Chapter IV: Section I (2)

153 “Khalavunni,” or Halabunni, is the Helbon of the Bible (Ezek. xxvii.
18), now Helbon, north of Damascus, and five miles north of the
middle of the pass. It must have been an important city because of
the term “King.” It was noted for wine, not only in Ezekiel’s time,
but, as Strabo mentions, the kings of Persia brought wine from
Chalybon.

154 “Gizza” is perhaps the important town Jezzin, in the Lebanon,
southwest of Kamid, unless it be Jizeh, in Bashan, between Edrei and
Bozrah.

155 “Saddu” is perhaps Nebi Shit, south of Baalbek, or possibly, though
less probably, Sh’ait, south of Kamid, on the southwest slope of
Hermon.

156 “Cumidi,” or Kamid, was important as a central station between
Damascus and the coast cities of Sidon and Beirut.

157 Or, perhaps, “hard-pressed.”

158 “Mikhiza,” perhaps the same as Maguzi, written by another scribe—the
modern Mekseh, as given above. “Maguzi” might be otherwise
transliterated as “Mukhzi.”

159 “Tubakhi” is the Tabukhai of the “Travels of an Egyptian” in the
reign of Rameses II (Chabas, p. 313), mentioned with Kadesh on
Orontes, and is the Tibhath of the Bible (1 Chron. xviii. 8),
otherwise Berothai. It may perhaps be the present Kefr Dubbeh, west
of Baalbek, and south of Kadesh, while Berothai is thought to be the
present Brithen (see 2 Sam. viii. 8), a few miles south of Baalbek.
The letter shows Aziru in league with the Hittites. David conquered
these cities from the King of Damascus.

160 Dr. Sayce calls this “the fields of Bashan”; probably, when taken
with the next letters, we may place the site at Zora, in Bashan, now
Ezra. De Rougé and Mariette showed that Thothmes III conquered
Bashan.

161 “Gubbu” is perhaps Jubbata, on the south side of Hermon, near the
places mentioned in the next letter.

162 Yankhamu, an Egyptian commander, appears in these letters in all
parts of the country, from the extreme south to the north, and in
Phœnicia as well as in Bashan. His name does not seem to be Semitic.

163 This letter does not say who the enemies were or in which direction
they advanced. Perhaps “Bikhisi” may be regarded as the present
“’Abbaseh” (by inversion of the guttural), which is fifteen miles
southwest of Damascus, near the main road to the town of Jabesh,
whence the letter comes.

164 The word “rabizi,” which is here made equivalent to “zukini,” gives
great difficulty. In Hebrew the root means “to rest,” and the word
is still applied in Palestine to resting of flocks. “Zukini”
appears, as Dr. Bezold points out, to be the same as the Phœnician
word “Soken” (which has exactly the required letters); but the
meaning of this also is doubtful. Renan translates it either
“inhabitant” or “senator.” The word occurs in the Bible (1 Kings i.
2, 4; Ezek. xxviii. 14), with the meaning also doubtful, but the
root means “to cherish.” Perhaps “friends” suits best the various
recurrences.

165 This word seems to mean “glory of the sun,” the Egyptian
“Khu-en-Aten.” The explanation throws light on a difficult passage
in a letter from Elishah (B. M. 5). If “Khu-en-Aten” (Amenophis IV)
is intended, he may have been commander while still only a prince,
since the events seem to belong to the reign of Amenophis III.

166 “Astarti” seems here to be Ashtoreth Carnaim, the present “Tell
Ashterah.”

167 “Udumu,” now Dameh, the Dametha of Maccabean times.

168 “Aduri”—Edrei in Bashan, now Edhr’a.

169 “Araru”—’Ar’ar, nine miles southeast of Ashtoreth.

170 “Meispa”—Ramath-Mizpah of Basnan, now Remtheh.

171 “Macdalim,” probably Mejdel Shems, east of Banias.

172 “Khini”—Hineh, south of Hermon, near the last.

173 “Zaar”—Zora of Bashan, now Ezra.

174 “Yabisi”—Yabis, a few miles northwest of the last.

175 The Egyptians would cross the Jordan near Megiddo, and come from the
southwest to oppose an enemy on the north and east, and reach
’Abbâseh, on the north, later than Yabis.

176 Saskhi is probably S’as’a, east of Banias, and northwest of Yabis.

177 Lupackhallu, a non-Semitic Hittite name. As a Mongol word, “the very
swift.”

178 Zitatna was King of Accho—a somewhat similar name; but probably the
King of Arvad is meant, as appears later.

179 This letter belongs to a late period in the war, since Ullaza has
been taken. It is given here as referring to the land of Ham. It may
very well have been written after Ribadda, the King of Gebal, left
the city (see 71 B.).

180 “Ammia,” mentioned again, appears to be Amyun south of Simyra.

181 “Ardata” is Ardi, near the last.

182 Kefr Khullis, north of Gebal, agrees with the required position for
Ullaza, which is mentioned often.

183 Nariba is Nereb, on the Euphrates, in the Hittite country.

184 An Egyptian name; perhaps to be compared with “han” (“kind”) in
Egyptian. An envoy of this name was sent to Dusratta, King of
Armenia, by Amenophis III, as an “interpreter” (21 B.).

185 Perhaps the Hittite King of Kadesh, or some other city.

186 Or perhaps “oil.”

187 Dodo in the Bible (1 Chron. xi. 12), from the same root as “David.”
He was not really Aziru’s father, but apparently a friend in Egypt.

188 “Beiti beitac” is still a polite phrase of welcome in Palestine.

189 The text is clear, but the epigram is not. He appears to mean the
King of Egypt when speaking of his gods, as also a few lines lower.

190 Meaning the King of Egypt.

191 “Khai” is also an Egyptian name, meaning “distinguished” in that
language. He is perhaps the “Khaia” of another letter by Ribadda (57
B.). It would seem that his embassy to Aziru had occurred between
the first and second visits of the envoy Khanni.

192 Mer’ash was in the west of the Hittite country, seventy-five miles
northwest of Tunep. The distance fits well, since thirty-seven and
one-half miles may be considered a forced march.

193 We cannot rely on Aziru’s protestations. If Khatib was a Hittite
King, it is certain that both were intriguing against Egypt.

194 Probably the pass in the valley of the ’Afrin River, near Kyrrhus,
twenty miles north of Tunip, is meant, being on the direct road to
Mer’ash.

195 “Abuca” (“your father”) might be understood in the sense in which it
is used every day in the East, where abûc means, “God curse your
father!”

196 Ni was to the east of Aziru’s country near Tunip.

197 “Khat-ib” may mean “Hittite hero.” The name of the Hittites means
probably “the confederates”; and the sign used on Hittite monuments
for the nation seems to be that which represents two allies facing
each other.

198 Abdasherah, as Dr. Sayce points out, means the servant of the
goddess Asherah (“the grove” of the Bible), and this is rendered
certain by the sign for Deity prefixed in one instance. It has no
connection with the name of Ashtoreth.

199 An Egyptian name, “Pa-Khemt” or “Pa-Khent,” meaning “very strong”
(see B. M. 24, Pakhamnata). It appears from Ribadda’s letter that
the station of this Paka was Simyra, and apparently the Amorites
killed him later on.

200 The word “Gur” is used in these letters as in the Bible, and, like
the Arab “Jâr,” to mean a man of one tribe or race protected by a
powerful tribe or person of another country.

201 In each case “gate” might be rendered “port,” as both of the cities
had famous ports.

202 The word “Khazanu,” commonly used in these letters for a ruling
class, apparently native, and in communication with the “Paka,” or
“head man,” who was Egyptian, appears to come from a root which
means “to treasure.” The word “Khazanutu” appears to mean “a
government.”

203 “Canaan” in these letters, as on the Phœnician coins and in the
Bible, is used in its strict sense as a geographical term for the
“lowlands” of Phœnicia and Philistia.

204 “Pisyari” appears to be a Hittite name, like the “Pisiris” of an
Assyrian inscription (Schrader), being the Mongol “bisir” (“rich”),
with the indefinite nominative in s, which marks the Hittite as a
non-Semitic tongue. The other names are also apparently non-Semitic,
and may refer to Hittites.

205 “Pabahaa” is perhaps the “Papaa,” conquered by Thothmes III (Karnak
List, No. 296), which was somewhere in North Syria, not far from
Tunip. The wickedness of this chief is said to have caused the war.

206 Gutium, mentioned in Assyrian texts, was a country on the northeast,
near the Caucasus. It has been compared with the word “Goim,” for
“Gentiles,” in Hebrew. Perhaps “Jebel Judi” (“Ararat”) is intended,
being Dusratta’s country allied to Egypt.

207 Probably ’Arkah, a well-known Phœnician city north of Tripoli, but
south of Simyra (Gen. x. 17). Aziru killed its king (91 B.).

208 “Yapaaddu” (“Adonis is beautiful”) is often mentioned again. He (see
61 B.) fell into the hands of Aziru, and seems to have been a king
of one of the cities near Simyra, apparently Sigata. This letter was
probably written about the time of the siege of Tyre, at a late
period in the war.

209 Ugariti is mentioned in a letter from Tyre (B. M. 30) in a
connection which shows that it was the present Akrith, between Tyre
and Accho.

210 “Sigata” appears to be Shakkah, north of the great pass of Shakkah
(Theouprosopon), where the King of Gebal was defeated by Aziru.

211 “Ambi” is now ’Aba, immediately east of Shakkah.

212 Simyra was on the low hills above the sea-plains, by the river
Eleutherus.

213 The last words explain how the letter got to Egypt.

214 These ships of the men of Misi are mentioned by Ribadda as failing
in an attempt to assist him. We may, perhaps, understand Egyptian
ships, and compare the Egyptian name “Mesti” applied to part of the
Delta.

215 From Dusratta’s great Hittite letter (27 B.) it appears that the
King of the Minyans, whose country was called Mitani, west of Lake
Van, in Armenia, claimed to be King of all the Hittites; and this is
what appears to be here intended. In other letters he is mentioned
among the invaders.

216 Arada, a city mentioned again as assisting Aziru with ships, appears
to be Aradus, the Arvad of the Bible, now Er Rûad, the island town
north of Simyra.

217 “Gula” is perhaps the town of Jûneh, north of Beirût, on the way to
Gebal.

218 “Ammiya” is Amyun, north of Gebal; and “Ardata” is Ardi near the
preceding.

219 Arpad is the city close to Tennib, which is mentioned in the Bible
in several passages (2 Kings xvii. 34; xix. 13; Isa. x. 9; Jer.
xlix. 23, etc.), now Tell Erfûd. It is remarkable that Aleppo is not
mentioned in this correspondence, for it is referred to in Egyptian
texts.

220 “Ribadda” (as the name is spelled in some of the letters in
syllables) may mean “child of Adonis.” Compare the Chaldee “Ribah”
for “girl,” in the feminine. That “Adda” was Adonis seems to be
derivable from the name “Adoram” (2 Sam. xx. 20), otherwise Adoniram
(1 Kings iv. 6).

221 “Gebal,” now “Jubeil,” was apparently the chief city of Phœnicia.
Its goddess Baalath is mentioned in the famous inscription of
Yehumelec (about 800 B.C.), found in the ruins of Gebal. She is also
mentioned in the “Travels of an Egyptian” (Chabas, p. 312).

222 Hamath was half-way from Aziru’s country to that of Ribadda.

223 A name very like Jeremiah.

224 “Mitana,” the later Matiene, Dusratta, its king, claimed to rule the
Hittites. The Amorites joined this league.

225 The region called “Casi” in the inscription of Usurtasen I (Brugsch,
“Hist.,” i., p. 139) was in Upper Egypt, and the Cush of the Bible
is apparently intended—a very vague term for the southern deserts
from the Euphrates to Nubia. There were, however, Cushites also in
Babylonia. In the present case the Cassites who lived on the
Euphrates, east of the Hittites, and who were Mongols, are probably
intended.

226 Literally “boys.” It seems often in these letters to be used as the
word “weled” (“a boy”) is still used in Syria to mean “a fellow,”
applied often to very old men.

227 This letter shows that the war lasted several years, over which the
Gebal letters (written by three or four different scribes) extend;
that the attack on Sidon preceded the taking of Gebal; and that
Ribadda was not deceived by Amorite promises, knowing their
co-operation with their Mongol allies of Armenia and the Hittite
country.

228 The letter in question may have been the proclamation against Aziru
given above.

229 “Milukha,” or Meroe, in Assyrian inscriptions means, according to
Dr. Brugsch, Nubia.

230 This perhaps refers to Khanni’s proclamation already given, and to
the Khai who had been sent at an earlier period to Aziru. The rebels
are named in the proclamation of the later embassy, which we thus
see to have had no effect. An envoy without a military force behind
him usually fails.

231 Durubli is probably the city which the Greeks called Tripoli, the
largest town between Simyra and Gebal. There is a village called
Turbul, on the northeast of Tripoli (Trâblus).

232 “Kau Pa-ur,” Egyptian words in the plural. “Kau” signifies “men,”
and “Pa-ur” (as in the letter from Jerusalem, B. 103) means “very
important.”

233 Probably the “Pakhanata” (97 B.) who was the “Paka,” or chief, of
whom Abdasherah speaks in the letter about the town of Ullaza, near
Gebal. He seems to have been the resident in Simyra (B. 80).

234 “Abur” is perhaps Beit-Abura, in the valley north of the great pass
Theouprosopon, between Gebal and Tripoli. The enemy had not as yet
forced the pass.

235 The second sign is doubtful, and the place does not suggest
identification (see 60 B.).

236 This agrees with the Jerusalem letters, as showing that the troops
had been withdrawn to Egypt. Amenophis sent commissioners and
summoned native levies, but does not appear to have been able to
send Egyptian forces.

237 The name “Saarti” perhaps survives in that of the Sha’arah district
of Lebanon, immediately south of Simyra, and near Yapaaddu’s town of
Sigata (Shakkah).

238 In Assyria we find the “measure of Istar.”

239 The Berbers are mentioned in Egyptian texts as inhabitants of Upper
Egypt.

240 “Khaia,” now in Egypt, had no doubt already become known to Ribadda
as an envoy.

241 A god Sausbe is mentioned in Dusratta’s Hittite letter.

242 Sigata (Shakkah) was just outside the great pass between Batrûn and
Tripoli.

243 Ambi (’Aba) was close to the last.

244 Only—rari is left, which Dr. Bezold thinks refers to Amenophis IV;
but it is doubtful if this letter can be placed so late.

245 “Kappa” is Keffa. The plain of Keffa is close to Amyun, north of the
great pass of Theouprosopon (Shakkah). Amyun follows at once.

246 “Batruna” is the well-known town Batrûn, the “Botrys” of classical
writers, which lies south of the wild pass of Râs Shakkah, where
apparently one of the battles of the war occurred (22 B. M.). When
the pass was taken, Batrûn seems still to have held out with Gebal,
being no doubt provisioned by sea.

247 “Kalbi” is Kelbata, in the heart of the great pass. I visited all
these places in 1881.

248 In this case the modern name “Akka” is nearer to the spelling of
these letters than is the Hebrew. This is the case with Shiloh and
other important towns, showing the Canaanite extraction of the
modern peasantry in Palestine. The Hebrews hardly ever renamed
towns, and the nomenclature preserves the ancient Canaanite forms
found in the lists of Thothmes III a century earlier than these
letters. Many towns were named from Canaanite and Philistine gods
(Shamash, Dagon, etc.), and the forms of the names in the Karnak
lists are Aramaic, and not Hebrew.

249 “Patzil” I understand to be equivalent to the Arabic “Fadl,” meaning
to do pleasure or honor to a person.

250 The Amorite chief had more than one son, as is clear in some cases.
Benmabenat (or Bumabuat) was Aziru’s brother.

251 Perhaps the name survives in that of the river Kadisha, near
Tripoli.

252 Ardata (Ardi), Ambi (’Aba), and Sigata (Shakkah) were north of the
pass; Yahlia, representing I’al, rather farther north than the
others.

253 Ullaza (Kefr Khullis) was close to Batrûn, on the south.

254 “Caphar Yazu,” or Alu-yazu, seems to be Kefr Yashit, near the
others.

255 Perhaps “Takheda” of another letter (58 B.).

256 See letter 71 B. The sign has the meaning “oracle,” “prophet.” No
doubt Ribadda had his diviners, like the kings of Assyria in later
times.

257 No. 53 B. is another short letter, much injured, which mentions
Batrûn; and in this a town called “Sina” is apparently noticed,
which, if the broken tablet can be so read, would be “Kefr Zina.” In
54 B. a city “Zina” occurs, but seems to be a clerical error for
“Sidon.” The land of Mitana is also mentioned in 53 B.

258 Neboyapiza had his own difficulties, as appears from his letters (96
B., 142 B., 43 B. M.).

259 Zimridi of Sidon is mentioned as a fugitive, while Gebal still held
out. Aziru marched from (ina) Gebal, no doubt, to attack the south.
In later ages the shore cities often held out while invaders from
the North marched on Egypt.

260 Amanabba was not really his father; it is a title of courtesy. His
father was Rabzabi (81 B., 82 B.), and Amanappa is an Egyptian name.
A certain captain Amenemhib has left an account of his services in
North Syria, at Aleppo, Carchemish, Kadesh, and at Ni, where he
hunted elephants; but this is supposed to have been a century
earlier. The site of Ni is settled by these letters and by the
Karnak lists as being in Mesopotamia, and there is a picture of an
elephant among the Asiatic spoils of Thothmes III. It is very
curious to find elephants so far west in Asia at this period.

261 Probably “outside” means north of the pass, and Ribadda made the
serious military mistake of defending his pass from outside instead
of inside.

262 This would seem to have been about the time of the proclamation
against Aziru, or rather earlier.

263 “Sapi” is probably the famous fortress Safita, northwest of Simyra.

264 The reinforcements were expected by sea, no doubt in the ships of
the Misi, or Delta men, the soldiers being Nubians from near Tell
Amarna, which was 180 miles south of Memphis.

265 Or Zabanba. Perhaps this is the Subandi, who writes letters from an
unknown town.

266 King of Beirût (B. M. 26, 27).

267 This translation is confirmed by the independent letter of Ribadda’s
friend Ammunira (B. M. 36).

268 Egada is no doubt the land of Ikatai mentioned in the “Travels of an
Egyptian” (Chabas, p. 312); it there occurs with Aleppo and the
country of the Hittites. In the letter of the Hittite Prince of
Rezeph (north of Palmyra) we hear of his country as Egait (B. 10).
Rezeph was not far south of Tiphsah, on the Euphrates, and southeast
of Aleppo. Bikhuru is, however, mentioned (18 B. M.) in connection
with the town of Cumidi.

269 I misread this name at first. The Amorite chief seems to have had
five sons including Aziru and (p. 224) Ben-mabenat (or Bumabula).

270 The paragraphs are marked off in many of the letters by the word
“sacunu” (“pause”).

271 “Taratzi” may perhaps be Tarsus. Baal Tarzi is the legend on
Phœnician coins of that city. Its king naturally would have a common
border with Abdasherah on the north, if his fortresses (or land)
were outside the northern Lebanon, which was the Amorite country,
and he was therefore regarded as a possible ally.

272 Comparing the letters from Beirût and Sidon (27 B. M., 90 B.) it
will be seen that the city whose freemen were on the side of Aziru
was Sidon.

273 If Ukri be the right reading, the town of ’Akkar in Lebanon, east of
Tripoli, would be probable. It gives its name to the district of
Jebel ’Akkâr, and is at the source of the river ’Akkår, which agrees
with the mention of the “waters.”

274 “Maar”(ah) is probably the Mearah of the Bible (Josh. xiii. 4), now
“el Mogheiriyeh,” six miles northeast of Sidon. This conquest may
have just preceded the fall of Sidon.

275 Gebal and Batrûn are ten miles apart. Ribadda’s kingdom had extended
at least twenty miles along the coast; and if Beirût and Tripoli
were not independent, his land would have reached much farther—to
Simyra and Sidon.

276 This letter shows very clearly that the taking of Sidon preceded the
fall of Byblos (Gebal).

277 From 75 B. it seems that Amanabba had been sent to Gebal (probably
in consequence of the former letters from Ribadda), but it seems he
fled again.

278 In later times the small mina of Palestine was £8 6s. 8d., and the
large was £16 13s. 4d. (see Conder’s “Handbook to the Bible,” p.
81). This represents, therefore, at least £500 or perhaps £1,000;
but in this early age the value of money was probably higher.

279 Ribadda has said (63 B.) that his sons fell into the power of the
enemy when in ships. He also sends a list of property to Egypt (85
B.). Probably when these ships were sent his father went to Egypt,
whence he wrote (82 B.), and a copy was sent to the King. There is
one other letter in the collection, which was written from Egypt, by
Amenophis III to the King of Babylon (B. M. 1), which seems to be a
copy, unless in both cases the letters were not sent. (See
Appendix.)

280 Gebal was celebrated for its papyrus. It grew in the river Adonis,
close to the city. The enemy were now closing in.

281 The salutations in the last letters are very curt as compared with
the earlier ones.

282 The King of Babylon refused to help the Canaanites in the reign of
Amenophis III.

283 The younger brother was not the one left in charge.

284 “Buruzizi” probably Beit Ziza, east of Batrûn, in the range which
runs out to the great pass of Ras Shakkah. Batrûn was perhaps still
holding out, and the town was a refuge high up in the wild
mountains. “Buru” means “well”; and “Beit” “house” of Ziza.

285 As regards the final outcome of these wars in the north we obtain
light from the letters of Dusratta, King of Mitani. He was a younger
man than Amenophis III, and his sister married the said King of
Egypt. His daughter Tadukhipa married Amenophis IV, and there were
friendly relations with Egypt in the latter as well as in the former
reign. In his Hittite letter (27 B.) Dusratta speaks of the
boundaries of a region which seems to have been conceded to him as
his daughter’s wedding-gift. He calls himself “Great Chief of the
Hittites,” and the border was to run to Harran, Chalcis (south of
Aleppo), and the “Phœnician West.” Thus Dusratta, who says in
another letter (apparently his first) that he has conquered the
Hittites, would seem to have swallowed up the Hittite King of
Mer’ash and part, if not the whole, of Aziru’s country; and the
Mongol populations were thus to be ruled from Armenia, which was
much nearer than Egypt. What became of the King of Kadesh these
letters do not say; but he was independent in later times, when Seti
I went up “to conquer the city of Kadesh in the land of the
Amorites” (Brugsch, Hist., ii. p. 15), and Kadesh was taken by
Rameses II, the successor of Seti I, after which a commercial treaty
was made with Kheta Sar, the King of Kadesh, whose daughter Rameses
II married. There was thus, perhaps, Hittite blood in the veins of
the Pharaohs of the nineteenth dynasty. In the treaty papyrus (see
Chabas’ “Voyage,” p. 336), it is mentioned that the same terms—of
equality—had existed in the time of the writer’s father and
grandfather that were claimed of Rameses II, and that war had
occurred later. This seems to show that Kadesh was independent
shortly after the time of the rebellion detailed in the Tell Amarna
letters. The relations with the Hittites were still friendly in the
reign of Rameses III, when the Aryan hordes from Asia Minor overran
the Hittite country, and came down even to Egypt. In David’s time,
the border between his kingdom and those of the Hittites and
Phœnicians was drawn from Hermon to Danjaan, south of Tyre (2 Sam.
xxiv. 6), and Solomon married Hittite princesses. The Hittite
independence was only finally destroyed about 700 B.C. by the
Assyrians.

286 The mulberry is still found in large gardens at Beirût and
throughout the Lebanon. Since Justinian’s time it has been the food
of silkworms.

287 This repetition may perhaps be regarded as only a phonetic
explanation of the preceding ideograms; but perhaps the words were
added to show with certainty that by the terms God and Sun he meant
the King of Egypt.

288 The name “Abimelech” at Tyre is interesting. It occurs as the name
of a Phœnician king in the time of Assurbanipal (885-860 B.C.). The
chief deity of Tyre was Moloch, or Melkarth; and the name means “my
father is Moloch,” claiming a divine descent. The son of Gideon and
certain Philistine kings are so named in the Bible.

289 Huzu is probably the modern el Ghazîyeh, near Sidon. It is at the
foot of the hills, and there is a stream (Nahr ez Zahrâny, “flowery
river”) four miles to the south, which accounts for the notice of
the waters. It seems clearly to have been in the direction of Sidon.

290 “Belu amil neru,” literally “a lord, a chief man of the yoke (or
government).”

291 See the letters from Hazor after those from Tyre. This petty monarch
was an enemy to the southern possessions of the King of Tyre.

292 The site of Zarbitu is probably the Sarepta, or Zarephah, of the
Bible (1 Kings xvii. 9, etc.), which is now Sarafand, half way
between Tyre and Sidon. The decision was therefore just; but though
apparently satisfied Abimelec did not get what he asked in the
preceding letter—if that demand was really the earlier one. There is
a fine fountain (’Ain el Kantarah, “spring of the arch”) to the
north of Sarepta, and the region generally is well watered. The town
was famous in the Byzantine age for wine.

293 “Danuna” is probably the Danjaan of the Bible, now the ruin Dâniân,
four miles north of Achzib, and on the border between Tyre and Accho
(see 2 Sam. xxiv. 6).

294 “Hugarit” is probably ’Akrîth, eight miles east of Danjaan. It has
been mentioned as taken by Aziru, in Yapaaddu’s letter (128 B.).
Perhaps the attack was from the east; and the King of Hazor seems to
have joined the Hittites (see 99 B.).

295 Edagama has been mentioned as “Aidugama” in Akizzi’s letter from
Katna, which was east of Neboyapiza’s city Cumidi (Kamid). See B. M.
37.

296 In the former letters (B. M. 31, B. 99) Abimelec has spoken of the
Paka as distinct from himself. Perhaps the Egyptian residents
withdrew when the troops were withdrawn.

297 Irib is probably ’Arab Salim, fourteen miles southeast of Sidon, on
the highest part of the mountains. It stands on a precipice 400 feet
above the gorge of the Zahrany River (Robinson, “Later Bib. Res.,”
p. 47), and was a stronghold.

298 Aziru’s allies from Arvad no doubt attacked Tyre by sea.

299 Dr. Bezold has remarked that want of water was always the weakness
of Tyre. In the reign of Rameses II the Egyptian traveller (Chabas,
p. 313) speaks of water sent to the island of Tyre in boats. Tyre is
called by him the city of “two ports,” one being on the north,
called the Sidonian, and one on the south, called the Egyptian.

300 This letter agrees with others preceding. Neboyapiza’s town Kamid,
in Lebanon, was about sixty miles to the northeast of Accho, and
Ziza was perhaps his sister or daughter, married to the king of an
adjoining kingdom. The soldiers to be sent to Megiddo would obtain
news, perhaps, of his fate, from a force on its way to Yabis, in
Bashan, which his enemies reached after taking Damascus. Makdani is
probably the Megiddo of the Bible, on the way to Bashan, at the
great ruin of Mujedd’a, near Beisân. The situation agrees with that
of the city of Makta, or Megiddo, mentioned by the Egyptian
traveller near the Jordan fords (Chabas, p. 207). The Magid— of the
previous passage is probably another spelling of the same name. The
lady seems to have intended to go there with a guard, and perhaps to
obtain a detachment to go to Kamid. In the lists of Thothmes III,
Megiddo (Makdi) stands second, after Kadesh of the Hittites; and it
was at Megiddo that the chief victory of Thothmes was won. It was
then already a fortress which stood a siege, and was the key to the
road from Accho to Damascus. The form “Makdani” is explained by the
Megiddo of Zechariah (xii. II); and this final “n” is represented by
the guttural “’Ain” of the modern Arabic “Mujedd’a.” There is no
reason at all for placing the site at Legio, west of the plain of
Esdraelon, a site which does not agree with any monumental notice,
or with the Biblical accounts (see “Memoirs of the Survey of Western
Palestine,” vol. ii.).

301 There were several Hazors in the north of Palestine. Perhaps the
most likely site is the Hazor of the Egyptian traveller. It is
mentioned as on a mountain (Chabas, p. 313), between Aksap (Achzib,
north of Accho) and the Sea of Galilee. This might be the Hazor
which Joshua took (Josh. xi. 1) from Jabin, which was above the
Hûleh. The name only remains, west of the probable site, in the
Arabic “Jebel Hadireh,” a high mountain of Upper Galilee. The King
of Hazor’s name is unfortunately not quite clear in the text, but
seems to be either Abdebaenu, or more probably Iebaenu (Jabin).
There was another Jabin of Hazor later on in history (Judges iv. 2).
It was no doubt a family name.

302 The nearest places to Hebron seem to have been Nezeb in the valley
of Elah, easily reached by a broad, flat road, and on the south
Kanana (Kana’an), a fortress taken by Seti I, which is only two
miles southwest of Hebron. This was (if the identification be
accepted) the limit of conquest (see Brugsch, “Hist.,” vol. ii., p.
13), when Seti (about 1366 B.C.) conquered the Beersheba plains,
advancing by Rehoboth and Bethlebaoth. The land of Zahi was south of
Hebron, and famous for its wine and trees (Brugsch, vol. i., p.
330), Hebron still possessing fine vineyards. But the Amorites of
Hebron were never apparently disturbed by the chariots, and appear
in these letters as marauders of Egyptian stations. There is no
mention of any advance of the Egyptians into Moab, though Seir and
Edom are noticed very early, when the Sinaitic copper-mines were
being worked, and before chariots came into use. In the time of the
twelfth and thirteenth dynasties, however, the political conditions
in Syria were different. The Akkadian King Kudea—a Mongol—was ruling
in 2500 B.C. in North Syria, and sent for granite to Sinai. At this
time also, according to the Bible, there were Hittites in Hebron,
who had been driven to the north by Ahmes about 1700 B.C. So that
the population in 1500 B.C. seems to have been entirely Semitic.

303 Gulata is an interesting name to find in the south, as it may have
some connection with that of Goliah.

304 The sign of deity is attached to this name, showing that Dagon, the
Philistine god, is intended; and it appears to mean “Thou, Dagon,
art a shield.” Compare Yamirdagan (B. 136).

305 The word “Khazanu” is here used of an Egyptian official, but with
the qualification “chief Ka” introducing the Egyptian word. This
agrees with the view that “Pa-ka” means “principal man.”

306 The sign meant originally “cup.” It is remarkable that wine is not
mentioned in the letters, unless the drink here noticed was wine.
There was plenty of wine in Syria and in Hebron as early as 1600
B.C.

307 The text is damaged. It seems perhaps to read “Citam Mizpi.” If this
is right, Mizpah near Jerusalem might be intended, or it may mean
“below the heights.”

308 Gazri is the Gezer of the Bible, now Tell Jezar, at the foot of the
Jerusalem hills.

309 Tabu is probably Taiyibeh, seven miles northwest of Hebron, on a
hill at the head of the valley of Elah. This fits in with the rest
of the topographical notices.

310 Probably the same Khaia who appears in the north as an envoy to the
Amorites—an Egyptian official.

311 Takanu (see B. 199, 70 B. M.) lived near Givti, and perhaps was the
chief of that town, which may be Gibeah of Judah, near the valley of
Elah, south-east of Makkedah. It is mentioned with Hareth, which was
close by Gibeah.

312 Referring to the King’s order on papyrus. In Dusratta’s Hittite
letter a royal decree on papyrus is also mentioned.

313 Biruyapiza was probably the second son of Labaya.

314 Macdalim may be Mejdel, in the Philistine plain, which is still a
place of importance, with a market.

315 Cuuzbe is probably the Chezib of the Bible (Gen. xxxviii. 5), in the
low hills east of Gath, now ’Ain Kezbeh. The marauders seem to issue
from the mountains, destroying the commerce of the plains (compare
59 B. M.). Chezib is again mentioned (104 B.).

316 This letter is perhaps explained by another (104 B.), in which the
King of Jerusalem sends his wives to Egypt with the Egyptian envoy,
on account of the war with the Hebrews.

317 Chief of Keilah, whose letters follow.

318 If Takanu’s town was Givti, and Givti was Gibeah of Judah, he is
referring to the southern route by the Valley of Elah.

319 “Tarka” instead of “Paka.” In Egyptian the word “tar” means “to
drive” or “compel,” preceding the sign of a man with a stick.
“Tarka” is thus apparently an “overseer” of the people.

320 “Yapa’a” is the same name as “Japhia,” mentioned as the King of
Lachish (Josh. x. 3), who was the enemy of Joshua. He appears here
as King of Gezer, and the King of Gezer is called in the Bible Horam
(x. 33). The words Gezer and Lachish would not look unlike in the
writing of the earlier Hebrew (about the Christian era), but it is
not impossible that the two towns may have had the same king.
Indeed, the letter seems to show this, as Mer’ash is near Lachish.

321 “Mu(ra)’azi” seems clearly to be “Mer’ash,” the Hebrew “Moresheth
Gath” (Micah i. 14). The modern name is nearer to the Amorite than
to the Hebrew, having a guttural at the end; and, as in other cases,
the Amorite “z” stands for a Hebrew “s.” The site is south of Gath,
and not far from Lachish, close to Beit Jibrîn.

322 The name of the King of Jerusalem is rendered “Abdhiba” by Dr.
Winckler, and “Abd Tobba” by Dr. Sayce. The second reading is
possible in all cases but one (B. 102), when the sign used was not
the syllabic value “Tob,” but only “Khi” or “Hi.” This would mean
“servant of the Good One.” Adonizedek was the name of the King of
Jerusalem killed by Joshua (x. 3). It is to be remembered that many
of the names in these letters are written, not in syllables, but by
ideograms. Ribadda’s name is hardly ever spelled syllabically,
though it is rendered certain by the cases in which it is so
spelled. I am inclined, therefore, to suppose that we have to deal,
not with an unusual name, like Abdhiba or Abdtobba, which is unknown
in history, but with the name of Joshua’s contemporary, spelled “US”
(= “Adoni” “Lord”), and “KHI” × “BA,” “good do” = “zedec”
(“justice”). There must, however, always be some doubt as to
personal names, unless checked by variant readings.

323 Adonizedek is meditating flight. His letters speak of a raid on
Gezer, Ascalon, and as far as Lachish, after the taking of Ajalon by
the Hebrews, but they say nothing of Makkedah. From the book of
Joshua we learn that after the battle of Ajalon the Hebrews pursued
to Azekah, perhaps the ruin of Zak, east of Gaza, and to Makkedah
(x. 11), and then returned to Gilgal (15). An interval of unstated
duration occurred, while the five kings, Adonizedek, Japhia, Hoham,
Piram, and Debir (ver. 3), fled to Makkedah, where they were found
hid in a cave. It was during this interval, apparently, that these
Jerusalem letters were written.

324 The sign is unusual. The words are “icalu, ca-ar (Irhu) zabbatu,” or
perhaps “icalu-ca ar(unu) zabbatu.” The latter would mean “They
prevail over thee; they have been swift to seize.”

325 “I have no father and no army.” It either means this or “Have I no
father and no friend?” It might refer to his father’s death, or to
the King of Egypt not being his father and friend. Dr. Sayce renders
“neither father nor mother” (“SAL um” for “rag um”); but it is very
unusual for orientals to refer to their female relations or wives,
though in the case of the King of Accho (95 B.) the writer speaks of
his wife; but this is for a special reason (see also 104 B.).

326 “’Abiri.” This is read by others “Habiri” (“allies”); but the
political circumstances do not agree with this explanation, and the
sign is used throughout the letters for the guttural “’Ain” (as, for
instance, in the name of Azzah or Gaza). There is no mention in the
southern letters of Aziru, Abdasherah, Aitugama, or any of the
northern allies; and the sign for “allies” or “helpers” in the
northern letters is quite different. On the other hand, the ’Abiri
are never mentioned, except in the south, near Jerusalem. They are
called people of the “blood” or “tribe” of the ’Abiri (B. 106), and
of the “land” of the ’Abiri (B. 199), showing that the term is
derived from the ’Abarim, or mountains east of Jordan. The Abiru
chiefs are mentioned in the singular (B. 102, 104), and none of
these facts can be reconciled with the view that they were “allies.”
They are distinctly said to have come from Seir (Edom) in one letter
(B. 104), and to have left their pastures (B. 103), and are probably
the “desert people” of the Gezer letter (51 B. M.). Their actions
are those recorded of Joshua’s first campaign, and the date agrees,
as does also the notice in the letters of Jabin, Japhia, and
Adonizedek, the contemporaries of Joshua. Another suggestion has
been that they were Hebronites; but in such case the “n” would not
be absent, and the sign for city would no doubt occur. They have
also been supposed to be Babylonians, but this is indirect
contradiction to the relations noticed in the letters between Egypt
and Babylon at this time.

327 Ilimelec is a name found in the Bible (Ruth i. 2; ii. 1) as the name
of Ruth’s father-in-law, a native of Bethlehem, in the time of the
Judges. It is therefore a Hebrew name.

328 Milcilu was the King of Gezer, and Suardata of Keilah; his letters
follow. This represents the league of kings before the battle of
Ajalon.

329 Givti is probably one of the Gibeahs, perhaps Gibeah of Judah, now
Jeb’a, southwest of Jerusalem, in the direction of Keilah (Josh. xv.
57), eight miles west of Bethlehem; unless we should read Gimtzi, in
which case it would be Gimzu (2 Chron. xxviii. 18), now Jimzu, east
of Lydda, and north of Gezer. The former reading seems the better
(see 199 B.).

330 “Kielti” is “Keilah” (Josh. xv. 44), now Kilah, east of the Valley
of Elah, in the direction of Hebron.

331 Rubute is Rabbah of Judah, now the ruin Rubba, in the same district,
four miles east of Beit Jibrîn (Josh. xv. 60).

332 “Beth Baalath” is probably Baalath of Judah, the old name of Kirjath
Jearim, now Erma, in the Valley of Sorek. The word “gur” may either
mean that the city was “near” Jerusalem, or that it had been an ally
of Jerusalem. It is clear that if the forces of the lowlands were
marching to assist Jerusalem by the highway, past Kirjath Jearim,
the revolt of that town would delay the forces from Gezer, which
would naturally take that route.

333 “Beth Amilla” is evidently the “Beth ham Millo” of the Bible (2 Sam.
v. 9); “house of the chief,” as we now know. It was the royal palace
in the lower city (Akra), north of Zion. There was also a Millo in
Shechem (Judges ix. 6, 20), evidently the palace of that city.

334 When Adonizedek sent away his women he was preparing for his own
flight, by the advice, it would seem, of Egypt. The Egyptian
resident also retired. Suta has already been mentioned as an
Egyptian official in the north (48 B.); he is also mentioned in a
letter from Babylon (4 B. M.), and by the King of Accho, who was a
contemporary of Neboyapiza and of Aziru (95 B.), which with other
indications shows that Aziru’s revolt was contemporary with the
Hebrew invasion—at least, within a few years.

335 This shows the enemy as coming from Mount Seir or Edom.

336 This “Givti” would seem to be one of the Gibeahs, unless we should
read “Gimtzi” as before.

337 Perhaps this is capable of being rendered, “I am breaking to pieces;
the chief is becoming master.”

338 What is meant is that the Egyptians, having come by sea to Ascalon
or Gaza, are to march to Jerusalem by the Valley of Elah, the
highway by which the Philistines came up against Saul. “Cazib”
(“Chezib”) is in this valley, now ’Ain Kezbeh; and north of it is a
valley with the unique name “Naheir” (“the little river”). The road
becomes difficult when the Valley of Elah turns to the south, which
is alluded to in the next letter (B. 103). (For Chezib see also 73
B. M.)

339 “Tu-ur ba-zu” appears to be spelled phonetically, but does not sound
like a Semitic name. If it were taken as an ideogram it might be
rendered “Ben Zicaru.”

340 “Zelah” has been proposed (Heb. “Zel’a”), but the final sign does
not seem to be used to represent the “’Ain.” There were two Zelahs,
one being Petra, the other north of Jerusalem (now probably the ruin
of Salah); it appears to me more probable that Shiloh is intended.
The Amorite “z” or “s” occasionally stands for a Hebrew “sh”; and
the modern name “Seilûn” has always presented the difficulty that
the “s” is not the proper representative of the Hebrew “sh.”
Perhaps, as in other cases, the peasant pronunciation represents the
Amorite rather than the Hebrew sound. Shiloh is remarkable for the
great pass it commands.

341 There was a siege of Lachish by Joshua (Josh. x. 33).

342 Rimmon is probably the Rimmon of Benjamin, not far south of Shiloh,
now the village of Rummon (Judges xx. 45, etc.).

343 The name spelled in other cases “U-ru-sa-lim” is here spelled
“Uru-sa-lim,” showing that the usual explanation, “city of peace,”
is probable. It has been proposed to translate “city of the god
Salim,” a deity who is not known otherwise; but in these letters the
names of gods have the prefix AN (“deity”), which does not occur in
any instance in the name of the city. The word “salim” for “peace”
has just been used in the letter, and occurs elsewhere in these
letters.

344 “Casipi.” It has been read “Casia” (“Cushites”), but the word before
is in the plural, and the plural could not end in “a.” Any great
success is still attributed to sorcery in the East. It may, however,
only mean “malicious,” according to its use in Hebrew.

345 There was an Egyptian known to history who bore the name of Paur
(Brugsch, “Hist.” i. p. 462); he was a governor in Nubia, somewhat
later than the present events. The name, however, must have been
common, since “Paur” stands for “Paka” in some cases. It has been
already explained as an Egyptian word.

346 The participle is feminine.

347 There had been four previous letters, agreeing with my arrangement.

348 Ajalon (now Yâlo) is at the foot of the Bethhoron Pass, where the
battle against the five kings occurred. The women were apparently
sent away before the battle of Ajalon, after which the easiest road
to the plains, by Bethhoron and Ajalon, was closed. The flight of
Adonizedek took place, according to the Biblical account, after the
battle of Ajalon, while Joshua was at Gilgal, where the news was
brought.

349 This appears to be the meaning, and refers to the road, mentioned in
the last letter, by the Valley of Elan—less easy than that by
Ajalon.

350 “Casi,” or Cush, as in Egyptian records, appears to mean upper
Egypt. See what has been said as to this name in Ribadda’s letter
(61 B.).

351 “Harti Cirmiel” is evidently Hareth Carmel, representing the Hebron
country from Hareth (Kharas), on the northwest, above the Valley of
Elah, to Carmel of Judah on the southeast. This would agree with
placing Givti at Jeb’a.

352 Apparently the southern Gibeah of Judah, mentioned before (106 B.).
Dr. Sayce reads Gath, but when Gath is mentioned it it called Giti
(154 B.).

353 “Labaya” may mean, according to a common form of expression, the
land of Labaya.

354 “Salabimi,” Shaalbim (Judges i. 35; 1 Kings iv. 9) or Shaalabbin
(Josh. xix. 42), is probably Selbît, lying southeast of Lydda, near
Ajalon.

355 In Judges i. 35 we read of the Amorites remaining in this district.

356 This name may be read various ways, as “Addamaru” or “Abu Amaru.”
Perhaps the name “Ithamar” may be compared (Exod. vi. 23; xxviii.
1). See also Yabitiri of Joppa (Abiather?).

357 The only difficulty in identifying this place, “Ci el-ti,” with
Keilah lies in the spelling with “Caph” instead of “Koph.” The name
contains the required guttural found in the Hebrew; this has
disappeared from the modern name, “Kilah.” The sign for “Ki” does
not seem to be used in these letters; and there are several other
instances of confusion of the two letters, as when “Ka” is written
for “Ca” (“thee”) in a few cases.

358 “Ra” is apparently an Egyptian name. The order for withdrawal of the
troops appears to have arrived.

359 This quarrel between the King of Jerusalem, the King of Makkedah,
and the King of Keilah is probably early, before the appearance of
the Hebrews; for Adonizedek says that the sons of Labaya (103 B.)
were his contemporaries at that time, and Suyardata becomes his ally
(106 B.) in presence of the common danger. If “behind” means to the
west (the front being always the east), the attack was from the
Valley of Elah. Keilah has very rough mountains on the east, and is
easily reached on the west.

360 The meaning seems to be that Adonizedek had seized the flocks and
herds.

361 “Basmath,” meaning “balsam” or “sweet,” was no doubt a common
woman’s name. It occurs as the name of Ishmael’s daughter whom Esau
married (Gen. xxxvi. 3, 4, 13), and as that of one of Solomon’s
daughters (1 Kings iv. 15). She may have been the wife of Milcilu,
King of Gezer, and pleads for her sons after her husband’s death. He
had apparently been seized by the Hebrews (106 B.).

362 Zorah, now Sur’ah (Josh. xix. 41; Judges xiii. 2, etc.), was not far
south of Ajalon, and near Gezer on the southeast.

363 This name cannot be identified, as has been proposed, with that of
Abdasherah, since “Ashtoreth” and “Asherah” are different words.

364 If it is to be read simply as a syllabic name, it would be perhaps
“Musi-huna.” There is a “Mes-hah” (“place of unction”) in lower
Galilee. I have here supposed “huna” to come from the root “hana”
(Heb. “hanah”), “to inhabit.”

365 “Tuser Atta,” a Mongol name, “father of conquest.” “Arta Sumara”
appears to mean “destroying hero.”

366 “Mitani” or Matiene (Herod, i. 72, 189, 202; iii. 94; v. 49, 52;
vii. 72) extended from the sources of the Araxes to the Halys River,
and thus included all Armenia west of Lake Van: other names for the
region were, the “Land of Khani Rabbe” (or Khani Rabbatu) and the
“Land of the Minyans.” (See 27 B.)

367 The Hittites clearly did not live in Matiene, but in the adjacent
country of northern Syria.

368 “Gilukhipa,” a Mongol name, “possessing glory.”

369 “Gilia” and “Tunipripi,” Mongol names, “glorious” and “very
reliable.”

370 This may be dated late in the reign of Amenophis III, as Dusratta
survived him.

371 Possibly Queen Teie or Thi.

372 Amanu, the Egyptian god Amen.

373 The word “Khatanu” means any kinsman by marriage, and “emu” is still
used generally of any “kinsman” or even for “friend.” Some have
translated “son-in-law” and “father-in-law,” but the latter word
would be “khamu,” not “emu.” Dusratta was the father-in-law of
Amenophis IV, but brother-in-law of Amenophis III.

374 “Binti,” not “Bintiya” (“my daughter”). The word “Bint” is still
used generally for “a young woman.” Perhaps Queen Teie is intended.

375 “Targumanu” (“interpreter”) is the modern “dragoman.” Khani (see p.
201) was sent to Aziru, showing that the Canaanite rebellion may
have occurred in the reign of Amenophis III.

376 “Assat mariya elme,” or perhaps “Assutti elme” (“in marriage to the
youth”). There is no statement that shows Dusratta’s daughter to
have married Amenophis III. She married his son, and is called
“daughter-in-law” of Queen Teie (11 B. M.).

377 The gold came from Nubia and Abyssinia. (See Brugsch, “Hist. Egypt,”
i. pp. 287, 310.)

378 In Aramaic “Gilia,” in the native tongue “Gilias,” with the Mongol
termination of the nominative indefinite.

379 “Ikhibin,” possibly Kaban Maden in Armenia.

380 “Si-migi-s” is apparently a Mongol title for some deity, “the eye of
night” (or “of sunset”), either the moon or the evening star.

381 “Khalci,” either Chalcis near Aleppo, or the “Land of the Khal” or
“Phœnicians.” (Karnak list, No. 140.)

382 The Minyans (Jer. li. 27; and in Ps. xlv. 8, Targum) lived west of
Lake Van. The Hyksos are called Men, or Menti in Egyptian texts.
Apepi, the Hyksos King, adored Set, or Sut, who was adored also by
the Hittites, and from whom Dusratta’s father, Sut-tarna (“Set is
his lord”) was probably named. It would appear that the Hyksos,
Hittites, and Armenians, were of the same race. The land of the Men
is said to have been near Assyria, and east of Syria, which agrees.
(See Brugsch, “Hist. Egypt,” i. pp. 210, 233, 234, 239.) The Minyæ
of Herodotus (i. 146; iv. 145-148) are noticed as mixed with Aryans
in Ionia, and in Lacedæmon were regarded as descendants of sailors
in the Argo—perhaps from Colchis and the Caucasus. See what is said
as to the similarity of the presents from Armenia (26 B.), and the
art of Mycenæe and Troy, which is of Asiatic origin.

383 Harran (Gen. xi. 31, etc.), now Harrân, was on the south border of
Dusratta’s kingdom, marching with Assyria. (Compare 24 B.)

384 “Tadukhipa,” a Mongol name, “possessing sweetness.”

385 Probably Teie is here meant, as there is no notice of Gilukhipa. She
may have died.

386 “Walk after” for “obey” or “worship,” is used just as in Biblical
Hebrew.

387 The broken name was “Nabkhuriya,” or Amenophis IV, as is clear from
the next paragraph. He was also the husband of Tadukhipa, as here
stated. (See 11 B. M.)

388 “Sitatama,” a Mongol name, apparently “fair-faced.” “Suttarna,” also
Mongolic, “Sut is his Lord.”

389 As Gilukhipa was married during the reign of Suttarna (apparently
from Egyptian sources in the tenth year of Amenophis III, or about
1490 B.C.), it is possible that “Teie” is here intended; but her
father’s name was Iuaa, or Ivaa, and it is not clear what relation
she was to Dusratta. From 11 B. it seems clear that they were
related, and later in the present letter he mentions the “father of
Teie,” apparently as living with him after his own father’s death.
The syllables “Ivve” (perhaps for “Ivaa”) precede the father’s name,
but as the text is here broken, it is not certain that these
syllables represent a personal name. Perhaps Teie was Dusratta’s
cousin. She was certainly of royal birth, and is represented as very
fair, but with dark hair. The words “a daughter” may mean only “a
young woman.”

390 Khai was sent to Aziru (31 B.), which again shows the date of the
Canaanite rebellion to have been early.

391 This agrees with 27 B. as regards Dusratta’s conquests in the
Hittite country.

392 As Amenophis IV was married already in the reign of Amenophis III,
his mother’s marriage evidently took place some twenty years at
least before the date of this letter.

393 Apparently this was written at least four years after the death of
Amenophis III, or about 1450 B.C. at earliest.

394 The lands given when Tadukhipa was married.

395 “Mazipalali,” a Mongol name, “hero with the sword.”