Chapter XVI: Act 1737: , and the Apportionment Act 1834, and is now allowed generally (7)

The horse does not occupy the important position in the Bedouin
economy that is popularly supposed. In Nejd the number of horses is,
comparatively speaking, very small; the want of water in the Nafud
where alone forage is obtainable, and the absence of forage in the
neighbourhood of the towns makes horse-breeding on a large scale
impracticable there. Horses are in fact only kept by the principal
sheiks, and by far the larger proportion of those now in Nejd are the
property of the amir and his family. These are kept most of the year
in the Nafud, five or ten days' march from Hail, where they find their
own food on the desert herbage. When a raid is in contemplation, they
are brought in and given a little barley for a few weeks. Reared in
this way they are capable of marvellous endurance, marching during a
raid twenty hours a day for eight or ten days together. As a rule,
they are only mounted at the moment of attack, or in pursuit. Water
and forage have to be carried for them on camels.

The great majority of the horses that come into the market as Arabs,
are bred in the northern desert and in Mesopotamia, by the various
sections of the Aneza and Shammar tribes, who emigrated from Nejd
generations ago, taking with them the original Nejd stock. In size and
appearance, and in everything but endurance, these northern horses are
admittedly superior to the true Nejdi. A few of the latter are
collected by dealers in the nomad camps and exported chiefly from
Kuwet. The amir Mahommed Ibn Rashid used to send down about one
hundred young horses yearly.

Asses of excellent quality are bred all over the country; they are
much used as mounts by the richer townsmen. Except in the settled
districts horned cattle are not numerous; they are similar to the
Indian humped cattle, but are greatly superior in milking qualities.
The great wealth of the Arabs is in their flocks of sheep and goats;
they are led out to pasture soon after sunrise, and in the hotter
months drink every second day. In the spring when the succulent
_ashub_ and _adar_ grow plentifully in the desert, they go for weeks
without drinking. They are milked once a day about sunset by the women
(the men milk the camels), and a large proportion of the milk is made
into _samn_, clarified butter, or _marisi_, dried curd. The wool is
not of much value, and is spun by the women and woven into rugs, and
made up into saddlebags or into the black Bedouin tents.

_Flora._--The flora of Arabia has been investigated by P. Forskal, the
botanist of Niebuhr's mission, P.E. Botta, G. Schweinfurth and A.
Deflers, to whose publications the technical reader is referred. Its
general type approaches more closely to the African than to that of
southern Asia. In the higher regions the principal trees are various
species of fig, tamarind, carob and numerous kinds of cactiform
_Euphorbia_, of which one, the _Euphorbia arborea_, grows to a height
of 20 ft. Of Coniferae the juniper is found on the higher slopes of J.
Sabur near Taiz, where Botta describes it as forming an extensive
forest and growing to a large size; it is also found in the range
overlooking the W. Madin, 50 m. W. of Aden. Considerable forests are
said to exist in Asir, and Burton found a few fine specimens which he
regarded as the remains of an old forest, on the Tehama range in
Midian. On the rocky hill-sides in Yemen the _Adenium Obesum_ is
worthy of notice, with its enormous bulb-like stems and brilliant red
flowers. Some fine aloes or agaves are also found. In the cultivated
upland valleys all over Arabia the _Zisyphus jujuba_, called by some
travellers lotus, grows to a large tree; its thorny branches are
clipped yearly and used to fence the cornfields among which it grows.
In the broad sandy wadi beds the tamarisk (_athl_) is everywhere
found; its wood is used for making domestic implements of all sorts.
Among fruit trees the vine, apricot, peach, apple, quince, fig and
banana are cultivated in the highlands, and in the lower country the
date palm flourishes, particularly throughout the central zone of
Arabia, in Hejaz, Nejd and El Hasa, where it is the prime article of
food. A hundred kinds of date are said to grow at Medina, of which the
_birni_ is considered the most wholesome; the _halwa_ and the _jalebi_
are the most delicately flavoured and sell at very high rates; the
_khulas_ of El Hasa is also much esteemed.

Of cereals the common millets, _dhura_ and _dukhn_, are grown in all
parts of the country as the summer crop, and in the hot irrigated
Tehama districts three crops are reaped in the year; in the highlands
maize, wheat and barley are grown to a limited extent as the winter
crop, ripening at the end of March or in April. Among vegetables the
common kinds grown include radishes, pumpkins, cucumbers, melons,
potatoes, onions and leeks. Roses are grown in some places for the
manufacture of _atr_, or attar of roses; mignonette, jasmine, thyme,
lavender and other aromatic plants are favourites in Yemen, when the
Arabs often stick a bunch in their head-dress.

Coffee.

Of the products special to Arabia coffee comes first; it is nowhere
found wild, and is believed to have been introduced from Abyssinia in
the 6th century A.D. It thrives on the seaward slopes of the western
range in the zone of the tropical rains, at altitudes between 4000 and
7000 ft. The principal centres of production are the upper valleys of
the W. Surdad, between Kaukaban and Manakha, and particularly on J.
Haraz; in the Wadi Zubed west of Uden; in Hajaria on the slopes of J.
Sabur, and in the Yafa district north-east of Aden. It is planted in
terraces on the mountain slopes; shady trees, such as tamarind and
fig, are planted in the border as a protection from the sun, and the
terraces are irrigated by channels led from a neighbouring rivulet or
spring. The plants are raised from seedlings, and when six or seven
weeks old they are transplanted in rows 4 to 6 ft. apart; they require
watering twice a month, and bear in two to four years. The berries are
dried in the sun and sent down to Hodeda or Aden, where they are
subjected to a process for separating the husk from the bean; the
result is about 50% of cleaned berries, _bun safi_, which is exported,
and a residue of husk or _kishr_, from which the Yemenis make their
favourite beverage.

Another plant universally used as a stimulant in Southern Arabia is
_khat_ (_Catha edulis_). The best is grown on J. Sabur and the
mountainous country round Taiz. It is a small bush propagated from
cuttings which are left to grow for three years; the leaves are then
stripped, except a few buds which develop next year into young shoots,
these being cut and sold in bunches under the name of _khat mubarak_;
next year on the branches cut back new shoots grow; these are sold as
_khat malhani_, or second-year kat, which commands the highest price.
The bush is then left for three years, when the process is repeated.
The leaves and young shoots are chewed; they have stimulating
properties, comparable with those of the coca of Peru.

The aromatic gums for which Arabia was famed in ancient times are
still produced, though the trade is a very small one. The tree from
which myrrh is extracted grows in many places, but the industry is
chiefly carried on at Suda, 60 m. north-north-east of Sana.
Longitudinal slits are made in the bark, and the gum is caught in cups
fixed beneath. The balsam of Mecca is produced in the same way,
chiefly in the mountains near the W. Safra between Yambu and Medina.

The stony plains which cover so large a part of the country are often
covered with acacia jungle, and in the dry water-courses a kind of
wild palm, the _dom_, abounds, from the leaves of which baskets and
mats are woven. Brushwood and rough pasturage of some sort is found
almost everywhere, except in the neighbourhood of the larger
settlements, where forage and firewood have to be brought in from long
distances. The Nafud sands, too, are tufted in many places with bushes
or small trees, and after the winter rains they produce excellent
pasture.

_Population._--The people, according to their own traditions, are derived from two stocks, the pure Arabs, descended from Kahtan or Joktan, fourth in descent from Shem; and the Mustarab or naturalized Arabs, from Ishmael. The former are represented at the present day by the inhabitants of Yemen, Hadramut and Oman, in general a settled agricultural population; the latter by those of Hejaz, Nejd, El Hasa, the Syrian desert and Mesopotamia, consisting of the Bedouin or pastoral tribes (see ARABS and BEDOUINS). This distinction between the characteristics of the two races is only true in a general sense, for a considerable population of true Bedouin origin has settled down to agricultural life in the oases of Hejaz and Nejd, while in southern Arabia the tribes dwelling on the fringe of the great desert have to a certain extent adopted the nomad life.

Both among the nomad and settled Arabs the organization is essentially tribal. The affairs of the tribe are administered by the sheiks, or heads of clans and families; the position of sheik in itself gives no real governing power, his word and counsel carry weight, but his influence depends on his own personal qualities. All matters affecting the community are discussed in the _majlis_ or assembly, to which any tribesman has access; here, too, are brought the tribesmen's causes; both sides plead and judgment is given impartially, the loser is fined so many head of small cattle or camels, which he must pay or go into exile. Murder can be expiated by the payment of _diya_ or blood-money, if the kinsmen of the murdered man consent; they may, however, claim the life of the murderer, and long and troublesome blood feuds often ensue, involving the relatives of both sides for generations.

Apart from the tribesmen there is in Hejaz and south Arabia a privileged, religious class, the Sharifs or Seyyids, who claim descent from Mahomet through his daughter Fatima. Until the Egyptian invasion in 1814 the Sharifs of Mecca were the recognized rulers of Hejaz, and though the Turks have attempted to suppress their importance, the Sharif still executes justice according to the Mahommedan law in the holy cities, though, nominally, as a Turkish official. In Yemen and Hadramut many villages are occupied exclusively by this religious hierarchy, who are known as Ashraf, Sada or Kudha (i.e. Sharifs, Seyyids or Kadhis); the religious affairs of the tribes are left in their hands; they do not, however, interfere in tribal matters generally, or join in fighting.

Below these two classes, which may be looked on as the priestly and the military castes, there is, especially in the settled districts, a large population of artisans and labourers, besides negro slaves and their descendants, slave or free. The population of Khaibar consists almost entirely of the latter, and in Hail Huber estimates the pure Arab inhabitants at only one-third of the whole. In the desert, too, there is a widely scattered tribe, the Salubi, which from its name (_Salib_, cross) is conjectured to be of early Christian origin; they are great hunters, killing ostriches and gazelles; the Arabs despise them as an inferior race, but do not harm them; they pay a small tax to the tribe under whose protection they live, and render service as labourers, for which they receive in the spring milk and cheese; at the date harvest they get wages in kind; with this, and the produce of the chase, they manage to exist in the desert without agriculture or flocks.

The Jews in Arabia.

In southern Arabia the Jews form a large element in the town population. According to one authority their presence in Yemen dates from the time of Solomon, others say from the capture of Jerusalem by Nebuchadrezzar. Manzoni estimated their number in Sana in 1878 at 1700 out of a total population of 20,000; at Aden they are a numerous and wealthy community, with agents in most of the towns of Yemen. Even in remote Nejran, Halevy, himself a Jew, found a considerable colony of his co-religionists. They wear a distinctive garb and are not allowed to carry arms or live in the same quarter as Moslems. Another foreign element of considerable strength in the coast towns of Muscat, Aden and Jidda, is the British Indian trading class; many families of Indian origin also have settled at Mecca, having originally come as pilgrims.

Estimates of the population of Arabia vary enormously, and the figures given in the following table can only be regarded as a very rough approximation:--

Hejaz 300,000
Yemen and Asir 1,800,000
Nejd 1,000,000
Hadramut 150,000
Oman 1,000,000
El Hasa 300,000
Syrian desert and border 275,000
---------
4,825,000

_Communications._--The principal land routes in Arabia are those leading to the holy cities. In the present day the Syrian pilgrim route, or Darb el Haj, from Damascus to Medina and Mecca is the most used. The annual pilgrim caravan or haj, numbering some 6000 people with 10,000 pack animals, is escorted by a few Turkish irregulars known as _agel_; small fortified posts have been established at the regular halting-places some 30 m. apart, each furnished with a well and reservoir, and for the further protection of the haj, payments are made to the Bedouin tribes through whose territories the route passes. The road is a mere camel track across the desert, the chief places passed are Ma'an on the Syrian border, a station on the old Sabaean trade route to Petra, and Medain Salih, the site of the rock-cut tombs and inscriptions first brought to notice by Doughty. From Medina the route usually followed descends the W. Safra to Badr Hunen, whence it keeps near the coast passing Rabigh and Khulesa to Mecca. The total distance, 1300 m., is covered in forty days.

The Egyptian pilgrim route from Cairo, across the Sinai peninsula and down the Midian coast to El Wijh, joins the Syrian route at Badr Hunen. It also was formerly provided with stations and reservoirs, but owing to the greater facilities of the sea journey from Suez to Jidda it is now little used. Another important route is that taken by the Persian or Shia pilgrims from Bagdad and Kerbela across the desert, by the wells of Lina, to Bureda in Kasim; thence across the steppes of western Nejd till it crosses the Hejaz border at the Ria Mecca, 50 m. north-east of the city. It lies almost entirely in the territory of the amir Ibn Rashid of J. Shammar, who derives a considerable revenue from the pilgrimage. The old reservoirs on this route attributed to Zubeda, wife of Harun al Rashid, were destroyed during the Wahhabi raids early in the 19th century, and have not been repaired. The Yemen pilgrim route, known as the Haj el Kabsi, led from Sada through Asir to Taif and Mecca, but it is no longer used.

The principal trade routes are those leading from Damascus to Jauf and across the Nafud to Hail. Other important routes leading to Nejd are those from Kuwet to Hail, and from El Hasa to Riad respectively. In the west and south the principal routes, other than those already mentioned, are from Yambu to Medina, from Jidda to Mecca, Hodeda to Sana, Aden to Sana, and from Mukalla to the Hadramut valley. Railway construction has begun in Arabia, and in 1908 the Hejaz line, intended to connect Damascus with Mecca, had reached Medina, 500 m. south of Ma'an. This line is of great strategical importance, as strengthening the Turkish hold on the Red Sea provinces. But the principal means of commercial communication for a country like Arabia must always be by sea. Bahrein, Kuwet and Muscat are in steam communication with India, and the Persian Gulf ports; all the great lines of steamships call at Aden on their way between Suez and the East, and regular services are maintained between Suez, Jidda, Hodeda and Aden, as well as to the ports on the African coast, while native coasting craft trade to the smaller ports on the Red Sea and Indian Ocean.

_Commerce._--The total value of the trade of Aden for 1904 amounted to
over L6,000,000. The imports to Jidda in the same year were
L1,405,000, largely consisting of rice, wheat and other food stuffs
from India; the exports, which have dwindled away in late years,
amounted in 1904 to only L25,000. To balance the exports and imports
specie was exported in the three years 1902-1904 amounting to
L2,319,000; a large proportion of this was perhaps provided by cash
brought into the country by pilgrims.

The pilgrim traffic increased largely in 1904 as compared with
previous years; 74,600 persons landed at Jidda, 18,000 of whom were
from British India, 13,000 from Java and the Straits Settlements, and
the remainder from Turkish territory, Egypt and other countries: 235
out of a total of 334 steamships engaged in this traffic were British.

The trade of Hodeda, which contributes by far the largest share to
that of Turkish Yemen, fell off considerably during the period from
1901-1905, chiefly owing to the disturbed state of the country. In the
latter year the imports amounted to L467,000, and the exports to
L451,000; coffee, the mainstay of Yemen trade, shows a serious decline
from L302,000 in 1902 to L229,000 in 1904; this is attributable partly
to the great increase of production in other countries, but mainly to
the insecurity of the trade routes and the exorbitant transit dues
levied by the Turkish administration.

Oman, through its chief port Muscat, had a total trade of about
L550,000, two-thirds of which is due to imports and one-third to
exports. The chief items of imports are arms and ammunition, rice,
coffee and piece goods; the staple export is dates, which in a good
year accounts for nearly half the total; much of the trade is in the
hands of British Indians, and of the shipping 92% is British.

The principal trade centre of the Arabian side of the Persian Gulf is
Bahrein; the total volume of trade of which amounted in 1904 to
L1,900,000, nearly equally divided between imports and exports; rice,
piece goods, &c., form the bulk of the former, while pearls are the
most valuable part of the latter. (R. A. W.)

ANTIQUITIES

Arabia cannot be said to be "destitute of antiquities," but the material for the study of these is still very incomplete. The difficulties in the way of travelling in Arabia with a view to scientific investigation are such that little or nothing is being done, and the systematic work which has given such good results in Egypt, Palestine and Babylonia-Assyria is unknown in Arabia. Yet the passing notes of travellers from the time of Carsten Niebuhr show that antiquities are to be found.

_Prehistoric Remains._--Since prehistoric remains must be studied where they are found, the difficulty in the way of exploration makes itself severely felt. That such remains exist seems clear from the casual remarks of travellers. Thus Palgrave (_Central and Eastern Arabia_, vol. i. ch. 6) speaks of part of a circle of roughly shaped stones taken from the adjacent limestone mountains in the Nejd. Eight or nine of these stones still exist, some of them 15 ft. high. Two of them, 10 to 12 ft. apart, still bear their horizontal lintel. They are all without ornament. Palgrave compares them with the remains at Stonehenge and Karnak. Doughty (_Arabia Deserta_, vol. ii.), travelling in north-west Arabia, saw stones of granite in a row and "flagstones set edgewise" (though he does not regard these as religious), also "round heaps, perhaps barrows," and "dry-built round chambers," which may be ancient tombs. J.T. Bent (_Southern Arabia_, pp. 24 ff.) explored one of several mounds in Bahrein. It proved to be a tomb, and the remains in it are said to be Phoenician.

_Castles and Walls._--In the south of Arabia, where an advanced civilization existed for centuries before the Christian era, the ruins of castles and city-walls are still in existence, and have been mentioned, though not examined carefully, by several travellers. In Yemen and Hadramut especially these ruins abound, and in some cases inscriptions seem to be still _in situ_. Great castles are often mentioned in early Arabian literature. One in the neighbourhood of San'a was described as one of the wonders of the world by Qazwini (_Athar ul-Bilad_, p. 33, ed. Wustenfeld, Gottingen, 1847, cf. _Journal of the German Oriental Society_, vol. 7, pp. 472, 476, and for other castles vol. 10, pp. 20 ff.). The ruins of the city of Ma'rib, the old Sabaean capital, have been visited by Arnaud, Halevy and Glaser, but call for further description, as Arnaud confined himself to a description of the dike (see below), while Halevy and Glaser were interested chiefly in the inscriptions.

_Wells and Dikes._--From the earliest times the conservation of water has been one of the serious cares of the Arabs. All over the country wells are to be found, and the masonry of some of them is undoubtedly ancient. Inscriptions are still found in some of these in the south. The famous well Zemzem at Mecca is said to belong to the early times, when the eastern traffic passed from the south to the north-west of Arabia through the Hejaz, and to have been rediscovered shortly before the time of Mahomet. Among the most famous remains of Ma'rib are those of a great dike reminding one of the restored tanks familiar to visitors at Aden. These remains were first described by Arnaud (_Journal asiatique_, January 1874, with plan). Their importance was afterwards emphasized by Glaser's publication of two long inscriptions concerning their restoration in the 5th and 6th centuries A.D. ("Zwei Inschriften uber den Dammbruch von Marib," in the _Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft_, Berlin, 1897). Another dike about 150 yds. long was seen by W.B. Harris at Hirran in Yemen. Above it was a series of three tanks (_A Journey through the Yemen_, p. 279, London, 1893).

_Stones and Bronzes._--The 19th century has brought to the museums of Europe (especially to London, Paris, Berlin and Vienna) a number of inscriptions in the languages of Minea and Saba, and a few in those of Hadramut and Katabania (Qatta-bania). These inscriptions are generally on limestone or marble or on tablets of bronze, and vary from a few inches to some feet in length and height. In some cases the originals have been brought to Europe, in other cases only squeezes of the inscriptions. The characters employed are apparently derived from the Phoenician (cf. Lidzbarski's _Ephemeris_, vol. i. pp. 109 ff.). The languages employed have been the subject of much study (cf. F. Hommel's _Sud-arabische Chrestomathie_, Munich, 1893), but the archaeological value of these remains has not been so fully treated. Very many of them are votive inscriptions and contain little more than the names of gods and princes or private men. A few are historical, but being (with few and late exceptions) undated, have given rise to much controversy among scholars. Their range seems to be from about 800 B.C. (or 1500 B.C. according to E. Glaser) to the 6th century A.D. Few are still _in situ_, the majority having been taken from their original positions and built into houses, mosques or wells of more recent date. Among these remains are altars, and bases for statues of gods or for golden images of animals dedicated to gods. The earlier stones are devoid of ornamentation, but the later stones and bronzes are sometimes ornamented with designs of leaves, flowers, ox-heads, men and women. Some bear figures of the conventionalized sacred tree with worshippers, similar to Babylonian designs. Besides these there are gravestones, stelae with human heads, fragments of limestone, architectural designs as well as bronze castings of camels, horses, mice, serpents, &c. (cf. D.H. Muller's _Sudarabische Alterthumer im Kunsthistorischen Museum_, Vienna, 1899, with plates).

_Seals, Weights and Coins._--The Vienna Museum possesses a small number of seals and gems. The seals are inscribed with Sabaean writing and are of bronze, copper, silver and stone. The gems of onyx, carnelian and agate are later and bear various figures, and in some cases Arabic inscriptions. One or two weights are also in existence. A number of coins have been brought to the British Museum from Aden, San'a and Ma'rib. Others were purchased by G. Schlumberger in Constantinople; others have been brought to Europe by Glaser, and are now in the Vienna Museum. These are imitations of Greek models, while the inscriptions are in Sabaean characters (cf. B.V. Head, in the _Numismatic Chronicle_, 1878, pp. 273-284; G. Schlumberger, _Le Tresor de San'a_, Paris, 1880; D.H. Muller, _op. cit._ pp. 65 ff. and plates).

For the problem of Arabic antiquities in Rhodesia see RHODESIA and
ZIMBABWE. (G. W. T.)

HISTORY

_Introduction._--Arabia is a land of Semites, and is supposed by some scholars to have been the original home of the Semitic peoples. Although this cannot be said to be proved, the studies, linguistic and archaeological, of Semitic scholars have shown it to be probable. The dispersion from Arabia is easy to imagine. The migration into Babylonia was simple, as there are no natural boundaries to separate it from north-east Arabia, and similar migrations have taken place in historic times. That of the Aramaeans at an early period is likewise free from any natural hindrance. The connexion with Palestine has always been close; and the Abyssinian settlement is probably as late as the beginning of the Christian era. Of these migrations, however, history knows nothing, nor are they expressed in literature. Arabian literature has its own version of prehistoric times, but it is entirely legendary and apocryphal. It was, and still is, the custom of Arabian historians to begin with the creation of the world and tell the history from then to the time of which they are writing. Consequently even the more sober histories contain a mass of fables about early days. Many of these, taken in part from Jewish and Christian sources, find a place in the Koran. Of all these stories current at the time of Mahomet, the only ones of any value are the accounts of the "days of the Arabs," i.e. accounts of some famous inter-tribal battles in Arabia.

_Authorities._--Until recently the Arab traditions were practically the only source for the pre-Islamic history of Arabia. The Old Testament references to Arabs were obscure. The classical accounts of the invasion of Aelius Callus in 26 B.C. threw little light on the state of Arabia at the time, still less on its past history. The Greek writers from Theophrastus in the 4th century B.C. to Ptolemy in the 2nd century A.D. mention many names of Arabian peoples and describe the situation of their cities, but contribute little to their history, and that little could not be controlled. The same applies to the information of Pliny in his _Natural History_. In the 19th century the discovery and decipherment of the Assyrian inscriptions gave a slight glance into the relations between Arabs and Assyrians from the 8th century B.C. But the great contribution of the century to the early history of Arabia was the collecting and translating of numerous early Arabian inscriptions (cf. section _Antiquities_ above), which have done service both by their own indication of a great civilization in Arabia for nearly (or more than) a thousand years before the Christian era, and by the new stimulus which they gave to the study and appreciation of the materials in the Assyrian inscriptions, the Old Testament, and the Greek and Roman writers. At the same time the facts that the inscriptions are undated until a late period, that few are historical in their contents, and for the most part yield only names of gods and rulers and domestic and religious details, and that our collection is still very incomplete, have led to much serious disagreement among scholars as to the reconstruction of the history of Arabia in the pre-Christian centuries.

All scholars, however, are agreed that the inscriptions reach as far back as the 9th century B.C. (some say to the 16th) and prove the existence of at least four civilized kingdoms during these centuries. These are the kingdoms of Ma'in (Minaean), of Saba (Sabaean), of Hadramaut (Hadramut) and of Katabania (Katabanu). Of the two latter little is known. That of Hadramut had kings from the time of the Minaeans to about A.D. 300, when it was conquered by Ethiopia. The limits of the kingdom of Katabania are not known, but it has its own inscriptions.

As to the Sabaean kingdom there is fair agreement among scholars. The inscriptions go back to 800 B.C. or earlier, and the same applies to the kingdom. A queen of this people (the "Queen of Sheba") is said (1 Kings x.) to have visited Solomon about 950 B.C. There is, however, no mention of such a queen in the inscriptions. An Assyrian inscription mentions Ith'amara the Sabaean who paid tribute to Sargon in 715 B.C. At this time the Sabaeans must have been in north Arabia unless the inscription refers to a northern colony of the southern Sabaeans. The former opinion is held by E. Glaser, who thinks that in the 9th and 8th centuries they moved down along the west coast to the south, where they conquered the Minaeans (see below). The Sabaean rule is generally divided into periods indicated by the titles given to their rulers. In the first of these ruled the Makarib, who seem to have been priest-kings. Their first capital was at Sirwah. Ten such rulers are mentioned in the inscriptions. Their rule extended from the 9th to the 6th century. The second period begins about 550 B.C. The rulers are known as "kings of Saba." Their capital was Ma'rib. The names of seventeen of these kings are known from the inscriptions. Their sway lasted until about 115 B.C., when they were succeeded by the Himyarites. During this period they were engaged in constant strife with the neighbouring kingdoms of Hadramut and Katabania. The great prosperity of south-west Arabia at this time was due in large measure to the fact that the trade from India with Egypt came there by sea and then went by land up the west coast. This trade, however, was lost during this period, as the Ptolemies established an overland route from India to Alexandria. The connexion of Saba with the north, where the Nabataeans (q.v.) had existed from about 200 B.C., was now broken. The decay that followed caused a number of Sabaeans to migrate to other parts of Arabia.

The Minaean kingdom extended over the south Arabian Jauf, its chief cities being Karnau, Ma'in and Yathil. Some twenty-five kings are known from the inscriptions; of these twenty are known to be related to one another. Their history must thus cover several centuries. As inscriptions in the Minaean language are found in al-'Ula in north Arabia, it is probable that they had colonies in that district. With regard to their date opinion is very much divided; some, with E. Glaser and F. Hommel, maintaining that their kingdom existed prior to that of Saba, probably from about 1500 B.C. or earlier until the Sabaeans came from their home in the north and conquered them in the 9th century. Other scholars think, with D.H. Muller, partly on palaeographical grounds (cf. M. Lidzbarski's _Ephemeris_, vol. i. pp. 109 seq., Giessen, 1902), that none of the inscriptions are earlier than about 800 B.C. and that the Minaean kingdom existed side by side with the Sabaean. It is curious that the Sabaean inscriptions contain no mention of the Minaeans, though this may be due to the fact that very few of the inscriptions are historical in content.

About 115 B.C. the power over south Arabia passed from the Sabaeans to the Himyarites, a people from the extreme south-west of Arabia; and about this time the kingdom of Katabania came to an end. The title taken by the new rulers was "king of Saba and Raidan." Twenty-six kings of this period are known from the inscriptions, some of which are dated. In this period the Romans made their one attempt at direct interference in the affairs of Arabia. The invasion under Aelius Gallus was an absolute failure, the expedition being betrayed by the guides and lost in the sands of the desert. During the latter part of this time the Abyssinians, who had earlier migrated from Arabia to the opposite coast of Africa, began to flow back to the south of Arabia, where they seem to have settled gradually and increased in importance until about A.D. 300, when they became strong enough to overturn the Himyarite kings and establish a dynasty of their own. The title assumed by them was "king of Saba, Raidan, Hadramut and Yemen." The Himyarites were, however, still active, and after a struggle succeeded in establishing a Jewish Sabaean kingdom, having previously accepted Judaism as their religion. Their best-known king was Dhu Nuwas. The struggle between them and the Abyssinians now became one of Judaism against Christianity. The persecution of the Christians was very severe (see E. Glaser's _Die Abyssinier in Arabien und Afrika_, Munich, 1895, and F.M.E. Pereira's _Historia dos Martyres de Nagran_, Lisbon, 1899). Apparently for this reason Christian Abyssinia was supported from Byzantium in its attempts to regain power. These attempts were crowned with success in 525. Of the Christian Abyssinian kings in Arabia tradition tells of four, one only of whom is mentioned in inscriptions. The famous expedition of Abraha, the Abyssinian viceroy, against Mecca, took place in 570. Five years later the Persians, who had been called in by the opponents of Christianity, succeeded in taking over the rule and in appointing governors over Yemen. (See further ETHIOPIA: _The Axumite Kingdom_.)

_Hira, Ghassan and Kinda._--Before passing to the time of Mahomet it is necessary to take account of three other Arabian powers, those of Hira, Ghassan and Kinda.

Hira.

The kingdom of Hira (Hira) was established in the boundary land between the Euphrates and the Arabian desert, a district renowned for its good air and extraordinary fertility. The chief town was Hira, a few miles south of the site of the later town of Kufa. The inhabitants of this land are said in Tabari's history to have been of three classes:--(1) The Tanukh (Tnuhs), who lived in tents and were made up of Arabs from the Tehama and Nejd, who had united in Bahrein to form a new tribe, and who migrated from there to Hira, probably at the beginning or middle of the 3rd century A.D., when the Arsacid power was growing weak. The Arabian historians relate their conflict with Zenobia. (2) The 'Ibad or 'Ibadites, who dwelt in the town of Hira in houses and so led a settled life. These were Christians, whose ecclesiastical language was Syriac, though the language of intercourse was Arabic. A Christian bishop of Hira is known to have attended a synod in 410. In the 5th century they became Nestorians. (3) Refugees of various tribes, who came into the land but did not belong to the Tanukh or the 'Ibad. There is no trustworthy information as to the earlier chiefs of this people. The dynasty of the Lakhmids, famed in Arabian history and literature, arose towards the end of the 3rd century and lasted until about 602. The names of twenty kings are given by Hisham al-Kalbi in Tabari's history. Although so many of their subjects were Christian, the Lakhmids remained heathen until Nu'man, the last of the dynasty. The kingdom of Hira was never really independent, but always stood in a relation of dependence on Persia, probably receiving pay from it and employing Persian soldiers. At the height of its power it was able to render valuable aid to its suzerain. Much of its time was spent in wars with Rome and Ghassan. Its revenues were derived from the Bedouins of the surrounding lands as well as from its own subjects at home. About 602 the Lakhmid dynasty fell, and the Persian Chosroes (Khosrau) II. appointed as governor an Arab of the tribe of Tai. Shortly after it came into relation with Islam.

See G. Rothstein's _Die Dynastie der Lakhmiden in al-Hira_ (Berlin,
1899); Th. Noldeke's _Geschichte der Perser und Araber zur Zeit der
Sassaniden_ (Leiden, 1879).

Ghassan.

In the beginning of the 6th century A.D. a dynasty known as the Jafnids, enter into the history alike of the Roman and Persian empires. They ruled over the tribe of Ghassan in the extreme north-west of Arabia, east of the Jordan, from near Petra in the south to the neighbourhood of Rosafa in the north-east. Of their origin little is known except that they came from the south. A part of the same tribe inhabited Yathrib (Medina) at the time of Mahomet. The first certain prince of the Jafnid house was Harith ibn Jabala, who, according to the chronicle of John Malalas, conquered Mondhir (Mundhir) of Hira in 528. In the following year, according to Procopius, Justinian perceived the value of the Ghassanids as an outpost of the Roman empire, and as opponents of the Persian dependants of Hira, and recognized Harith as king of the Arabs and patrician of the Roman empire. He was thus constantly engaged in battles against Hira. In 541 he fought under Belisarius in Mesopotamia. After his death about 569 or 570 the friendly relations with the West continued, but about 583 there was a breach. The Ghassanid kingdom split into sections each with its own prince. Some passed under the sway of Persia, others preserved their freedom at the expense of their neighbours. At this point their history ceases to be mentioned in the Western chronicles. There are references to the Ghassanid Nu'man in the poems of Nabigha. Arabian tradition tells of their prince Jabala ibn Aiham who accepted Islam, after fighting against it, but finding it too democratic, returned to Christianity and exile in the Roman empire. As Islam advanced, some of the Ghassanids retreated to Cappadocia, others accepted the new faith.

See Th. Noldeke, _Die ghassanischen Fursten aus dent Hause Gafna's_
(Berlin, 1887).

Kinda.

In the last decade of the 5th century a new power arose in central Arabia. This was the tribe of Kinda under the sway of the family of Aqil ul Murar, who came from the south. They seem to have stood in much the same relation to the rulers of Yemen, as the people of Hira to the Persians and the Ghassanids to Rome. Abraha in his invasion of the Hejaz was accompanied by chiefs of Kinda. Details of their history are not known, but they seem to have gained power at one time even over the Lakhmids of Hira; and to have ruled over Bahrein as well as Yemama until the battle of Shi'b ul Jabala, when they lost this province to Hira. The poet Amru'ul Qais was a member of the princely family of Kinda.

Other parts of Arabia.

Outside the territory of the powers mentioned above, Arabia in the 6th century was in a state of political chaos. Bahrein, inhabited chiefly by the Bani'Abd Qais and the Bani Bakr, was largely subject to Persian influence near its coast, and a Persian governor, Sebocht, resided in Hajar, its chief town. In Oman the Arabs, who were chiefly engaged in fishing and seafaring, were Azdites mixed with Persians. The ruling dynasty of Julanda in their capital Suhar lasted on till the Abbasid period. No Persian officials are mentioned in this country; whether Persians exercised authority over it is doubtful. On the west coast of Arabia the influence of the kingdom of Yemen was felt in varying degree according to the strength of the rulers of that land. Apart from this influence the Hejaz was simply a collection of cities each with its own government, while outside the cities the various tribes governed themselves and fought continual battles with one another.

_Time of Mahomet._--Thus at the time of Mahomet's advent the country was peopled by various tribes, some more or less settled under the governments of south Arabia, Kinda, Hira and Ghassan, these in turn depending on Abyssinia, Persia and Rome (i.e. Byzantium); others as in the Hejaz were ruled in smaller communities by members of leading families, while in various parts of the peninsula were wandering Arabs still maintaining the traditions of old family and tribal rule, forming no state, sometimes passing, as suited them, under the influence and protection of one or another of the greater powers. To these may be added a certain number of Jewish tribes and families deriving their origin partly from migrations from Palestine, partly from converts among the Arabs themselves. Mahomet appealed at once to religion and patriotism, or rather created a feeling for both. For Mahomet as a religious teacher and for the details of his career see MAHOMET. It is enough here to outline his actions in so far as he attempted to create a united, and then a conquering, Arabia. Though the external conquests of the Arabs belong more properly to the period of the caliphate, yet they were the natural outcome of the prophet's ideas. His idea of Arabia for the Arabians could only be realized by summoning the great kings of the surrounding nations to recognize Islam; otherwise Abyssinia, Persia and Rome (Byzantium) would continue their former endeavours to influence and control the affairs of the peninsula. Tradition tells that a few years before his death he did actually send letters to the emperor Heraclius, to the negus of Abyssinia, the king of Persia, and Cyrus, patriarch of Alexandria, the "Mukaukis" of Egypt, summoning them to accept Islam and threatening them with punishment in case of refusal. But the task of carrying out these threats fell to the lot of his successors; the work of the prophet was to be the subjugating and uniting of Arabia. This work, scarcely begun in Mecca, was really started after the migration to Medina by the formation of a party of men--the _Muhajirun_ (Refugees or Emigrants) and the _Ansar_ (Helpers or Defenders)--who accepted Mahomet as their religious leader. As the necessity of overcoming his enemies became urgent, this party became military. A few successes in battle attracted to him men who were interested in fighting and who were willing to accept his religion as a condition of membership of his party, which soon began to assume a national form. Mahomet early found an excuse for attacking the Jews, who were naturally in the way of his schemes. The Bani Nadir were expelled, the Bani Quraiza slaughtered. By the time he had successfully stormed the rich Jewish town of Khaibar, he had found that it was better to allow industrious Jews to remain in Arabia as payers of tribute than to expel or kill them: this policy he followed afterwards. The capture of Mecca (630) was not only an evidence of his growing power, which induced Arabs throughout the peninsula to join him, but gave him a valuable centre of pilgrimage, in which he was able by a politic adoption of some of the heathen Arabian ceremonies into his own rites to win men over the more easily to his own cause. At his death in 623 Mahomet left Arabia practically unified. It is true that rival prophets were leading rebellions in various parts of Arabia, that the tax-collectors were not always paid, and that the warriors of the land were much distressed for want of work owing to the brotherhood of Arabs proclaimed by Mahomet. The tribes were a seething mass of restlessness, their old feuds ready to break out again. But they had realized that they had common interests. The power of the foreigner in Arabia was broken. Islam promised rich booty for those who fought and won, paradise for those who fell.

_Early Caliphs_.[1] 1. _Conquest._--One task of the early caliphs was to find an outlet for the restless fighting spirit. Abu Bekr (632-634), the first of these caliphs, was a man of simple life and profound faith. He understood the intention of Mahomet as to foreign nations, and set himself resolutely to carry it out in the face of much difficulty. Hence as soon as he assumed office he sent out the army already chosen to advance against the Romans in the north. The successful reduction of the rebels in Arabia enabled him in his first year to send his great general Khalid with his Arab warriors first against Persians, then against Romans. His early death prevented him from seeing the fruits of his policy. Under the second caliph Omar (634-644) the Persians were defeated at Kadesiya (Kadessia), and Irak was completely subdued and the new cities of Kufa and Basra were founded (635). In the same year Damascus fell into the hands of the Arabs under Abu 'Ubaida. In 636 Jerusalem fell and received a visit from the caliph. Three years later the fateful step was taken of appointing Moawiya (Mu'awiyya) governor of Syria. In 640 'Amr-ibn-el-Ass (Amr ibn al-'As) invaded Egypt and the following year took Alexandria and founded Fostat (which later became Cairo). The victory at Nehavend in 641 over the Persians, the flight of the last Sassanid king and the capture of Rei or Rai (class. Rhagae) in 643 meant the entire subjugation of Persia and crowned the conquests of Omar's caliphate. The reign of the third caliph Othman (644-656) was marked by the beginning of that internal strife which was to ruin Arabia; but the foreign conquests continued. In the north the Moslem arms reached Armenia and Asia Minor; on the west they were successful as far as Carthage on the north coast of Africa. After the murder of Othman, 'Ali (656-661) became caliph, but Moawiya, governor of Syria, soon rebelled on the pretext of avenging the death of Othman. After the battle of Siffin (657) arbitration was resorted to for the settlement of the rival claims. By a trick 'Ali was deposed (658), and the Omayyad dynasty was established with its capital at Damascus.

Institution of navy.

During these early years the Arabs had not only made conquests by land, but had found an outlet for their energy at sea. In 640 Omar sent a fleet of boats across the Red Sea to protect the Moslems on the Abyssinian coast. The boats were wrecked. Omar was so terrified by this that when Moawiya applied to him for permission to use ships for an attack on the islands of the Levant, he resolutely refused. Othman was less careful, and allowed a fleet from Africa to help in the conquests of the Levant and Asia Minor. In 649 he sanctioned the establishment of a maritime service, on condition that it should be voluntary. Abu Qais, appointed admiral, showed its usefulness by the capture of Cyprus. In 652 Abu Sarh with a fleet from Egypt won a naval battle over the Byzantine fleet near Alexandria.

2. _Internal Affairs._--In the meantime what had become of Arabia and its unification? The first task of Abu Bekr had been to reduce those rebels who threatened to destroy that unity even before it was fully established. This he did by the aid of the great general Khalid. First he swept down on the Bani Hanifa in Yemama, who with their rival prophet Mosailama (Mosailima) and 40,000 men were in arms. The battle of Yemama (633) was fierce and decisive. Mosailama was slain. The Bani Hanifa returned to Islam. Bahrein was influenced by this battle, and the rebellion there, which was threatening, was crushed. Oman was reconquered by Huddhaifa, who became its governor. Ikrima settled Mahra. Muhajir, with the help of Ikrima, succeeded with difficulty, but thoroughly, in defeating Amr ibn Ma'dikarib and Qais ibn 'Abd Yaghuth in Yemen and Ashath ibn Qais in Hadramut. The Hejaz and Tehama were cleared of the plundering nomads by 'Attab and Tahir. At the end of the first year of his caliphate Abu Bekr saw Arabia united under Islam. The new national feeling demanded that all Arabs should be free men, so the caliph ordained that all Arab slaves should be freed on easy terms. The solidarity of Arabia survived the first foreign conquests. It was not intended that Arabs should settle in the conquered lands except as armies of occupation. Thus it was at first forbidden that Arabs should buy or possess land in these countries. Kufa was to be only a military camp, as was Fostat in Egypt. The taxes with the booty from conquests were to be sent to Arabia for distribution among the Moslems. Omar tried to prevent the advance of conquests lest Arabia should suffer. "I would rather the safety of my people than thousands of spoil and further conquest." But men could not be prevented from pouring out from their homes in search of new conquests and more booty. Many of those who went forth did not return. They acquired property and rank in the new lands. Kufa attracted chiefly men of south Arabia, Basra those of the north. Both became great cities, each with a population of 150,000 to 200,000 Arabians. Yet so long as the caliphs lived in Medina, the capital of Arabia was the capital of the expanding Arabian empire. To it was brought a large share of the booty. The caliphs were chosen there, and there the rules for the administration were framed. Thence went out the governors to their provinces. Omar was the great organizer of Arabian affairs. He compiled the Koran, instituted the civil list, regulated the military organization. He, too, desired that Mahomet's wish should be carried out and that Arabia should be purely Moslem. To this end he expelled the Christians from Nejran and gave them lands in Syria and Irak, where they were allowed to live in peace on payment of tribute. The Jews, too, were shortly after expelled from Khaibar. The secondary position that Arabia was beginning to assume in the Arabian empire is clearly marked in the progress of events during the caliphate of Othman. In his appointments to governorships and other offices, as well as in his distribution of spoil, Othman showed a marked preference for the members of his own tribe the Koreish (Quraish) and the members of his own family the Bani Omayya (Umayya). The other Arab tribes became increasingly jealous of the Koreish, while among the Koreish themselves the Hashimite family came to hate the Omayyad, which now had much power, although it had been among the last to accept Islam and never was very strict in its religious duties. But the quarrels which led to the murder of Othman were fomented not so much in Arabia as in Kufa and Basra and Fostat. In these cities the rival parties were composed of the most energetic fighting men, who were brought into the most intimate contact with one another, and who kept up their quarrels from the home land. In Kufa a number of the Koreish had settled, and their arrogance became insupportable. The governors of all these towns were of Othman's own family. After some years of growing dissatisfaction deputies from these places came to Medina, and the result was the murder of the caliph. Syria alone remained loyal to the house of Omayya, and Othman had been advised to take refuge there, but had refused. Arabia itself counted for little in the strife. Yet its prestige was not altogether lost. After the murder the rebels were unwilling to return home until a new caliph had been chosen in the capital. The Egyptian rebels managed to gain most influence, and, in accordance with their desire, 'Ali was appointed caliph by the citizens of Medina. But Medina itself was being corrupted by the constant influx of captives, who, employed at first as servants, soon became powerful enough to dictate to their masters. In the struggle that ensued upon the election of 'Ali, Arabia was involved. Ayesha, Talha and Zobair, who were strong in Mecca, succeeded in obtaining possession of Basra, but were defeated in 656 at the battle of the Camel (see ALI). In the south of Arabia 'Ali succeeded in establishing his own governor in Yemen, though the government treasure was carried off to Mecca. But the centre of strife was not to be Arabia. When 'Ali left Medina to secure Basra, he abandoned it as the capital of the Arabian empire. With the success of Moawiya Damascus became the capital of the caliphate (658) and Arabia became a mere province, though always of importance because of its possession of the two sacred cities Mecca and Medina. Both these cities were secured by Moawiya in 660, and at the same time Yemen was punished for its adherence to 'Ali. The final blow to any political pretensions of Medina was dealt by the caliph when he had his son Yazid declared as his successor, thus taking away any claim on the part of the citizens of Medina to elect to the caliphate.