Chapter VII: Part 7

The problem as to why, among savages all on the same low level of material culture, one tribe derives descent through women, while its nearest neighbouring tribe, with ceremonies, rites, beliefs and myths like its own, and occupying lands of similar character in a similar climate, traces descent through men, seems totally insoluble. Again, we find that the civilized Lycians, as described by Herodotus (book i. ch. 173), reckoned lineage in the female line, while the naked savages of north and central Australia reckon in the male line. Our knowledge does not enable us to explain the change from female to male tracing of lineage. Yet the change was essential for the formation of the family system of civilized life. The change may be observed taking place in the region of North-West America peopled by the Thlinket, Haida and Salish tribes; the first are pure totemists, the last have arrived, practically, in the south, at the modern family, while a curious intermediate stage pervades the interjacent region.

The best authority on the Family developed in different shapes in North-West America is Charles Hill-Tout (cf. "Origin of the Totemism of the Aborigines of British Columbia," _Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada_, vol. vii. sect. 11, 1901). He, like many American and some English and continental students, applies the term "totem" not only to the hereditary totem of the exogamous kin, but to the animal familiars of individual men or women, called _manitus_, _naguals_, _nyarongs_ and _yunbeai_, among North American Indians, in South America, in Borneo and in the Euahlayi tribe of New South Wales. These animal familiars are chosen by individuals, obeying the monition of dreams, or are assigned to them at birth, or at puberty, by the tribal magicians. It has often been suggested that totemism arose when the familiar of an individual became hereditary among his descendants. This could not occur under a system of reckoning descent and inheriting the kin name through women, but as a Tsimshian myth says that a man's sister adopted his animal familiar, the bear, and transmitted it to _her_ offspring, Hill-Tout supposes that this may have been the origin of totemism in tribes with reckoning of descent in the female line. Instances, however, are not known to exist in practice, and myths are mere baseless savage hypotheses.

Exogamy, in his opinion, is the result of treaties of political alliance with exclusive _interconnubium_ between two sets of kinsfolk by blood, totemism being a mere accidental concomitant. This theory evades the difficulties raised by the hypothesis of deliberate reformatory legislation introducing the bisection of the tribe into exogamous societies.

AUTHORITIES.--The study of the History of the Family has been subject
to great fluctuation of opinion, as unexpected evidence has kept
pouring in from many quarters. The theory of primal promiscuity, which
in 1870 succeeded to Sir Henry Maine's _patriarchal theory_, has
endured many attacks, and there is a tendency to return, not precisely
to the "patriarchal theory," but to the view that the jealousy of the
Sire of the "Cyclopean family," or "Gorilla family" indicated by
Darwin, has had much to do with laying the bases of "primal law." The
whole subject has been especially studied by English-speaking writers,
as the English and Americans are brought most into contact with the
most archaic savage societies. Among foreigners, in addition to
Starcke, Westermarck and Durkheim, already cited, may be mentioned
Professor J. Kohler, _Zur Urgeschichte der Ehe_ (Stuttgart, 1897).
Professor Kohler is in favour of a remote past of "collective
marriage," indicated, as in Morgan's hypothesis, by the existing
savage names of relationships, which are expressive of relations of
consanguinity. E.S. Hartland (_Primitive Paternity_, 1910) discusses
myths of supernatural birth in relation to the history of the Family.

A careful and well-reasoned work by Herr Cunow (_Die Verwandtschafts
Organisationen der Australneger_, Stuttgart, 1894) deals with the
Matrimonial Classes of Australian tribes. Cunow supposes that descent
was originally reckoned in the male line, and that tribes with this
organization (such as the Narrinyeri) are the more primitive. In this
opinion he has few allies: and on the origin of Exogamy he seems to
possess no definite ideas. Pikler's _Ursprung des Totemismus_ (Berlin,
1900) explains Totemism as arising from the need of names for early
groups of men: names which could be expressed in pictographs and
tattooing, to which we may add "gesture language." This is much akin
to the theory which we have already suggested, though Pikler seems to
think that the pictograph (say of a Crow or an Eagle Hawk) was prior
to the group name. But, he remarks, like Howitt, "the germ of Totemism
is the naming"; and the community of name between the animal species
and the human group led to the belief that there was an important
connexion between the men and their name-giving animal.

Other useful sources of information are the annual Reports of the
Bureau of Ethnology (Washington), the _Journal of the Institute of the
Anthropological Society, Folk Lore_ (the organ of the Folk Lore
Society), and Durkheim's _L'Annee sociologique_. _Tabou et totemisme a
Madagascar_, by M.A. van Gennep (Leroux, Paris, 1904) is a valuable
contribution to knowledge.

For India, where vestiges of totemism linger in the hill tribes, see
Risley and Crooke, _Tribes and Castes_, vols. i., ii., iii., iv.; and
Crooke, _Popular Religion_; also Crooke in _J.A.I._ (N.S.), vol. i.
pp. 232-244. (A. L.)

FAMINE (Lat. _fames_, hunger), extreme and general scarcity of food, causing distress and deaths from starvation among the population of a district or country. Famines have caused widespread suffering in all countries and ages. A list of the chief famines recorded by history is given farther on. The causes of famine are partly natural and partly artificial. Among the natural causes may be classed all failures of crops due to excess or defect of rainfall and other meteorological phenomena, or to the ravages of insects and vermin. Among the artificial causes may be classed war and economic errors in the production, transport and sale of food-stuffs.

The natural causes of famine are still mainly outside our control, though science enables agriculturists to combat them more successfully, and the improvement in means of transport allows a rich harvest in one land to supplement the defective crops in another. In tropical countries drought is the commonest cause of a failure in the harvest, and where great droughts are not uncommon--as in parts of India and Australia--the hydraulic engineer comes to the rescue by devising systems of water-storage and irrigation. It is less easy to provide against the evils of excessive rainfall and of frost, hail and the like. The experience of the French in Algiers shows that it is possible to stamp out a plague of locusts, such as is the greatest danger to the farmer in many parts of Argentina. But the ease with which food can nowadays be transported from one part of the world to another minimizes the danger of famine from natural causes, as we can hardly conceive that the whole food-producing area of the world should be thus affected at once.

The artificial causes of famine have mostly ceased to be operative on any large scale. Chief among them is war, which may cause a shortage of food-supplies, either by its direct ravages or by depleting the supply of agricultural labour. But only local famines are likely to arise from this cause. Legislative interference with agricultural operations or with the distribution of food-supplies, currency restrictions and failure of transport, which have all caused famines in the past, are unlikely thus to operate again; nor is it probable that the modern speculators who attempt to make "corners" in wheat could produce the evil effects contemplated in the old statutes against forestallers and regrators.

Such local famines as may occur in the 20th century will probably be attributable to natural causes. It is impossible to regulate the rainfall of any district, or wholly to supply its failure by any system of water-storage. Irrigation is better able to bring fertility to a naturally arid district than to avert the failure of crops in one which is naturally fertile. The true palliative of famine is to be found in the improvement of methods of transport, which make it possible rapidly to convey food from one district to another. But the efficiency of this preventive stops short at the point of saving human life. It cannot prevent a rise in prices, with the consequent suffering among the poor. Still, every year makes it less likely that the world will see a renewal of the great famines of the past, and it is only the countries where civilization is still backward that are in much danger of even a local famine.

_Great Famines._--Amongst the great famines of history may be named
the following:--

B.C. 436 Famine at Rome, when thousands of starving people threw
themselves into the Tiber.

A.D. 42 Great famine in Egypt.

650 Famine throughout India.

879 Universal famine.

941, 1022 Great famines in India, in which entire provinces and 1033
were depopulated and man was driven to cannibalism.

1005 Famine in England.

1016 Famine throughout Europe.

1064-1072 Seven years' famine in Egypt.

1148-1159 Eleven years' famine in India.

1162 Universal famine.

1344-1345 Great famine in India, when the Mogul emperor was unable to
obtain the necessaries for his household. The famine continued for
years and thousands upon thousands of people perished of want.

1396-1407 The Durga Devi famine in India, lasting twelve years.

1586 Famine in England which gave rise to the Poor Law system.

1661 Famine in India, when not a drop of rain fell for two years.

1769-1770 Great famine in Bengal, when a third of the population
(10,000,000 persons) perished.

1783 The Chalisa famine in India, which extended from the eastern edge
of the Benares province to Lahore and Jammu.

1790-1792 The Doji Bara, or skull famine, in India, so-called because
the people died in such numbers that they could not be buried.
According to tradition this was one of the severest famines ever
known. It extended over the whole of Bombay into Hyderabad and
affected the northern districts of Madras. Relief works were first
opened during this famine in Madras.

1838 Intense famine in North-West Provinces (United Provinces) of
India; 800,000 perished.

1846-1847 Famine in Ireland, due to the failure of the potato-crop.
Grants were made by parliament amounting to L10,000,000.

1861 Famine in North-West India.

1866 Famine in Bengal and Orissa; one million perished.

1869 Intense famine in Rajputana; one million and a half perished. The
government initiated the policy of saving life.

1874 Famine in Behar, India. Government relief in excess of the needs
of the people.

1876-1878 Famine in Bombay, Madras and Mysore; five millions perish.
Relief insufficient.

1877-1878 Severe famine in north China. Nine and a half millions said
to have perished.

1887-1889 Famine in China.

1891-1892 Famine in Russia.

1897 Famine in India. Government policy of saving life successful.
Mansion House fund L550,000.

1899-1901 Famine in India. One million people perished. Estimated loss
to India L50,000,000. The government spent L10,000,000 on relief, and
at one time there were 4,500,000 people on the relief works.

1905 Famine in Russia.

_Famines in India._--Owing to its tropical situation and its almost entire dependence upon the monsoon rains, India is more liable than any other country in the world to crop failures, which upon occasion deepen into famine. Every year sufficient rain falls in India to secure an abundant harvest if it were evenly distributed over the whole country; but as a matter of fact the distribution is so uneven and so uncertain that every year some district suffers from insufficient rainfall. In fact, famine is, to all intents and purposes, endemic in India, and is a problem to reckon with every year in some portion of that vast area. The people depend so entirely upon agriculture, and the harvest is so entirely destroyed by a single monsoon failure, that wherever a total failure occurs the landless labourer is immediately thrown out of work and remains out of work for the whole year. The question is thus one of lack of employment, rather than lack of food. The food is there, perhaps at a slightly enhanced price, but the unemployed labourer has no money to buy it. The problem is very much the same as that met by the British Poor Law system. Every year in England a poor rate of some L22,000,000 is expended for a population of 40 millions; while it is only in an exceptional year in India that L10,000,000 are spent on a population of 300 millions.

Famines seem to recur in India at periodical intervals, which have been held to be in some way dependent on the sun-spot period. Every five or ten years the annual scarcity widens its area and becomes a recognized famine; every fifty or a hundred years whole provinces are involved, loss of life becomes widespread, and a great famine is recorded. In the 140 years since Warren Hastings initiated British rule in India, there have been nineteen famines and five severe scarcities. For the period preceding British rule the records have not been so well preserved, but there is ample evidence to show that famine was just as frequent in its incidence and infinitely more deadly in its effects under the native rulers of India. In the great Bengal famine of 1769-1770, which occurred shortly after the foundation of British rule, but while the native officials were still in power, a third of the population, or ten millions out of thirty millions, perished. From this it may be guessed what occurred in the centuries under Mogul rule, when for years there was no rain, when famine lasted for three, four or twelve years, and entire cities were left without an inhabitant. In the famine of 1901, the worst of recent years, the loss of life in British districts was 3% of the population affected, as against 33% in the Bengal famine of 1770.

The native rulers of India seem to have made no effort to relieve the sufferings of their subjects in times of famine; and even down to 1866 the British government had no settled famine policy. In that year the Orissa famine awakened the public conscience, and the commission presided over by Sir George Campbell laid down the lines upon which subsequent famine-relief was organized. In the Rajputana famine of 1869 the humane principle of saving every possible life was first enunciated. In the Behar famine of 1874 this principle was even carried to an extreme, the cost was enormous, and the people were in danger of being pauperized. The resulting reaction caused a regrettable loss of life in the Madras and Bombay famine of 1876-1878; and the Famine Commission of 1880, followed by those of 1898 and 1901, laid down the principle that every possible life must be saved, but that the wages on relief works must be so regulated in relation to the market rate of wages as not to undermine the independence of the people. The experience gained in the great famines of 1898 and 1901 has been garnered by these commissions, and stored up in the "famine codes" of each separate province, where rules are provided for the treatment of famine directly a crop failure is seen to be probable. The first step is to open test works; and directly they show the necessity, regular relief works are established, in which the people may earn enough to keep them from starvation, until the time comes to sow the next crop.

As a result of the severe famine of 1878-1879, Lord Lytton's government instituted a form of insurance against famine known as the Famine Insurance Grant. A sum of Rs. 1,500,000 was to be yearly set aside for purposes of famine relief. This scheme has been widely misunderstood; it has been assumed that an entirely separate fund was created, and that in years when the specified sum was not paid into this fund, the purpose of the government was not carried out. But Sir John Strachey, the author of the scheme, explains in his book on India that the original intention was nothing more than the annual application of surplus revenue, of the indicated amount, to purposes of famine relief; and that when the country was free from famine, this sum should be regularly devoted to the discharge of debt, or to the prevention of debt which would otherwise have been incurred for the construction of railways and canals. The sum of 1-1/2 crores is regularly set aside for this purpose, and is devoted as a rule to the construction of protective irrigation works, and for investigating and preparing new projects falling under the head of protective works.

The measures by which the government of India chiefly endeavours to reduce the liability of the country to famine are the promotion of railways; the extension of canal and well irrigation; the reclamation of waste lands, with the establishment of fuel and fodder reserves; the introduction of agricultural improvements; the multiplication of industries; emigration; and finally the improvement where necessary of the revenue and rent systems. In times of famine the function of the railways in distributing the grain is just as important as the function of the irrigation-canals in increasing the amount grown. There is always enough grain within the boundaries of India for the needs of the people; the only difficulty is to transport it to the tract where it is required at a particular moment. Owing to the extension of railways, in the famines of 1898 and 1901 there was never any dearth of food in any famine-stricken tract; and the only difficulty was to find enough rolling-stock to cope with the demand. Irrigation protects large tracts against famine, and has immensely increased the wheat output of the Punjab; the Irrigation Commission of 1903 recommended the addition of 6-1/2 million acres to the irrigated area of India, and that recommendation is being carried out at an annual cost of 1-1/2 millions sterling for twenty years, but at the end of that time the list of works that will return a lucrative interest on capital will be practically exhausted. Local conditions do not make irrigation everywhere possible.

As five-sixths of the whole population of India are dependent upon the land, any failure, of agriculture becomes a national calamity. If there were more industries and manufactures in India, the dependence on the land would not be so great and the liability to lack of occupation would not be so uniform in any particular district. The remedy for this is the extension of factories and home industries; but European capital is difficult to obtain in India, and the native capitalist prefers to hoard his rupees. The extension of industries, therefore, is a work of time.

It is sometimes alleged by native Indian politicians that famines are growing worse under British rule, because India is becoming exhausted by an excessive land revenue, a civil service too expensive for her needs, military expenditure on imperial objects, and the annual drain of some L15,000,000 for "home charges." The reply to this indictment is that the British land revenue is L16,000,000 annually, whereas Aurangzeb's over a smaller area, allowing for the difference in the value of the rupee, was L110,000,000; though the Indian Civil Service is expensive, its cost is more than covered by the fact that India, under British guarantee, obtains her loans at 3-1/2% as against 10% or more paid by native rulers; though India has a heavy military burden, she pays no contribution to the British navy, which protects her seaboard from invasion; the drain of the home charges cannot be very great, as India annually absorbs 6 millions sterling of the precious metals; in 1899-1900, a year of famine, the net imports of gold and silver were 130 millions. Finally, it is estimated by the census commissioners that in the famine of 1901 three million people died in the native states and only one million in British territory.

See Cornelius Walford, "On the Famines of the World, Past and Present"
(_Journal of the Statistical Society_, 1878-1879); Romesh C. Dutt,
_Famines in India_ (1900); Robert Wallace, _Famine in India_ (1900);
George Campbell, _Famines in India_ (1769-1788); _Chronological List
of Famines for all India_ (Madras Administration Report, 1885); J.C.
Geddes, _Administrative Experience in Former Famines_ (1874);
_Statistical Atlas of India_ (1895); F.H.S. Merewether, _Through the
Famine Districts of India_ (1898); G.W. Forrest, _The Famine in India_
(1898); E.A.B. Hodgetts, _In the Track of the Russian Famine_ (1892);
W.B. Steveni, _Through Famine-stricken Russia_ (1892); Vaughan Nash,
_The Great Famine_ (1900); Lady Hope, _Sir Arthur Cotton_ (1900);
_Lord Curzon in India_ (1905); T.W. Holderness, _Narrative of the
Famine of 1896-1897_ (c. 8812 of 1898); the Indian Famine Commission
reports of 1880, 1898 and 1900; report of the Indian Irrigation
Commission (1901-1903); C.W. McMinn, _Famine Truths, Half-Truths,
Untruths_ (1902); Theodore Morison, _Indian Industrial Organization_
(1906).

FAN (Lat. _vannus_; Fr. _eventail_), in its usually restricted meaning, a light implement used for giving motion to the air in order to produce coolness to the face; the word is, however, also applied to the winnowing fan, for separating chaff from grain, and to various engineering appliances for ventilation, &c. _Ventilabrum_ and _flabellum_ are names under which ecclesiastical fans are mentioned in old inventories. Fans for cooling the face have been in use in hot climates from remote ages. A bas-relief in the British Museum represents Sennacherib with female figures carrying feather fans. They were attributes of royalty along with horse-hair fly-flappers and umbrellas. Examples may be seen in plates of the Egyptian sculptures at Thebes and other places, and also in the ruins of Persepolis. In the museum of Boulak, near Cairo, a wooden fan handle showing holes for feathers is still preserved. It is from the tomb of Amenhotep, of the 18th dynasty, 17th century B.C. In India fans were also attributes of men in authority, and sometimes sacred emblems. A heart-shaped fan, with an ivory handle, of unknown age, and held in great veneration by the Hindus, was given to King Edward VII. when prince of Wales. Large punkahs or screens, moved by a servant who does nothing else, are in common use in hot countries, and particularly India.

Fans were used in the early middle ages to keep flies from the sacred elements during the celebrations of the Christian mysteries. Sometimes they were round, with bells attached--of silver or silver gilt. Notices of such fans in the ancient records of St Paul's, London, Salisbury cathedral and many other churches exist still. For these purposes they are no longer used in the Western church, though they are retained in some Oriental rites. The large feather fans, however, are still carried in the state processions of the supreme pontiff in Rome, though not used during the celebration of the mass. The fan of Queen Theodolinda (7th century) is still preserved in the treasury of the cathedral of Monza. Fans made part of the bridal outfit, or _mundus muliebris_, of Roman ladies.

Folding fans had their origin in Japan, and were imported thence to China. They were in the shape still used--a segment of a circle of paper pasted on a light radiating framework of bamboo, and variously decorated, some in colours, others of white paper on which verses or sentences are written. It is a compliment in China to invite a friend or distinguished guest to write some sentiment on your fan as a memento of any special occasion, and this practice has continued. A fan that has some celebrity in France was presented by the Chinese ambassador to the comtesse de Clauzel at the coronation of Napoleon I. in 1804. When a site was given in 1635, on an artificial island, for the settlement of Portuguese merchants in Nippo in Japan, the space was laid out in the form of a fan as emblematic of an object agreeable for general use. Men and women of every rank both in China and Japan carry fans, even artisans using them with one hand while working with the other. In China they are often made of carved ivory, the sticks being plates very thin and sometimes carved on both sides, the intervals between the carved parts pierced with astonishing delicacy, and the plates held together by a ribbon. The Japanese make the two outer guards of the stick, which cover the others, occasionally of beaten iron, extremely thin and light, damascened with gold and other metals.

Fans were used by Portuguese ladies in the 14th century, and were well known in England before the close of the reign of Richard II. In France the inventory of Charles V. at the end of the 14th century mentions a folding ivory fan. They were brought into general use in that country by Catherine de'Medici, probably from Italy, then in advance of other countries in all matters of personal luxury. The court ladies of Henry VIII.'s reign in England were used to handling fans. A lady in the "Dance of Death" by Holbein holds a fan. Queen Elizabeth is painted with a round feather fan in her portrait at Gorhambury; and as many as twenty-seven are enumerated in her inventory (1606). Coryat, the English traveller, in 1608 describes them as common in Italy. They also became of general use from that time in Spain. In Italy, France and Spain fans had special conventional uses, and various actions in handling them grew into a code of signals, by which ladies were supposed to convey hints or signals to admirers or to rivals in society. A paper in the _Spectator_ humorously proposes to establish a regular drill for these purposes.

The chief seat of the European manufacture of fans during the 17th century was Paris, where the sticks or frames, whether of wood or ivory, were made, and the decorations painted on mounts of very carefully prepared vellum (incorrectly called _chicken skin_)--a material stronger and tougher than paper, which breaks at the folds. Paris makers exported fans unpainted to Madrid and other Spanish cities, where they were decorated by native artists. Many were exported complete; of old fans called Spanish a great number were in fact made in France. Louis XIV. issued edicts at various times to regulate the manufacture. Besides fans mounted with parchment, Dutch fans of ivory were imported into Paris, and decorated by the heraldic painters in the process called "Vernis Martin," after a famous carriage painter and inventor of colourless lac varnish. Fans of this kind belonging to Queen Victoria and the baroness de Rothschild were exhibited in 1870 at Kensington. A fan of the date of 1660, representing sacred subjects, is attributed to Philippe de Champagne, another to Peter Oliver in England in the 17th century. Cano de Arevalo, a Spanish painter of the 17th century, devoted himself to fan painting. Some harsh expressions of Queen Christina to the young ladies of the French court are said to have caused an increased ostentation in the splendour of their fans, which were set with jewels and mounted in gold. Rosalba Carriera was the name of a fan painter of celebrity in the 17th century. Le Brun and Romanelli were much employed during the same period. Klingstet, a Dutch artist, enjoyed a considerable reputation in the latter part of the 17th and the first thirty years of the 18th century.

The revocation of the edict of Nantes drove many fan-makers out of France to Holland and England. The trade in England was well established under the Stuart sovereigns. Petitions were addressed by the fan-makers to Charles II. against the importation of fans from India, and a duty was levied upon such fans in consequence. This importation of Indian fans, according to Savary, extended also to France. During the reign of Louis XV. carved Indian and China fans displaced to some extent those formerly imported from Italy, which had been painted on swanskin parchment prepared with various perfumes.

During the 18th century all the luxurious ornamentation of the day was bestowed on fans as far as they could display it. The sticks were made of mother-of-pearl or ivory, carved with extraordinary skill in France, Italy, England and other countries. They were painted from designs of Boucher, Watteau, Lancret and other "genre" painters; Hebert, Rau, Chevalier, Jean Boquet, Mme. Verite, are known as fan-painters. These fashions were followed in most countries of Europe, with certain national differences. Taffeta and silk, as well as fine parchment, were used for the mounts. Little circles of glass were let into the stick to be looked through, and small telescopic glasses were sometimes contrived at the pivot of the stick. They were occasionally mounted with the finest point lace. An interesting fan (belonging to Madame de Thiac in France), the work of Le Flamand, was presented by the municipality of Dieppe to Marie Antoinette on the birth of her son the dauphin. From the time of the Revolution the old luxury expended on fans died out. Fine examples ceased to be exported to England and other countries. The painting on them represented scenes or personages connected with political events. At a later period fan mounts were often prints coloured by hand. The events of the day mark the date of many examples found in modern collections. Among the fan-makers of modern days the names of Alexandre, Duvelleroy, Fayet, Vanier became well known in Paris; and the designs of Charles Conder (1868-1909) have brought his name to the front in this art. Painters of distinction often design and paint the mounts, the best designs being figure subjects. A great impulse was given to the manufacture and painting of fans in England after the exhibition which took place at South Kensington in 1870. Modern collections of fans take their date from the emigration of many noble families from France at the time of the Revolution. Such objects were given as souvenirs, and occasionally sold by families in straitened circumstances. A large number of fans of all sorts, principally those of the 18th century, French, English, German, Italian, Spanish, &c., have been bequeathed to the South Kensington (Victoria and Albert) Museum.

The sticks of folding fans are called in French _brins_, the two outer guards _panaches_, and the mount _feuille_.

See also Blondel, _Histoire des eventails_ (1875); Octave Uzanne,
_L'eventail_ (1882); and especially G. Wooliscroft Rhead, _History of
the Fan_ (1909). (J. H. P.*)

FANCY (a shortened form, dating from the 15th century, of "fantasy," which is derived through the O. Fr. _fantasie_, modern _fantaisie_. from the Latinized form of the Gr. [Greek: phantasia, phantasein, phainein], to show), display, showing forth, as a philosophical term, the presentative power of the mind. The word "fancy" and the older form "fantasy," which is now chiefly used poetically, was in its early application synonymous with imagination, the mental faculty of creating representations or images of things not present to the senses; it is more usually, in this sense, applied to the lighter forms of the imagination. "Fancy" also commonly means inclination, whim, caprice. The more learned form "phantasy," as also such words as "phantom" and "phantasm," is chiefly confined to visionary imaginings.

FANG (FAN, FANWE, PANWE, PAHOUIN, PAOUEN, MPANGWE), a powerful African people occupying the Gabun district north of the Ogowe river in French Congo. Their name means "men." They call themselves Pa^{n}we, Fa^{n}we and Fa^{n} with highly nasalized n. They are a finely-made race of chocolate colour; some few are very dark, but these are of slave origin. They have bright expressive oval faces with prominent cheek-bones. Many of them file their teeth to points. Their hair, which is woolly, is worn by the women long, reaching below the nape of the neck. The men wear it in a variety of shapes, often building it up over a wooden base. The growth of the hair appears abundant, but that on the face is usually removed. Little clothing is worn; the men wear a bark waist-cloth, the women a plantain girdle, sometimes with a bustle of dried grass. A chief wears a leopard's skin round the shoulders. Both sexes tattoo and paint the body, and delight in ornaments of every kind. The men, whose sole occupations are fighting and hunting, all carry arms--muskets, spears for throwing and stabbing, and curious throwing-knives with blades broader than they are long. Instead of bows and arrows they use crossbows made of ebony, with which they hunt apes and birds. In battle the Fang used to carry elephant hide shields; these have apparently been discarded.

When first met by T.E. Bowdich (1815) the Paamways, as he calls the Fang, were an inland people inhabiting the hilly plateaus north of the Ogowe affluents. Now they have become the neighbours of the Mpongwe (q.v.) of Glass and Libreville on the Komo river, while south of the Gabun they have reached the sea at several points. Their original home is probably to be placed somewhere near the Congo. Their language, according to Sir R. Burton, is soft and sweet and a contrast to their harsh voices, and the vocabularies collected prove it to be of the Bantu-Negroid linguistic family. W. Winwood Reade (_Sketch Book_, i. p. 108) states that "it is like Mpongwe (a pure Bantu idiom) cut in half; for instance, _njina_ (gorilla) in Mpongwe is _nji_ in Fan." The plural of the tribal name is formed in the usual Bantu way, Ba-Fang.

Morally the Fang are superior to the negro. Mary Kingsley writes: "The Fan is full of fire, temper, intelligence and go, very teachable, rather difficult to manage, quick to take offence, and utterly indifferent to human life." This latter characteristic has made the Fang dreaded by all their neighbours. They are noted cannibals, and ferocious in nature. Prisoners are badly treated and are often allowed to starve. The Fang are always fighting, but the battles are not bloody. After the fall of two or three warriors the bodies are dragged off to be devoured, and their friends disperse. Burton says that their cannibalism is limited to the consumption of slain enemies; that the sick are not devoured; and that the dead are decently buried, except slaves, whose bodies are thrown into the forest. Mary Kingsley, on the other hand, believed their cannibalism was not limited. She writes: "The Fan is not a cannibal for sacrificial motives, like the negro. He will eat his next door neighbour's relation and sell his own deceased to his next door neighbour in return, but he does not buy slaves and fatten them up for his table as some of the middle Congo tribes do. He has no slaves, no prisoners of war, no cemeteries, so you must draw your own conclusions." Among certain tribes the aged alone are permitted to eat human flesh, which is _taboo_ for all others. There is no doubt that the cannibalism of the Fang is diminishing before the advance of civilization. Apart from their ferocity, the Fang are an agreeable and industrious people. They are skilful workers in iron and have a curious coinage called _bikei_, little iron imitation axeheads tied up in bundles called _ntet_, ten to a bundle; these are used chiefly in the purchase of wives. They are energetic traders and are skilled in pottery and in gardening. Their religion appears to be a combination of primitive animism and ancestor worship, with a belief in sympathetic magic.

BIBLIOGRAPHY.--Paul du Chaillu, _Explorations in Equatorial Africa_
(1861); Sir R. Burton, "A Day with the Fans," _Transactions of
Ethnological Society_, new series, vols. 3-4; Mary Kingsley, _Travels
in West Africa_ (1897); Oscar Lenz, _Skizzen aus West Africa_ (1878);
R.E. Dennett, _Notes on the Folklore of the Fjort_ (1898); William
Winwood Reade, _The African Sketch Book_ (1873); and (chiefly) A.L.
Bennett, "Ethnographical Notes on the Fang," _Journ. Anthr. Inst._
N.S., ii. p. 66, and L. Martron in _Anthropos_, t. i. (1906), fasc. 4.

FANO (anc. _Fanum Fortunae_, q.v.), a town and episcopal see of the Marches, Italy, in the province of Pesaro and Urbino, 8 m. S.E. of the former by rail, and 46 ft. above sea-level, on the N.E. coast of Italy. Pop. (1901), town 10,535, commune 24,730. The cathedral has a 13th century portal, but the interior is unimportant. The vestibule of S. Francesco contains the tombs of some members of the Malatesta family. S. Croce and S. Maria Nuova contain works by Giovanni Santi, the father of Raphael; the latter has also two works by Perugino, the predella of one of which is attributed to Raphael. S. Agostino contains a painting of S. Angelo Custode ("the Guardian Angel"), which is the subject of a poem by Robert Browning. The fine Gothic Palazzo della Ragione (1299) has been converted into a theatre. The palace of the Malatesta, with fine porticos and Gothic windows, was much damaged by an earthquake in 1874. S. Michele, built against the arch of Augustus, is an early Renaissance building (1475-1490), probably by Matteo Nuzio of Fano, with an ornate portal. The facade has an interesting relief showing the colonnade added by Constantine as an upper storey to the arch of Augustus and removed in 1463.

Fano in the middle ages passed through various political vicissitudes, and in the 14th century became subject to the Malatesta. In 1458 Pius II. added it to the states of the Church. Julius II. established here in 1514 the first printing press with movable Arabic type. The harbour was restored by Paul V. but is now unimportant.

FANSHAWE, SIR RICHARD, Bart. (1608-1666), English poet and ambassador, son of Sir Henry Fanshawe, remembrancer of the exchequer, of Ware Park, Hertfordshire, and of Elizabeth, daughter of Thomas Smith or Smythe, was born early in June 1608, and was educated in Cripplegate by the famous schoolmaster, Thomas Farnaby. In November 1623 he was admitted fellow-commoner of Jesus College, Cambridge, and in January 1626 he entered the Inner Temple; but the study of the law being distasteful to him he travelled in France and Spain. On his return, an accomplished linguist, in 1635, he was appointed secretary to the English embassy at Madrid under Lord Aston. At the outbreak of the Civil War he joined the king, and while at Oxford in 1644 married Anne, daughter of Sir John Harrison of Balls, Hertfordshire. About the same time he was appointed secretary at war to the prince of Wales, with whom he set out in 1645 for the western counties, Scilly, and afterwards Jersey. He compounded in 1646 with the parliamentary authorities, and was allowed to live in London till October 1647, visiting Charles I. at Hampton Court. In 1647 he published his translation of the _Pastor Fido_ of Guarini, which he reissued in 1648 with the addition of several other poems, original and translated. In 1648 he was appointed treasurer to the navy under Prince Rupert. In November of this year he was in Ireland, where he actively engaged in the royalist cause till the spring of 1650, when he was despatched by Charles II. on a mission to obtain help from Spain. This was refused, and he joined Charles in Scotland as secretary. On the 2nd of September 1650 he had been created a baronet. He accompanied Charles in the expedition into England, and was taken prisoner at the battle of Worcester on the 3rd of September 1651. After a confinement of some weeks at Whitehall, he was allowed, with restrictions, and under the supervision of the authorities, to choose his own place of residence. He published in 1652 his _Selected Parts of Horace_, a translation remarkable for its fidelity, felicity and elegance. In 1654 he completed translations of two of the comedies of the Spanish poet Antonio de Mendoza, which were published after his death, _Querer per solo querer: To Love only for Love's Sake_, in 1670, and _Fiestas de Aranjuez_ in 1671. But the great labour of his retirement was the translation of the _Lusiad_, by Camoens published in 1655. It is in ottava rima, with the translation prefixed to it of the Latin poem _Furor Petroniensis_. In 1658 he published a Latin version of the _Faithful Shepherdess_ of Fletcher.

In April 1659 Fanshawe left England for Paris, re-entered Charles's service and accompanied him to England at the Restoration, but was not offered any place in the administration. In 1661 he was returned to parliament for the university of Cambridge, and the same year was sent to Portugal to negotiate the marriage between Charles II. and the infanta. In January 1662 he was made a privy councillor of Ireland, and was appointed ambassador again to Portugal in August, where he remained till August 1663. He was sworn a privy councillor of England on the 1st of October. In January 1664 he was sent as ambassador to Spain, and arrived at Cadiz in February of that year. He signed the first draft of a treaty on the 17th of December, which offered advantageous concessions to English trade, but of which one condition was that it should be confirmed by his government before a certain date. In January 1666 Fanshawe went to Lisbon to procure the adherence of Portugal to this agreement. He returned to Madrid, having failed in his mission, and was almost immediately recalled by Clarendon on the plea that he had exceeded his instructions. He died very shortly afterwards before leaving Madrid, on the 26th of June 1666. He had a family of fourteen children, of whom five only survived him, Richard, the youngest, succeeding as second baronet and dying unmarried in 1694.

As a translator, whether from the Italian, Latin, Portuguese or Spanish, Fanshawe has a considerable reputation. His _Pastor Fido_ and his _Lusiad_ have not been superseded by later scholars, and his rendering of the latter is praised by Southey and Sir Richard Burton. As an original poet also the few verses he has left are sufficient evidence of exceptional literary talent.

AUTHORITIES.--_Memoirs of Lady Fanshawe_, written in 1676 and
published 1829 (from an inaccurate transcript); these were reprinted
from the original manuscript and edited by H.C. Fanshawe (London,
1907); article in the _Dict. of Nat. Biography_ and authorities there
quoted; _Biographia Brit._ (Kippis); _Original Letters of Sir R.F._ (2
vols., 1724), the earlier edition of 1702 with portrait being only
vol. i. of this edition; _Notes Genealogical and Historical of the
Fanshawe Family_ (1868-1872); funeral sermon by H. Bagshaw; _Nicholas
Papers_ (Camden Society); _Quarterly Review_, xxvii. 1; _Macmillan's
Mag._ lvii. 279; _Camoen's Life and Lusiads_, by Sir F. Burton, i.
135; Clarendon's _State Papers, Calendars of State Papers,
Autobiography and Hist. of the Rebellion_; _Athenaeum_ (1883), i. 121;
_Add. MSS. British Museum_, 15,228 (poems); _Harl. MSS. Brit. Mus._
7010 (letters). (P. C. Y.)

FANTAN, a form of gambling highly popular among the Chinese. The game is simple. A square is marked in the centre of an ordinary table, or a square piece of metal is laid on it, the sides being marked 1, 2, 3 and 4. The banker puts on the table a double handful of small coins--in China "cash"--or similar articles, which he covers with a metal bowl. The players bet on the numbers, setting their stakes on the side of the square which bears the number selected. When all have staked, the bowl is removed, and the banker or croupier with a small stick removes coins from the heap, four at a time, till the final batch is reached. If it contains four coins, the backer of No. 4 wins; if three, the backer of No. 3 wins, and so on. Twenty-five per cent is deducted from the stake by the banker, and the winner receives five times the amount of his stake thus reduced. In Macao, the Monte Carlo of China, play goes on day and night, every day of the week, and bets can be made from 5 cents to 500 dollars, which are the limits.

Fantan is also the name of a card game, played with an ordinary pack, by any number of players up to eight. The deal decided, the cards are dealt singly, any that are left over forming a stock, and being placed face downwards on the table. Each player contributes a fixed stake or "ante." The first player can enter if he has an ace; if he has not he pays an "ante" and takes a card from the stock; the second player is then called upon and acts similarly till an ace is played. This (and the other aces when played) is put face upwards on the table, and the piles are built up from the ace to the king. The pool goes to the player who first gets rid of all his cards. If a player fails to play, having a playable card, he is fined the amount of the ante for every card in the other players' hands.

FANTASIA (Italian for "fantasy," a causing to be seen, from Greek, [Greek: phainein], to show), a name in music sometimes loosely used for a composition which has little structural form, and appears to be an improvization; and also for a combination or medley of familiar airs connected together with original passages of more or less brilliance. The word, however, was originally applied to more formal compositions, based on the madrigal, for several instruments. Fantasias appear as distinct compositions in Bach's works, and also joined to a fugue, as in the "Great Fantasia and Fugue" in A minor, and the "Fantasia cromatica" in D minor. Brahms used the name for his shorter piano pieces. It is also applied to orchestral compositions "not long enough to be called symphonic poems and not formal enough to be called overtures" (Sir C. Hubert Parry, in Grove's _Dictionary of Music_, ed. 1906). The Italian word is still used in Tunis, Algeria and Morocco, with the meaning of "showing off," for an acrobatic exhibition of horsemanship by the Arabs. The riders fire their guns, throw them and their lances into the air, and catch them again, standing or kneeling in the saddle, all at a full gallop.

FANTI, MANFREDO (1806-1865), Italian general, was born at Carpi and educated at the military college of Modena. In 1831 he was implicated in the revolutionary movement organized by Ciro Menotti (see FRANCIS IV., of Modena), and was condemned to death and hanged in effigy, but escaped to France, where he was given an appointment in the French corps of engineers. In 1833 he took part in Mazzini's abortive attempt to invade Savoy, and in 1835 he went to Spain to serve in Queen Christina's army against the Carlists. There he remained for thirteen years, distinguishing himself in battle and rising to a high staff appointment. But on the outbreak of the war between Piedmont and Austria in 1848 he hurried back to Italy, and although at first his services were rejected both by the Piedmontese government and the Lombard provisional government, he was afterwards given the command of a Lombard brigade. In the general confusion following on Charles Albert's defeat on the Mincio and his retreat to Milan, where the people rose against the unhappy king, Fanti's courage and tact saved the situation. He was elected member of the Piedmontese chamber in 1849, and on the renewal of the campaign he again commanded a Lombard brigade under General Ramorino. After the Piedmontese defeat at Novara (23rd of March) peace was made, but a rising broke out at Genoa, and Fanti with great difficulty restrained his Lombards from taking part in it. But he was suspected as a Mazzinian and a soldier of fortune by the higher Piedmontese officers, and they insisted on his being court-martialled for his operations under Ramorino (who had been tried and shot). Although honourably acquitted, he was not employed again until the Crimean expedition of 1855. In the second Austrian war in 1859 Fanti commanded the 2nd division, and contributed to the victories of Palestro, Magenta and San Martino. After the peace of Villafranca he was sent to organize the army of the Central Italian League (composed of the provisional governments of Tuscany, Modena, Parma and Romagna), and converted it in a few months into a well-drilled body of 45,000 men, whose function was to be ready to intervene in the papal states on the outbreak of a revolution. He showed statesmanlike qualities in steering a clear course between the exaggerated prudence of Baron Ricasoli, who wished to recall the troops from the frontier, and the impetuosity of Garibaldi, his second-in-command, who was anxious to invade Romagna prematurely, even at the risk of Austrian intervention. Fanti's firmness led to Garibaldi's resignation. In January 1860 Fanti became minister of war and marine under Cavour, and incorporated the League's army in that of Piedmont. In the meanwhile Garibaldi had invaded Sicily with his Thousand, and King Victor Emmanuel decided at last that he too must intervene; Fanti was given the chief command of a strong Italian force which invaded the papal states, seized Ancona and other fortresses, and defeated the papal army at Castelfidardo, where the enemy's commander, General Lamoriciere, was captured. In three weeks Fanti had conquered the Marche and Umbria and taken 28,000 prisoners. When the army entered Neapolitan territory the king took the chief command, with Fanti as chief of the staff. After defeating a large Neapolitan force at Mola and organizing the siege operations round Gaeta, Fanti returned to the war office at Turin to carry out important army reforms. His attitude in opposing the admission of Garibaldi's 7000 officers into the regular army with their own grades made him the object of great unpopularity for a time, and led to a severe reprimand from Cavour. On the death of the latter (7th of June 1861) he resigned office and took command of the VII. army corps. But his health had now broken down, and after four years' suffering he died in Florence on the 5th of April 1865. His lose was greatly felt in the war of 1866.

See Carandini, _Vita di M. Fanti_ (Verona, 1872); A. Di Giorgio, _Il
Generale M. Fanti_ (Florence, 1906). (L. V.*)

FANTI, a nation of Negroes, inhabiting part of the seaboard of the Gold Coast colony, British West Africa, and about 20,000 sq. m. of the interior. They number about a million. They have many traditions of early migrations. It seems probable that the Fanti and Ashanti were originally one race, driven from the north-east towards the sea by more powerful races, possibly the ancestors of Fula and Hausa. There are many words in Fanti for plants and animals not now existing in the country, but which abound in the Gurunsi and Moshi countries farther north. These regions have been always haunted by slave-raiders, and possibly these latter may have influenced the exodus. At any rate, the Fanti were early driven into the forests from the open plains and slopes of the hills. The name Fanti, an English version of _Mfantsi_, is supposed to be derived from _fan_, a wild cabbage, and _ti_, _di_ or _dz_, to eat; the story being that upon the exile of the tribe the only available food was some such plant. They are divided into seven tribes, obviously totemic, and with rules as to exogamy still in force. (1) _Kwonna_, buffalo; (2) _Etchwi_, leopard; (3) _Eso_, bush-cat; (4) _Nitchwa_, dog; (5) _Nnuna_, parrot; (6) _Ebradzi_, lion; and (7) _Abrutu_, corn-stalk; these names are obsolete, though the meanings are known. The tribal marks are three gashes in front of the ear on each side in a line parallel to the jaw-bone. The Fanti language has been associated by A.B. Ellis with the Ashanti speech as the principal descendant of an original language, possibly the Tshi (pronounced Tchwi), which is generally considered as the parent of Ashanti, Fanti, Akim, Akwapim and modern Tshi.