneous; and salt lakes and inland seas, long inhabited by the same creatures, were forcibly separated, the fossil remains of shells and zoophytes still giving evidence of their original connection. Thus, in following phenomena in their mutual dependence, we are led from the consideration of the forces acting in the interior of the Earth to those which cause eruptions on its surface, and by the pressure of elastic vapors give rise to burning streams of lava that flow from open fissures.

The same powers that raised the chains of the Andes and the Hiimalaya to the regions of perpetual snow, have occasioned new compositions and new textures in the rocky masses, and have altered the strata which had been previously deposited from fluids impregnated with organic substances. We here trace the series of formations, divided and superposed according to their age, and depending upon the changes of configuration of the surface, the dynamic relations of upheaving forces, and the chemical action of vapors issuing from the fissures.

The form and distribution of continents, that is to say, of that solid portion of the Earth's surface which is suited to the luxurious development of vegetable life, are associated by intimate connection and reciprocal action with the encircling p 162 sea in which organic life is almost entirely limited to the animal world. The liquid element is again covered by the atmosphere, an aërial ocean in which the mountain chains and high plains of the dry land rise like shoals, occasioning a variety of currents and changes of temperature, collecting vapor from the region of clouds, and distributing life and motion by the action of the streams of water which flow from their declivities.

While the geography of plants and animals depends on these intricate relations of the distribution of sea and land, the configuration of the surface, and the direction of isothermal lines (or zones of equal mean annual heat), we find that the case is totally different when we consider the human race -- the last and noblest subject in a physical description of the globe. The characteristic differences in races, and their relative numerical distribution over the Earth's surface, are conditions affected not by natural relations alone, but at the same time and specially, by the progress of civilization, and by moral and intellectual cultivation on which depends the political superiority that distinguishes national progress. Some few races, clinging, as it were, to the soil, are supplanted and ruined by the dangerous vicinity of others more civilized than themselves, until scarce a trace of their existence remains. Other races, again, not the strongest in numbers, traverse the liquid element, and thus become the first to acquire, although late, a geographical knowledge of at least the maritime lands of the whole surface of our globe, from pole to pole.

I have thus, before we enter on the individual characters of that portion of the delineation of nature which includes the sphere of telluric phenomena, shown generally in what manner the consideration of the form of the Earth and the incessant action of electro-magnetism and subterranean heat may enable us to embrace in one view the relations of horizontal expansion and elevation on the Earth's surface, the geognostic type of formations, the domain of the ocean (of the liquid portions of the Earth), the atmosphere with its meteorological processes, the geographical distribution of plants and animals, and, finally, the physical gradations of the human race, which is, exclusively and every where, susceptible of intellectual culture. This unity of contemplation presupposes a connection of phenomena according to their internal combination. A mere tabular arrangement of these facts would not fulfill the object I have proposed to myself, and would not satisfy that requirement for cosmical presentation awakened in me by the p 163 aspect of nature in my journeyings by sea and land, by the careful study of forms and forces, and by a vivid impression of the unity of nature in the midst of the most varied portions of the Earth. In the rapid advance of all branches of physical science, much that is deficient in this attempt will, perhaps, at no remote period, be corrected and rendered more perfect, for it belongs to the history of the development of knowledge that portions which have long stood isolated become gradually connected, and subject to higher laws. I only indicate the empirical path in which I and many others of similar pursuits with myself are advancing, full of expectation that, as Plato tells us Socrates once desired, "Nature may be interpreted by reason alone."*

[footnote] *Plato, 'Phaedo', p. 97. (Arist., 'Metaph.', p. 985.) compare Hegel, 'Philosophie der Geschichte', 1840, s. 16.

The delineation of the principal characteristics of telluric phenomena must begin with the form of our planet and its relations in space. Here too, we may say that it is not only the mineralogical character of rocks, whether they are crystalline, granular, or densely fossiliferous, but the geometrical form of the Earth itself, which indicates the mode of its origin, and is, in fact, its history. An elliptical spheroid of revolution gives evidence of having once been a soft or fluid mass. Thus the Earth's compression constitutes one of the most ancient geognostic events, as every attentive reader of the book of nature can easily discern; and an analogous fact is presented in the case of the Moon, the perpetual direction of whose axes toward the Earth, that is to say, the increased accumulation of matter on that half of the Moon which is turned toward us, determines the relations of the periods of rotation and revolution, and is probably contemporaneous with the earliest epoch in the formative history of this satellite. The mathematical figure of the Earth is that which it would have were its surface covered entirely by water in a state of rest; and it is this assumed form to which all geodesical measurements of degrees refer. This mathematical surface is different from that true physical surface which is affected by all the accidents and inequalities of the solid parts.*

[footnote] *Bessel, 'Allgemeine Betrachtungen uber Gradmessungen nach astronomisch-geodätischen Arbeiten', at the conclusion of Bessel and Baeyer, 'Gradmessung in Ostpreussen', s. 427. Regarding the accumulation of matter on the side of the Moon turned toward us (a subject noticed in an earlier part of the text), see Laplace, 'Expos. du Syst. du Monde', p. 308.

The whole figure of the Earth is determined when we know the amount of the p 164 compression at the poles and the equatorial diameter; in order, however, to obtain a perfect representation of its form it is necessary to have measurements in two directions, perpendicular to one another.

Eleven measurements of degrees (or determinations of the curvature of the Earth's surface in different parts), of which nine only belong to the present century, have made us acquainted with the size of our globe, which Pliny names "a point in the immeasurable universe."*

[footnote] *Plin., ii., 68. Seneca, 'Nat. Quaest., Praef., c. ii. "El mundo espoco" (the Earth is small and narrow), writes Columbus from Jamaica to Queen Isabella on the 7th of July, 1503: not because he entertained the philosophic views of the aforesaid Romans, but because it appeared advantageous to him to maintain that the journey from Spain was not long, if, as he observes, "we seek the east from the west." Compare my 'Examen Crit. de l'Hist. de la Geogr. du 15 me Siecle', t.i., p. 83, and t. ii., p. 327, where I have shown that the opinion maintained by Delisle, Freret, and Gosselin, that the excessive differences in the statements regarding the Earth's circumference, found in the writings of the Greeks, are only apparent, and dependent on different values being attached to the stadia, was put forward as early as 1495 by Jaime Ferrer, in a proposition regarding the determination of the line of demarkation of the papal dominions.

If these measurements do not always accord in the curvatures of different meridians under the same degree of latitude, this very circumstance speaks in favor of the exactness of the instruments and the methods employed, and of the accuracy and the fidelity to nature of these partial results. The conclusion to be drawn from the increase of forces of attraction (in the direction from the equator to the poles) with respect to the figure of a planet is dependent on the distribution of density in its interior. Newton, from theoretical principles, and perhaps likewise prompted by Cassini's discovery, previously to 1666, of the compression of Jupiter,* determined, in his immortal work, 'Philosophiae Naturalis Principia', that the compression of the Earth, as a homogeneous mass, was 1/230th.

[footnote] *Brewster, 'Life of Sir Isaac Newton', 1831, p. 162. "The discovery of the spheroidal form of Jupiter by Cassini had probably directed the attention of Newton to the determination of its cause, and consequently, to the investigation of the true figure of the Earth." Although Cassini did not announce the amount of the compression of Jupiter (1/15th) till 1691 ('Anciens Memoires de l'Acad. des Sciences', t. ii., p. 108), yet we know from Lalande ('Astron.', 3me ed., t. iii., p. 335) that Moraldi possessed some printed sheets of a Latin work, "On the Spots of the Planets," commenced by Cassini, from which it was obvious that he was aware of the compression of Jupiter before the year 1666, and therefore at least twenty-one years before the publication of Newton's 'Principia'.

Actual mesurements, p 165 made by the aid of new and more perfect analysis, have, however, shown that the compression of the poles of the terrestrial spheroid, when the density of the strata is regarded as increasing toward the center, is very nearly 1/300th.

Three methods have been employed to investigate the curvature of the Earth's surface, viz., measurements of degrees, oscillations of the pendulum, and observations of the inequalities in the Moon's orbit. The first is a direct geometrical and astronomical method, while in the other two we determine from accurately observed movements the amount of the forces which occasion those movements, and from these forces we arrive at the cause from whence they have originated, viz., the compression of our terrestrial spheroid. In this part of my delineation of nature, contrary to my usual practice, I have instanced methods because their accuracy affords a striking illustration of the intimate connection existing among the forms and forces of natural phenomena, and also because their application has given occasion to improvements in the exactness of instruments (as those employed in the measurements of space) in optical and chronological observations; to greater perfection in the fundamental branches of astronomy and mechanics in respect to lunar motion and to the resistance experienced by the oscillations of the pendulum; and to the discovery of new and hitherto untrodden paths of analysis. With the exception of the investigations of the parallax of stars, which led to the discovery of aberration and nutation, the history of science presents no problem in which the object attained -- the knowledge of the compression and of the irregular form of our planet -- is so far exceeded in importance by the incidental gain which has accrued, through a long and weary course of investigation, in the general furtherance and improvement of the mathematical and astronomical sciences. The comparison of eleven measurements of degrees (in which are included three extra-European, namely, the old Peruvian and two East Indian) gives, according to the most strictly theoretical requirements allowed for by Bessel,* a compression p 166 of 1/299th.

[footnote] *According to Bessel's examination of ten measurements of degrees, in which the error discovered by Poissant in the calculation of the French measurements is taken into consideration (Schumacher, 'Astron. Nachr.', 1841, No. 438, s. 116), the semi-axis major of the elliptical spheroid of revolution to which the irregular figure of the Earth most closely approximates is 3,272,077.14 toises, or 20,924,774 feet; the semi-axis minor, 3,261,159,83 toises, or 20,854,821 feet; and the amount of compression or eccentricity 1/299.152d; the length of a mean degree of the meridian, 57,013.109 toises, or 364,596 feet, with an error of + 2.8403 toises, or 18.16 feet, whence the length of a geographical mile is 3807.23 toises, or 6086.7 feet. Previous combinations of measurements of degrees varied between 1/302d and 1/297th; thus Walbeck ('De Forma of Magnitudine telluris in demensis arcubus Meridiani definiendis', 1819) gives 1/30278th: Ed. Schmidt ('Lehrbuch der Mathem. und Phys. Geographie', 1829, s. 5) gives 1/20742d, as the mean of seven measures. Respecting the influence of great differences of longitude on the polar compression, see 'Bibliotheque Universelle', t. xxxiii., p. 181, and t. xxxv., p. 50: likewise 'Connaissance des Tems', 1829, p. 290. From the lunar inequalities alone, Laplace ('Exposition du Syst. du Monde', p. 229) found it, by the older tables of Burg, to be 1/3245th; and subsequently, from the lunar observations of Burckhardt and Bouvard, he fixed it at 1/299.1th ('Mecanique Celeste', t. v., p. 13 and 43).

In accordance with this, the polar radius is 10,938 toises (69,944 feet), or about 11 1/2 miles, shorter than the equatorial radius of our terrestrial spheroid. The excess at the equator in consequence of the curvature of the upper surface of the globe amounts, consequently, in the direction of gravitation, to somewhat more than 4 3/7th times the height of Mont Blanc, or only 2 1/2 times the probable height of the summit of the Chawalagiri, in the Himalaya chain. The lunar inequalities (perturbation in the moon's latitude and longitude) give according to the last investigations of Laplace, almost the same result for the ellipticity as the measurements of degrees, viz., 1/299th. The results yielded by the oscillation of the pendulum give, on the whole, a much greater amount of compression, viz., 1/288th.*

[footnote] *The oscillations of the pendulum give 1/288.7th as the general result of Sabine's great expedition (1822 and 1823, from the equator to 80 degrees north latitude); according to Freycinet, 1/286.2d, exclusive of the experiments instituted at the Isle of France, Guam, and Mowi (Mawi); according to Forster, 1/289.5th; according to Duperrey, 1/266.4th; and according to Lutke ('Partie Nautique', 1836, p. 232), 1/270th, calculated from eleven stations. On the other hand, Mathieu ('Connais. des Temps', 1816, p. 330) fixed the amount at 1/298.2d, from observations made between Formentera and Dunkirk; and Biot, at 1/304th, from observations between Formentera and the island of Ust. Compare Baily, 'Report on Pendulum Experiments', in the 'Memoirs of the Royal Astronomical Society', vol. vii., p. 96; also Borenius, in the 'Bulletin de l'Acad. de St. Petersbourg', 1843, t. i., p. 25. The first proposal to apply the length of the pendulum as a standard of measure, and to establish the third part of the seconds pendulum (then supposed to be every where of equal length) as a 'pes horarius', or general measure, that might be recovered at any age and by all nations, is to be found in Huygens's 'Horologium Oscillatorium', 1673, Prop. 25. A similar wish was afterward publicly expressed, in 1742, on a monument erected at the equator by Bouguer, La Condamine, and Godin. On the beautiful marble tablet which exists, as yet uninjured, in the old Jesuits' College at Quito, I have myself read the inscription, 'Penduli simplicis aequinoctialis unius minuti secundi archetypus, mensurae naturalis exemplar, utinam universalis!' From an observation made by La Condamine, in his 'Journal du Voyage a l'Equateur', 1751, p. 163, regarding parts of the inscription that were not filled up, and a slight difference between Bonguer and himself respecting the numbers, I was led to expect that I should find considerable discrepancies between the marble tablet and the inscription as it had been described in Paris; but, after a careful comparison, I merely found two "ex arca graduum plusquam trium," and the date of 1745 instead of 1742. The latter circumstance is singular, because La Condamine returned to Europe in November, 1744, Bouguer in June of the same year, and Godin had left South America in July, 1744. The most necessary and useful amendment to the numbers on this inscription would have been the astronomical longitude of Quito. (Humboldt, 'Recueil d'Observ. Astron.', t. ii., p. 319-354.) Nouet's latitudes, engraved on Egyptian monuments, offer a more recent example of the danger presented by the grave perpetuation of false or careless results.

Galileo, who first observed when a boy (having, probably, suffered his thoughts to wander from the service) that the height of the vaulted roof of a church might be measured by the time of the vibration of the chandeliers suspended at different altitudes, could hardly have anticipated that the pendulum would one day be carried from pole to pole, in order to determine the form of the Earth, or, rather, that the unequal density of the strata of the Earth affects the length of the seconds pendulum by means of intricate forces of local attraction, which are, however, almost regular in large tracts of land. These geognostic relations of an instrument intended for the measurement of time -- this property of the pendulum, by which, like a sounding line, it searches unknown depths, and reveals in volcanic islands,* or in the declivity of elevated continental mountain chains,** dense masses of basalt and melaphyre instead of cavities, render it difficult, notwithstanding the admirable simplicity of the method, to arrive at any great result regarding the figure of the Earth from observation of the oscillations of the pendulum.

[footnote] *Respecting the augmented intensity of the attraction of gravitation in volcanic islands (St. Helena, Ualan, Fernando de Noronha, Isle of France, Guam, Mowe, and Galapagos), Rawak (Lutke, p. 240) being an exception, probably in consequence of its proximity to the highland of New Guinea, see Mathieu, in Delambre, 'Hist. de l'Astronomie, au 18me Siecle', p. 701.

[footnote] **Numerous observations also show great irregularities in the length of the pendulum in the midst of continents, and which are ascribed to local attractions. (Delambre, 'Mesure de la Meridienne', t. iii., p. 548; Biot, in the 'Mem. de l'Academie des Sciences', t. viii., 1829, p. 18 and 23.) In passing over the South of France and Lombardy from west to east, we find the minimum intensity of gravitation at Bordeaux; from thence it increases rapidly as we advance eastward, through Figeac, Clermont-Ferrand, Milan, and Padua; and in the last town we find that the intensity has attained its maximum. The influence of the southern declivities of the Alps is not merely t on the general size of their mass, but (much more), in the opinion of Elie de Beaumont ('Rech. sur les Revol. de la Surface du Globe', 1830, p. 729), on the rocks of melaphyre and serpentine, which have elevated the chain. On the declivity of Ararat, which with Caucasus may be said to lie in the center of gravity of the old continent formed by Europe, Asia, and Africa, the very exact pendulum experiments of Fedorow give indications, not of subterranean cavities, but of dense volcanic masses. (Parrot, 'Reise zum Ararat', bd. ii., s. 143.) In the geodesic operations of Carlini and Plana, in Lombardy, differences ranging from 20" to 47".8 have been found between direct observations of latitude and the results of these operations. (See the instances of Andrate and Mondovi, and those of Milan and Padua, in the 'Operations Geodes. et Astron. pour la Mesure d'un Arc du Parallele Moyen', t. ii., p. 347; 'Effemeridi Astron. di Milano', 1842, p. 57.) The latitude of Milan, deduced from that of Berne, according to the , is 45ºdegrees 27' 52", while, according to direct astronomical observations, it is 45 degrees 27' 35". As the perturbations extend in the plain of Lombardy to Parma, which is far south of the Po (Plana, 'Operat. Geod.', t. ii., p. 847), it is probable that there are deflecting causes 'concealed beneath the soil of the plain itself'. Struve has made similar experiments [with corresponding results] in the most level parts of eastern Europe. (Schumacher, 'Astron. Nachrichten', 1830, No. 164, s. 399.) Regarding the influence of dense masses supposed to lie at a small depth, equal to the mean height of the Alps, see the analytical expressions given by Hossard and Rozet, in the 'Comptes Rendus', t. xviii., 1844, p. 292, and compare them with Poisson, 'Traite de Mecanique' (2me ed., t. i., p. 482. The earliest observations on the influence which different kinds of rocks exercise on the vibration of the pendulum are those of Thomas Young, in the 'Philos. Transactions' for 1819, p. 70-96. In drawing conclusions regarding the Earth's curvature from the length of the pendulum, we ought not to overlook the possibility that its crust may have undergone a process of hardening previously to metallic and dense basaltic masses having penetrated from great depths, through open clefts, and approached near the surface.

In the astronomical part of the determination of degrees of latitude, mountain chains, or the denser strata of the Earth, likewise exercise, although in a less degree, an unfavorable influence on the measurement.

As the form of the Earth exerts a powerful influence on the motions of other cosmical bodies, and especially on that of its own neighboring satellite, a more perfect knowledge of the motion of the latter will enable us reciprocally to draw an inference regarding the figure of the Earth. Thus, as Laplace ably remarks,* "An astronomer, without leaving his observatory, may, by a comparison of lunar theory with true observations, not only be enabled to determine the form and size of the Earth, but also its distance from the Sun and Moon -- results that otherwise could only be arrived at by long and arduous expeditions to the most remote parts of both hemispheres."

[footnote] *Laplace, 'Expos. du Syst. du Monde', p. 231.

p 169 The compression which may be inferred from lunar inequalities affords an advantage not yielded by individual measurements of degrees or experiments with the pendulum, since it gives a mean amount which is referable to the whole planet. The comparison of the Earth's compression with the velocity of rotation shows, further, the increase of density from the strata from the surface toward the center -- an increase which a comparison of the ratios of the axes of Jupiter and Saturn with their times of rotation likewise shows to exist in these two large planets. Thus the knowledge of the external form of planetary bodies leads us to draw conclusions regarding their internal character.