Chapter XI: The Last Years of Archbishop Theobald (2)

[1625] Gilb. Foliot, Ep. lxxix. (Giles, vol. i. pp. 94–102); a
most interesting and valuable letter, being a detailed review
of the whole question of the succession, as well as of Brian’s
“book.” The latter is unhappily lost.

The career of the new bishop of Hereford was but the natural continuation of that of the abbot of Gloucester. His more exalted office enabled him to be more than ever Theobald’s right hand in the direction of the western dioceses. In their secular policy he and Theobald were wholly at one; whether they really were equally so in their ideas of Church reform is a question which was never put to the test; but the tone of Gilbert’s mind, so far as it can be made out from his letters and from his course in after-years, does not seem to have altogether harmonized with that which prevailed in the primate’s household; and the one member of that household with whom Gilbert was on really intimate terms was precisely the one who, as afterwards appeared, had imbibed least of its spirit--Roger of Pont-l’Evêque. Gilbert’s character is not an easy one to read. Its inner depths are scarcely reflected in his letters, which are almost all occupied with mere business or formal religious exhortation; we never get from him such a pleasant little stream of unpremeditated, discursive talk as John of Salisbury or Peter of Blois delighted to pour out of the abundance of their hearts into the ears of some old comrade, or such a flood of uncontrolled passion as revealed the whole soul of Thomas Becket. Gilbert’s letters are carefully-balanced, highly-finished compositions; almost every one of them reads as if it had received as much polishing, in proportion to its length and importance, as the review of Earl Brian’s book, which, the abbot owns, occupied what should have been his hours of prayer during two days.[1626] A strong vein of sarcasm, very clever as well as very severe, is the only token of personal feeling which at times forces its way strangely, almost startlingly, through the veil of extreme self-depreciation with which Gilbert strove to cover it. The self-depreciation is even more disagreeable than the sarcasm; yet it seems hardly fair to accuse Gilbert of conscious hypocrisy. There was a bitter, sneering disposition ingrained in his innermost being, and he knew it. His elaborate expressions of more than monastic humility and meekness may have been the outcome of a struggle to smother what he probably regarded as his besetting sin; and if he not only failed to smother it, but drifted into a much more subtle and dangerous temptation, still it is possible that he himself never perceived the fact, and was less a deceiver than a victim of self-deception. During his episcopate at Hereford, at any rate, no shadow of suspicion fell upon him from any quarter; primate and Pope esteemed, trusted and consulted him as one of the wisest as well as most zealous doctors of the English Church; and when the young king came to his throne he did not fail to shew a duly respectful appreciation of Gilbert’s character and services.

[1626] “Et biduo saltem ores pro me, quia biduo mihi est
intermissa oratio ut literas dictarem ad te.” Gilb. Foliot, Ep.
lxxix. (Giles, vol. i. p. 102).

The king’s own attitude towards the religious revival was as yet not very clearly defined. Henry was not without religious impulse; but it had taken a special direction which indeed might naturally be expected in a grandson of Fulk of Jerusalem:--a restless desire to go upon crusade. He had no sooner mounted his throne than he began to urge upon the English Pope, newly crowned like himself, the importance of giving special attention to the necessities of the Holy Land.[1627] Four years later he proposed to join Louis of France in a crusade against the Moors in Spain. Louis wrote to the Pope announcing this project and begging for his advice and support; Adrian in reply assured the two kings of his sympathy and goodwill, but though praising their zeal he expressed some doubt of its discretion, advised them to ascertain whether the Spaniards desired their help before thrusting it upon them unasked, and reminded Louis in plain terms of the disastrous issue of his former rash crusade.[1628] The warning was needless, for it was hardly written before the intending brothers-in-arms were preparing to fight against each other; and before the war of Toulouse was over the English Pope was dead.[1629]

[1627] Pet. Blois, Ep. clxviii. (Giles, vol. ii. pp. 116–118).
The letter is headed merely “Tali Papæ talis rex,” but there
can be no doubt that they are Henry and Adrian. The king
congratulates himself and his country--“noster Occidens”--on
the elevation of a native thereof to the Papal chair, and makes
suggestions to the Pope about the work which lies before him.

[1628] Adrian IV. Ep. ccxli. (Migne, _Patrol._, vol.
clxxxviii., cols. 1615–1617; Duchesne, _Hist. Franc. Scriptt._,
vol. iv. pp. 590, 591). Date, February 18 [1159].

[1629] Adrian died at Anagni on September 1, 1159. Alex. III.
Ep. i. (Migne, _Patrol._, vol. cc., col. 70).

His death was a heavy blow to the Church of his native land; and it was followed by a schism which threatened disastrous consequences to all western Christendom. Two Popes were elected--Roland of Siena, cardinal of S. Mark and treasurer of the Holy See, and Octavian, cardinal of S. Cecilia, a Roman of noble birth. This latter, who assumed the name of Victor IV., was favoured by the Emperor, Frederic Barbarossa. After a violent struggle he was expelled from Rome and fled to the protection of his imperial patron, who thereupon summoned a general council to meet at Pavia early in the next year and decide between the rival pontiffs.[1630] Only the bishops of Frederic’s own dominions obeyed the summons, and only one of the claimants; for Alexander III. (as Roland was called by his adherents) disdained to submit to a trial whose issue he believed to have been predetermined against him. He was accordingly condemned as a rebel and schismatic, and Victor was acknowledged as the lawful successor of S. Peter.[1631] This decision, however, bound only the bishops of the Imperial dominions; and its general acceptance throughout the rest of Christendom, doubtful from the first, became impossible when Alexander and his partizans published their account of the mode by which it had been arrived at. Victor--so their story went--had actually placed his pontifical ring in the Emperor’s hands and received it back from him as the symbol of investiture.[1632] The Church at large could have no hesitation in deciding that a man who thus climbed into the sheepfold by surrendering, voluntarily and deliberately, the whole principle of spiritual independence whose triumph Gregory and Anselm had devoted their lives to secure, was no true shepherd but a thief and robber. Frederic however lost no time in endeavouring to obtain for him the adhesion of France and England; and in the last-named quarter he had great hopes of success. Henry had for several years past shewn a disposition to knit up again the old political ties which connected England with Germany; friendly embassies had been exchanged between the two countries;[1633] now that he had begun to quarrel with France, too, he was likely to be more inclined towards an imperial alliance. Moreover it might naturally be expected that Frederic’s bold and apparently successful attempt to revive the claims of his predecessor Henry IV. on the subject of ecclesiastical investitures would meet with sympathy from the grandson and representative of Henry I. Indeed, the official report of the council of Pavia declares that Henry had actually, by letters and envoys, given his assent to its proceedings.[1634] But nothing of the kind was known in Henry’s own dominions;[1635] and it seems that the Emperor was forestalled by a Norman bishop.

[1630] Radevic of Freisingen, l. ii. cc. 43, 50–56 (Muratori,
_Rer. Ital. Scriptt._, vol. vi. cols. 819, 823–834), largely
made up of official letters. This is the Victorian or
Imperialist version; for the Alexandrine see Will. Newb., l.
ii. c. 9 (Howlett, vol. i. pp. 118, 119), and Arn. Lisieux,
Epp. 21, 22, 23 (Giles, pp. 108–122. Arnulf calls the antipope
“Otto.”) It seems quite hopeless to reconcile them or decide
between them.

[1631] Rad. Freising., l. ii. cc. 64–72 (as above, cols.
838–853). Will. Newb., l. ii. c. 9 (Howlett, vol. i. pp. 119,
120).

[1632] Arn. Lisieux, Ep. 23 (Giles, p. 118).

[1633] Pipe Roll 4 Hen. II. (Hunter), p. 112. Cf. Rad.
Freising., l. i. c. 7 (Muratori, _Rer. Ital. Scriptt._, vol.
vi. cols. 744, 745). Another embassy from Henry reached
Frederic in Lombardy, in the winter of 1158–1159, immediately
after one from Louis. The object of each king was to secure
Frederic’s alliance against the other, in prospect of the
coming war of Toulouse; Rad. Freising., l. ii. c. 22 (as above,
col. 804).

[1634] Report in Rad. Freising., l. ii. c. 70 (as above, col.
850). But the bishop of Bamberg, also an eye-witness, says:
“Nuntius regis Francorum promisit pro eo neutrum se recepturum
usque dum nuntios Imperatoris recipiat. Nuntius regis Anglorum
idem velle et idem nolle promisit, tam in his quam in aliis”
(_ib._ c. 71, col. 851); which leaves it doubtful whether the
English envoy really echoed the decision of the council, or the
answer of his French brother.

[1635] Not even to Stephen of Rouen, the author of the _Draco
Normannicus_, who has a long account of the schism, curious as
proceeding from a Norman monk whose sympathies are wholly and
openly on the opposite side to that which was formally adopted
by his own sovereign, nation and Church. _Draco Norm._, l. iii.
cc. 6–11, vv. 361–868 (Howlett, _Will. Newb._, vol. ii. pp.
724–739).

Arnulf of Lisieux came of a family which had for more than half a century been constantly mixed up in the diplomatic concerns of Normandy and Anjou. Arnulf himself had begun his career about 1130 by writing a treatise in defence of an orthodox Pope against an usurper;[1636] he had been chosen to succeed his uncle Bishop John of Lisieux[1637] shortly before Geoffrey Plantagenet’s final conquest of Normandy, and had bought at a heavy price his peace with the new ruler;[1638] and for the next forty years there was hardly a diplomatic transaction of any kind, ecclesiastical or secular, in England or in Gaul, in which he was not at some moment and in some way or other concerned. He had little official influence; he had indeed a certain amount of territorial importance in Normandy, for Lisieux was the capital of a little county of which the temporal as well as the spiritual government was vested in the bishop; but a Norman bishop, merely as such, had none of the political weight of an English prelate; and Arnulf never held any secular office. He was not exactly a busybody; he was a consummate diplomatist, of wide experience and far-reaching intelligence, with whose services no party could afford to dispense; and his extraordinary caution and sagacity enabled him to act as counsellor and guide of all parties at once without sacrificing his own reputation as a sound Churchman and a loyal subject. In his youth he had come in contact with most of the rising scholars and statesmen of the day in the schools of Paris; and as he was an indefatigable and accomplished letter-writer, he kept up through life a busy correspondence with men of all ranks and all schools of thought on both sides of the sea.[1639] During the quarrel between Louis VII. and Geoffrey Plantagenet concerning the affair of Montreuil-Bellay, Arnulf was intrusted by Suger with a chief part in the negotiations for the restoration of peace;[1640] the final settlement in 1151, whereby the investiture of Normandy was secured to Henry, was chiefly owing to his diplomacy;[1641] he accompanied Henry to England and was present at his crowning;[1642] and on all questions of continental policy he continued to be Henry’s chief adviser till he was superseded by Thomas Becket.

[1636] See his _Tractatus de Schismate_ in his “Works” (ed.
Giles), pp. 43–79.

[1637] In 1141. _Gall. Christ._, vol. xi. cols. 774, 775.

[1638] _Ib._ col. 775.

[1639] One of his fellow-students was Ralf de Diceto, the
future historian and dean of S. Paul’s, to whom he writes
affectionately in after-years, recalling vividly the memories
of joy and sorrow which they had shared in their college days.
Arn. Lis. Ep. 16 (Giles, pp. 100, 101). Another of his early
friends was Robert Bloet, bishop of Lincoln, whose good offices
he earnestly entreated in behalf of the young Duke Henry when
the latter made his expedition to England in 1149. Ep. 4 (pp.
85, 86).

[1640] Suger, Epp. clxvii., clxviii. (Migne, _Patrol._, vol.
clxxxvi., cols. 1428, 1429).

[1641] Arn. Lis. Ep. 5 (Giles, pp. 86, 87). One passage looks
as if the demand for Henry’s investiture had come from England;
it is described as “postulatio Anglorum.”

[1642] Rob. Torigni, a. 1154.

To Arnulf there was nothing new or startling in a schism at Rome; his experiences of thirty years before enabled him to penetrate the present case at once, and as then with his pen, so now with his tongue, he proved the readiest and most powerful advocate of the orthodox pontiff. Fortunately, Henry was in Normandy; before any one else had time to gain his ear and bias his mind, before he himself had time to think of forming an independent judgement on the subject, Arnulf hurried to his side,[1643] and set forth the claims of Alexander with such convincing eloquence that the king at once promised to acknowledge him as Pope. He refrained however from issuing an immediate order for Alexander’s acceptance throughout his dominions, partly in deference to the Emperor,[1644] and partly to make sure of the intentions of the king of France. Louis, like Henry, had sent a representative to the council of Pavia, but he had taken care not to commit himself to any decision upon its proceedings.[1645] He was not naturally inclined to favour the Emperor’s views. The question of the investitures had never been as important in France as in Germany or in England, and had been settled by a kind of tacit concordat which the Most Christian King had no mind to forfeit his title by disturbing; France was always the staunchest upholder of the independence of the Apostolic see;[1646] and neither king nor clergy desired to change their attitude. They met in council at Beauvais some time in the summer of 1160; a similar gathering of the Norman bishops, in Henry’s presence, took place in July at Neufmarché; both assemblies resulted in the acknowledgement of Alexander.[1647] The formal assent of the Churches of England and Aquitaine had still to be obtained before either king would fully proclaim his decision.[1648] Archbishop Theobald’s anxious request for information and instructions concerning the schism[1649] was answered by an exhaustive and eloquent statement of the case from the pen of the indefatigable bishop of Lisieux;[1650] and in accordance with his directions the English bishops in council assembled unanimously declared their acceptance of Alexander III. as the lawful successor of S. Peter.[1651]

[1643] Arn. Lis. Epp. 18 and 21 (Giles, pp. 103, 104, 111).

[1644] Arn. Lis. Ep. 21 (Giles, p. 111).

[1645] See above, p. 499, note 3{1634}.

[1646] Arn. Lis. Ep. 23 (Giles, p. 120).

[1647] Rob. Torigni, a. 1160.

[1648] Arn. Lis. Epp. 23, 24 (Giles, pp. 120, 129).

[1649] Joh. Salisb. Ep. xliv. (Giles, vol. i. pp. 45, 46).

[1650] Arn. Lis. Ep. 23 (Giles, pp. 116–122). Cf. Gilb. Foliot,
Ep. cxlviii. (Giles, vol. i. p. 197).

[1651] Gilb. Foliot, Ep. cxlviii. (as above). Joh. Salisb. Ep.
lxiv (Giles, vol. i. p. 79).

Alexander’s legates were already in Normandy;[1652] unluckily, however, the use which Henry made of their presence led as we have seen to a fresh rupture between him and Louis; and by this the Emperor and the anti-pope immediately sought to profit. Tempting as their overtures were to Henry, it does not appear that he ever seriously entertained them; but the leaders of the English Church, having now learned the circumstances of the case and grasped the full importance of the triumph insured to the reforming party by his acceptance of Alexander, were naturally alarmed lest he should be induced to change his mind. Their anxiety was increased by the enfeebled state of their own ranks. The struggles of Bishop Richard of London to clear off the debts incurred in raising a fine required by Stephen at his election seemed to have only aggravated the confusion of his affairs, which his friends the bishops of Hereford and Lincoln were engaged in a desperate effort to disentangle,[1653] while Richard himself, to complete his misfortunes, was stricken helpless by paralysis.[1654] Henry of Winchester had returned to his diocese, after nearly four years’ absence, in 1159;[1655] but by the spring of 1161 he again left the Church of England to her fate and went back to his beloved Cluny.[1656] The bishoprics of Chester (or Lichfield), Exeter and Worcester were vacant;[1657] and, worst of all, Archbishop Theobald was dying.

[1652] Gilb. Foliot, Ep. cxlviii (as above).

[1653] Gilb. Foliot, Ep. cxx. (Giles, vol. i. p. 158).

[1654] R. Diceto (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 304.

[1655] See above, p. 492, note 1{1611}.

[1656] R. Diceto, as above.

[1657] Walter of Lichfield died December 7, 1160 (Stubbs,
_Registr. Sac. Ang._, p. 30); Alfred of Worcester, July 31,
1160; and Robert of Exeter some time in the same year (_ib._ p.
31).

The primate’s letters during the last few months of his life shew him calmly awaiting his call to rest, yet anxiously longing to be assured of the future of those whom he was leaving behind, and to set in order a few things that were wanting before he could depart altogether in peace. Very touching are the expressions of his longing to “see the face of the Lord’s anointed once again”--to welcome the king back to his country and his home, safely removed from political temptations to break away from the unity of the Church.[1658] And there was another for whose return Theobald yearned more deeply still: his own long absent archdeacon--“the first of my counsellors, nay, my only one,” as he calls him, pleading earnestly with the king to let him come home.[1659] For a moment, indeed, Theobald was on the point of being left almost alone. Some rather obscure mischief-making in high places had caused John of Salisbury to be visited with the king’s severe displeasure; treated as a suspected criminal in England, forbidden to go and clear himself in Normandy, John found his position so unbearable that he contemplated taking refuge in France under the protection of his old friend Abbot Peter of Celle.[1660] He seems, however, to have ended by remaining in England under Theobald’s protection; before the winter of 1160, at any rate, he was again at Canterbury, watching over and tending the primate’s gradual decline;--almost overwhelmed with “the care of all the churches,” which Theobald had transferred to him;[1661]--characteristically finding relief from his anxieties in correspondence with old friends, and in the composition of another little philosophical treatise, called _Metalogicus_, whose chief interest lies in the sketch which it contains of its author’s early life.[1662] John’s disinterested affection and devoted services were fully appreciated by Theobald;[1663] but they could not make up for the absence of Thomas. Not only did the old man long to see his early favourite once more; not only were there grave matters of diocesan administration dependent on the archdeacon’s office and urgently requiring his personal co-operation:[1664]--it was on far weightier things than these that the archbishop desired to hold counsel with Thomas. In the hands of Thomas, as chief adviser and minister of the king, rested in no small degree the future of the English Church; Theobald’s darling wish was that it should rest in his hands as primate of all England.[1665]

[1658] Joh. Salisb. Epp. lxiii, lxiv,* lxiv** (Giles, vol. i.
pp. 77, 78, 80–82), all from Theobald to Henry.

[1659] “Qui [sc. Thomas] nobis unicus est et consilii nostri
primus.” Joh. Salisb. Ep. lxx. (_ib._ p. 93).

[1660] Joh. Salisb. Epp. lxi., xcvi., cviii., cxii., cxiii.,
cxv., cxxi. (_ib._ pp. 74, 75, 141–144, 158, 160, 161, 164,
165, 169, 170). See Demimuid, _Jean de Salisbury_, pp. 183–188.

[1661] Joh. Salisb. _Metalog._, prolog. (Giles, vol. v. pp. 8,
9), and l. iv. c. 42 (_ib._ p. 206).

[1662] _Ib._ l. ii. c. 10 (pp. 78–81).

[1663] Joh. Salisb. Ep. lxiv.* (Giles, vol. i. p. 80), from
Theobald to Henry.

[1664] Joh. Salisb. Epp. xlix., lxxi. (_ib._ pp. 51, 52, 94,
95), both from Theobald to Thomas. The initial in the address
of lxxi. is clearly wrong. See Robertson, _Becket_, vol. v. p.
11, note a.

[1665] This is distinctly stated by John of Salisbury:--

“Ille Theobaldus qui Christi præsidet aulæ,
Quam fidei matrem Cantia nostra colit,
Hunc successurum sibi sperat et orat, ut idem
Præsulis officium muniat atque locum.”

_Entheticus_, vv. 1293–1296 (Giles, vol. v. p. 280.)

Later writers dilate upon the startling contrast between Becket’s character and policy as chancellor and as archbishop. That contrast vanishes when we look at the chancellor through the eyes of the two men who knew him best; and we find that the real contrast lies between their view of him and that of the outside world which only saw the surface of his life and could not fathom its inner depths. Those who beheld him foremost in every military exercise and every courtly pastime, far outdoing the king himself in lavish splendour and fastidious refinement, devoting every faculty of mind and body to the service and the pleasure of his royal friend:--those who saw all this, and could only judge by what they saw, might well have thought that for such a man to become the champion of the Church was a dream to be realized only by miracle or by imposture. But Archbishop Theobald and John of Salisbury had known his inmost soul, better perhaps than he knew it himself, before ever he went to court; and they knew that however startling his conduct there might look, he was merely fulfilling in his own way the mission on which he had been sent thither:--making himself all things to all men, if thereby he might by any means influence the court and the king for good.[1666] Even his suggestion of the scutage for the war of Toulouse did not seriously shake their faith in him; they blamed him, but they believed that he had erred in weakness, not in wilfulness.[1667] In the middle of the war John dedicated the _Polycraticus_ to him as the one man about the court to whom its follies and its faults could be criticized without fear, because he had no part in them.[1668] Thomas himself does not seem to have contemplated the possibility of removal from his present sphere. It was not in his nature at any time to look far ahead; and Henry seemed to find his attendance more indispensable than ever, declaring in answer to Theobald’s intreaties and remonstrances that he could not possibly spare him till peace was thoroughly restored.[1669]

[1666] Joh. Salisb. _Enthet._, vv. 1435–1440 (Giles, vol. v. p.
285).

[1667] Joh. Salisb. Ep. cxlv. (Giles, vol. i. pp. 223, 224).

[1668] Joh. Salisb. _Polycrat._, prolog. (Giles, vol. iii. p.
13).

[1669] Joh. Salisb. Ep. lxxviii. (Giles, vol. i. p. 106).

Thomas was in a strait. His first duty was to his dying spiritual father; but he could not go against the king’s will without running such a risk as Theobald would have been the first to disapprove. Thomas himself therefore at last suggested that the archbishop should try to move the king by summoning his truant archdeacon to return home at once on pain of deprivation.[1670] Theobald, unable to reconcile the contradictory letters of king and chancellor with the general reports of their wonderful unanimity, steered a middle course between severity and gentleness, from fear of bringing down the royal displeasure upon his favourite, whom he yet half suspected of being in collusion with the king. His secretary, John, had no such doubts; but he too was urgent that by some means or other Thomas should come over before the primate’s death.[1671] If he did go, it can only have been for a flying visit; and there is no sign that he went at all. One thing he did obtain for Theobald’s satisfaction: the appointment of Bartholomew archdeacon of Exeter to the bishopric of that diocese.[1672] In April Richard Peche, on whom the see of Chester had been conferred, was consecrated at Canterbury by Walter of Rochester, the archbishop being carried into the chapel to sanction by his presence the rite in which he was too feeble to assist.[1673] By the hand of the faithful secretary John he transmitted to King Henry his last solemn benediction and farewell, and commended to the royal care the future of his church and the choice of his successor.[1674] A few days later, on April 18, 1161, the good primate passed away.[1675]

[1670] _Ib._ (p. 105).

[1671] Joh. Salisb. Ep. lxxviii. (Giles, vol. i. pp. 105–107).

[1672] Joh. Salisb. Epp. lxx., lxxi., lxxviii. (as above,
pp. 94, 95, 106). On Bartholomew see also Ep. xc. (_ib._ pp.
132–136), where John addresses him as a personal friend.

[1673] Gerv. Cant. (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 168.

[1674] Joh. Salisb. Ep. liv. (Giles, vol. i. pp. 56–58). See
the archbishop’s will in Ep. lvii. (_ib._ pp. 60–62).

[1675] Gerv. Cant. as above.

_ERRATA_

Page 50, line 8 from foot, _insert_ “and” _before_ “bore.”
” 158, ” 5, _for_ “in” _read_ “by.”
” 268, ” 18, _dele_ “the following.”
” 274, ” 14 from foot, _for_ “two” _read_ “three.”
” 282, ” 14, _insert_ “and” _before_ “made.”
” 417, lines 3 and 4 from foot, _for_ “husband ... heiress”
_read_ “head.”
” 438, note 5, line 8, _for_ “David” _read_ “Henry of Scotland.”

END OF VOL. I.

_Printed by_ R. & R. CLARK, _Edinburgh_

INDEX

Aaron of Lincoln, ii. 487

Abelard, i. 480

Abingdon, its customs in 1185, ii. 475–477;
its fair, 481, 482.
_See_ Faricius

Achard, lord of Châlus, ii. 382, 383

Aclea, battle of, i. 102

Acre taken by the crusaders, ii. 319

Adaland, archbishop of Tours, i. 131, 132

Adalbert, count of Périgord, i. 145

Adam, Master, i. 482, 492, 493

Adam de Bruce, ii. 145

Adam de Port, ii. 162

Adela, first wife of Geoffrey Greygown, i. 121, 135

Adela, countess of Chalon-sur-Saône, second wife of Geoffrey Greygown,
i. 121, 134, 135, 199

Adela of France, daughter of Louis VII. and Eleanor, i. 445

Adela, daughter of Louis VII. and Constance, born, i. 468;
betrothed to Richard, ii. 62;
offered to John, 314;
marries the count of Ponthieu, 374

Adela of Blois, daughter of Theobald IV., third wife of Louis VII.,
i. 468

Adela, daughter of William the Conqueror, wife of Stephen-Henry of
Blois, i. 272;
her children, 273

Adela of Vendôme, daughter of Fulk Nerra and Elizabeth, i. 172

Adela, _see_ Hermengard

Adelaide or Blanche, mother of Queen Constance, i. 191, 192

Adelard of Bath, i. 94, 95

Adeliza of Louvain, second wife of Henry I., i. 94;
married to William of Aubigny, 298;
receives the Empress Matilda, i. 309

Ademar, count of Angoulême, ii. 316, 381, 398, 399

Ademar, viscount of Limoges, ii. 220, 230, 381, 382

Adrian IV., Pope, i. 476;
his relations with the English Church and the _Curia Theobaldi_,
477;
friendship with John of Salisbury, 485;
bull for conquest of Ireland, 431; ii. 95, 96, 182;
relations with Henry II., i. 497;
dies, 498.
_See_ Nicolas

Ælendis of Amboise, wife of Ingelger, i. 105, 131

Aerschot, _see_ Arnold

Agnes of Burgundy, her marriages, i. 174, 197–199;
kinship with Geoffrey Martel, 136, 175, 199;
divorced, 212

Agnes of Merania, ii. 395, 401

Agnes of Poitou, daughter of William IV., marries Emperor Henry III.,
i. 176

“Aids” from towns, i. 25, 29;
the Sheriff’s, ii. 15;
_pour fille marier_, 125, 126;
for the king’s ransom, 325

Aileach, kings of, _see_ Donell, Murtogh

Alan Barbetorte, count of Nantes and duke of Britanny, i. 115

Alan III., duke of Britanny, helps Herbert Wakedog against Avesgaud
and Fulk, i. 159, note 4{343};
marriage, 205;
death, 206, 211

Alan Fergant, duke of Britanny, his marriages, i. 328, note 4{930}

Alan, count of Nantes, i. 146

Alan of Richmond, i. 318, 319, 321

Albano, _see_ Henry

Alberic, bishop of Ostia, legate, i. 299, 300

Alberic, count of Gâtinais, _see_ Geoffrey

Albinus or Aubin, S., bishop of Angers, i. 98

Alcuin, i. 181

Aldgate, priory of Holy Trinity at, i. 66

Alençon, i. 208, 209;
treaty of, 217;
surrendered to Henry I., 233;
restored to William Talvas, 236;
won by Fulk V., _ib._
_See_ Robert, William

Alexander II., Pope, i. 220

Alexander III., Pope, i. 498;
acknowledged in France and England, 502;
grants the pall to Thomas, ii. 6;
meets Henry and Louis at Chouzy, 13;
holds a council at Tours, 14;
relation to the Becket quarrel, 29, 50–52;
condemns Constitutions of Clarendon, 42;
returns to Rome, 55;
appoints Thomas legate, 67;
sends commissioners to mediate between Henry and Thomas, 69, 70;
authorizes Roger of York to crown young Henry, 71;
forbids him, 72;
interdicts the Angevin dominions and excommunicates the murderers of
S. Thomas, 79;
sends envoys to Henry, 80

Alexander, bishop of Lincoln, i. 83, 94, 303, 304

Alfhun, master of S. Bartholomew’s hospital, i. 67

Alfonso II., king of Aragon, ii. 133;
helps Richard in Aquitaine, 230, 231

Alfonso VIII., king of Castille, marries Eleanor, daughter of
Henry II., ii. 60;
submits his quarrel with Navarre to Henry’s arbitration, 190

Alfonso Jordan, count of Toulouse, i. 455, 456, 458

Alfred of Beverley, ii. 445, 446

Alice of Maurienne betrothed to John Lackland, ii. 132–134;
dies, 184

Almeric of Montfort, i. 232, 236, 237, 238, 241

Almeric, viscount of Thouars, ii. 395, 427, 428

Alnwick, ii. 161

Amboise, i. 105, 106;
house of the Angevin counts at, 151;
Odo’s last attack on, 163.
_See_ Lisoy, Sulpice

Ambrières, i. 209, 211

Anagni, _see_ John

Andegavi, i. 97

Andely, Isle of, ii. 376, 377;
besieged by Philip, 411, 412;
John’s attempt to relieve it, 413–415;
taken, 416

Andely, Nouvel or Petit, ii. 377;
taken by Philip, 416;
fate of its townsfolk, 417, 418

_Andes_, i. 97, 130

Andrew of London, i. 363

Angareth, wife of William de Barri, ii. 453

Angers (Juliomagus), i. 98;
its position as a border-fortress, 101;
seized by northmen, 103;
relieved by Charles the Bald, _ib._, 104;
its aspect in tenth century, 108;
palace of the counts, 109, 132–134, 165;
of the bishops, 133;
fires at, _ib._, 152;
R. Diceto’s description of, 134;
Henry I. of France at, 213;
betrayed to Fulk Rechin, 220;
Urban II. at, 225;
burghers of, revolt against Fulk V., 234;
Fulk Nerra’s buildings at, 165;
abbeys of S. Aubin and S. Sergius at, 98;
our Lady of Charity (Ronceray), 165;
S. Nicolas, _ib._, 172, 214, 225, 228;
Henry II.’s buildings at, ii. 197, 199, 200;
Henry and his sons at, 224;
given up to Arthur, 389;
seized by his friends, 407;
retaken by John, 428;
bishops, _see_ Albinus, Dodo, Rainald, Raino, Ulger

Angevin March, the, i. 101;
its extent, 130

Angevins, _see_ Anjou

Angoulême, disputed succession, ii. 220.
_See_ Ademar, Isabel, Matilda, Vulgrin, William

Anjou, its geographical position and character, i. 97;
political position, 106, 107;
its character as a marchland, 107;
its golden age, 113;
sources of its history, 126, 127;
county of, “bipartite,” 128, 129, 130;
its extent, 97, 130;
dependence on the duchy of France, 130;
condition at Fulk Rechin’s death, 229;
placed under interdict, 242;
revolts of the barons, 266–267, 343;
rebels in (1173), ii. 136;
condition under Henry II., 194–196;
John acknowledged in, 388;
accepts Arthur, 389;
submits to Philip, 425;
counts of, their origin, i. 105;
character, 108;
palace at Angers, 109, 132–134, 165;
burial-place, 117, note 3{263};
claims upon Nantes, 116, 117;
upon Maine, i. 124, 140–142;
the demon-countess, 143;
house at Amboise, 151;
rivalry with Blois, 145, 150, 188, 271, 279;
extinction of the male line, 214;
decline after Martel’s death, 215, 218;
relations with France, 164; ii. 357;
growth of their power, 187, 188;
career in Palestine, 239;
their work for England, 490, 492.
_See_ Elias, Fulk, Geoffrey, Guy, Henry, Hermengard, Ingelger,
Lambert, Matilda, Odo, Robert, Sibyl, William

Annonain, Pont de l’, ii. 200, 201

Anselm, S., archbishop of Canterbury, i. 8, 9;
his struggle with Henry I., 15–18;
consecrates Malchus to Waterford, ii. 89;
dies, i. 63;
proposal to canonize him, ii. 14

Aquitaine, its relations with France, i. 123, 145, 383, 456, 457;
ii. 202;
extent and history, i. 454;
granted to Richard, ii. 62;
rebels in (1173), 136;
country and people, 201, 203–205;
its importance for England, 201;
relations with Henry II., 203, 205;
risings in, 58, 109, 220;
submits, 230;
proposal to give it to John, 233;
restored to Richard, 247.
_See_ Eleanor, Odo, Richard, William

_Aquitania_, i. 99, 454

Aragon, _see_ Alfonso, Ramirez, Petronilla

Arcelles, _see_ Saher

Archambald, brother of Sulpice of Amboise, i. 194

Architecture, English, in twelfth century, i. 55

Aremburg of Maine, betrothed to Geoffrey Martel II., i. 226;
marries Fulk V., 232;
dies, 245

Argentan, i. 373; ii. 79, 80

Aristotle, study of, in the middle ages, ii. 466, 467

Arles, _see_ Bertha, Burgundy, Provence, William

Armagh, synod at, ii. 105.
_See_ Malachi

Arms, Assize of, ii. 177, 178

Arnold, count of Aerschot, i. 362

Arnulf, bishop of Lisieux, i. 500;
persuades Henry II. to acknowledge Pope Alexander, 501;
advises Henry to appeal against Thomas, ii. 65;
rebels, 140

Arques, i. 342; ii. 405, 406, 425

Arthur, King, i. 33;
Henry II.’s correspondence with, ii. 57 note 2{226}, 447;
invention and translation of, 447, 448;
romances of, 448, 449

Arthur, son of Geoffrey and Constance of Britanny, born, ii. 245;
recognized by Richard as his heir, 295;
in custody of Philip, 370;
joins Richard, 374;
acknowledged in Anjou, Touraine and Maine, 389;
does homage to Philip, 390;
quarrels with Philip and goes to John, 394;
flies, 395;
does homage to John, 397;
knighted, 404;
meets the Lusignans at Tours, 405;
besieges Mirebeau, 406;
captured, _ib._;
imprisoned, 407;
death, 408, 429, 430;
its consequences, 409

Arundel, i. 10, 309.
_See_ William

Assize of Arms, ii. 177, 178;
of Clarendon, 122, 123;
of the Forest, 177;
Great, 122;
Henry Fitz-Aylwine’s, 485;
of Measures, 348;
of _Mort d’ancester_, 172;
of Northampton, 172, 173;
later developements, 338–340

Aubigny, _see_ William

Aubrey de Vere, i. 305

Augustinians, _see_ Canons

_Aulerci Cenomanni_, i. 201, 202

Aumale, _see_ William

Austin canons, _see_ Canons

Austria, _see_ Leopold

Autun, _see_ Lambert

Auvergne, its feudal relations, ii. 202, 203;
attacked by Philip, 252;
Richard gives up his claims upon, 361

Auxerre, Thomas Becket studies at, i. 379

Avesgaud, bishop of Le Mans, i. 159 note 4{343}, 204, 205

Avice of Gloucester betrothed to John Lackland, ii. 184;
married, 282;
divorced, 398

Avranches, ii. 81

Axholm, ii. 152, 155

Azay, conference at, ii. 263

Baggamore, i. 291

“Baille-hache,” i. 353, 354

Bailleul, _see_ Bernard, Jocelyn

Baldwin II., king of Jerusalem, i. 246

Baldwin III., king of Jerusalem, ii. 239

Baldwin IV., king of Jerusalem, ii. 239, 247

Baldwin, archbishop of Canterbury, takes the cross, ii. 248;
preaches the crusade in Wales, 249;
opposes John’s marriage, 282;
dies, 296, 297;
his proposed college, 437

Baldwin, count of Flanders, i. 235

Baldwin of Clare, i. 318, 320

Baldwin of Redvers, i. 284

Balliol, _see_ Bernard, Jocelyn

Ballon, ii. 394

Bamborough, i. 288

Bar, i. 167

Barcelona, county of, i. 462.
_See_ Raymond-Berengar

Barnwell priory, ii. 463

Barri, _see_ Gerald, William

Bartholomew, bishop of Exeter, i. 506

Bath, i. 35, 296.
_See_ Adelard

Bayeux, i. 11, 307.
_See_ Ralf

Baynard’s Castle, i. 44

Beauchamp, _see_ Miles

Beaugency, council at, i. 392

Beaulieu abbey (Hants), ii. 400

Beaulieu abbey (Touraine), i. 154, 155, 168

Beaumont, _see_ Hermengard

Beauvais, council at, i. 502

Becket, _see_ Gilbert, Rohesia, Thomas

Bedford, i. 320

Bela III., king of Hungary, marries Margaret of France, ii. 235

Bellême, house of, i. 204.
_See_ Robert

Benedictines contrasted with the Cistercians, i. 73

“Bene-work,” i. 57

Berengaria of Navarre, wife of Richard I., ii. 295, 296

Bermondsey, council at, i. 427

Bernard, S., abbot of Clairvaux, i. 70, 72;
his influence, 359;
relations with Rome, 360, 361;
with S. Malachi, ii. 94;
plans for England, i. 364;
pleads for Gerald of Montreuil, 388;
recommends John of Salisbury to Abp. Theobald, 483;
death, 400

Bernard de Balliol, ii. 145, 161

Berry, its feudal relations, ii. 202;
war in, 245, 251, 252

Bertha of Arles, widow of Odo I. of Blois, marries King Robert,
i. 149;
separated, _ib._

Bertha, daughter of Odo of Blois, wife of Alan of Britanny, i. 205;
of Hugh II. of Maine, 206

Bertha, daughter of Conan III. of Britanny, i. 449

Bertrada of Montfort, marries Fulk Rechin, i. 223, 224;
elopes with King Philip, 224;
suspected of contriving her stepson’s death, 228;
her policy, 232

Bertrand de Born, ii. 204, 205;
stirs up revolt in Aquitaine, 209, 220, 366;
his _sirvente_ for Toulouse, 211, 212;
sets the young king against Richard, 222;
submits, 231;
enters a monastery, 371

Bertrand, count of Toulouse and Tripoli, i. 455

Beverley, i. 30, 37, 38.
_See_ Alfred

Béziers, _see_ Raymond

Bigod, _see_ Hugh

Biota of Maine, i. 217, 218, 254

Bishops, English, their political position, i. 20;
appeal against Thomas, ii. 67.
_See_ Church

Blanche of Castille, daughter of Alfonso and Eleanor, ii. 395, 397

Blanche, _see_ Adelaide

Blanchelande, i. 223, 257

Bloet, _see_ Robert

Blois, counts of, their rivalry with Anjou, i. 145, 150, 188;
their character, 150.
_See_ Adela, Bertha, Henry, Odo, Stephen, Theobald, William

Blondel, ii. 324

Bodmin, gild at, ii. 469

“Bogis,” Peter, ii. 421, 422

Bohun, _see_ Humfrey

Bologna, university of, ii. 460;
S. Thomas at, i. 379

Bonmoulins, conference at, ii. 254, 255

Bonneville, i. 307;
council at, ii. 157

“Boon-work,” i. 57

Bordeaux, _see_ William

Born, _see_ Bertrand

Bosham, _see_ Herbert

Boulogne, _see_ Matilda, Matthew, Mary, William

Bourbon, _see_ Hermengard

Bourges, its feudal relations, ii. 202

Bourgthéroulde, battle of, i. 241

Brabantines, ii. 223

Breakspear, _see_ Nicolas

Breffny, ii. 97

Brenneville, battle of, i. 237

Brian Boroimhe, king of Munster, ii. 85

Brian Fitz-Count, i. 243, 328, 396;
his “book,” 369

Bridgenorth, sieges of, i. 10, 429, 430

Brissarthe, i. 103

Bristol, i. 33, 34, 295, 296;
its slave-trade, 35, ii. 87;
Stephen’s attempt on, i. 296, 297;
ill-doings of its garrison, 297;
Dermot of Leinster at, ii. 98, 99;
Henry II.’s charters to, 118

Britanny, i. 99;
its extent under Herispoë, 102 note 1{236}, 130;
civil wars in, 115;
Geoffrey Martel’s dealings with, 211, 212;
claimed by Eudo of Porhoët and Conan of Richmond, 449;
granted by Henry II. to Conan, 451;
Henry’s designs on, 452, 453;
conquered by Henry, ii. 57, 58;
rebels in (1173), 137;
barons of, appeal to Philip against John, 408.
_See_ Alan, Arthur, Conan, Constance, Eleanor, Geoffrey, Herispoë,
Hoel, Juhel, Nomenoë, Odo, Solomon

Broc, _see_ Ralf

Bruce, _see_ Adam, Robert

Brulon, _see_ Geoffrey

Burchard, count of Vendôme, i. 149, 189

Burgundy, kingdom of, granted to Richard I., ii. 331.
_See_ Hugh, Robert, Rudolf.

Cadoc, ii. 416, 421, 425

Cadwallader, brother of Owen of North Wales, i. 435

Caen, surrendered to Henry I., i. 11;
to Geoffrey Plantagenet, 307;
to Philip, ii. 424;
hospital, i. 471; ii. 198;
palace, ii. 196, 197.
_See_ Robert

_Cæsarodunum_, _see_ Tours

Cahors, i. 464, 466

Calixtus II., Pope, i. 237

Cambridge, ii. 462, 463

Camville, _see_ Gerard

Candé, i. 228

Canons, Austin or Augustinian, their origin, i. 64, 65;
character, 43, 66, 357;
in England, 66–69.
_See_ Aldgate, Barnwell, Carlisle, Chiche, Kirkham, Nostell, Oseney,
Oxford, Smithfield

Canons, White, i. 357

Canon law, its effects in England, ii. 18

Canterbury, canons of Laon visit, i. 30;
plot to kill Henry Fitz-Empress at, 403;
Thomas elected at, ii. 3;
privilege of the archbishop to crown the king, 62;
S. Thomas slain at, 79;
Henry II.’s penance at, 159;
Louis VII. at, 216;
Philip of Flanders at, 235;
Richard at, 328;
John crowned at, 400.
_See_ Anselm, Baldwin, Geoffrey, Hubert, John, Ralf, Richard, Roger,
Theobald, Thomas, Walter, William

Capua, _see_ Peter

_Caputii_, ii. 223, 224

Carcassonne, _see_ Raymond Trencavel

Carham, i. 286, 287, 292.
_See_ Wark

Carlisle, i. 36, 37;
S. Godric at, 76;
council at, 300;
Henry Fitz-Empress knighted at, 377;
meeting of Henry and Malcolm IV. at, 462;
besieged by William the Lion, ii. 153, 154;
meeting of William and Henry at, 237;
earldom of, granted to Henry of Scotland, i. 282;
claimed by Ralf of Chester, 314;
see of, 37, 69

Carrick, ii. 109, 111

Carthusians, ii. 435, 436 note 1{2171}

Carucage of 1194, ii. 328, 329, 342;
the Great, 352–354

Carucate, ii. 352

Cashel, metropolis of Munster, ii. 94;
council at, 115

Castille, _see_ Alfonso, Blanche, Constance, Eleanor

Castle Cary, i. 295, 298

Celestine II., Pope, i. 355, 356

Celestine III., Pope, ii. 303, 304, 312, 351

Celle, _see_ Peter

_Cenomanni_ (_Aulerci_), i. 201, 202

Cenomannia, _see_ Maine

Châlus, ii. 382, 385

Champagne, _see_ Henry, Odo, Stephen, Theobald

Chancellor, the, his office, i. 22, 419.
_See_ Geoffrey, Matthew, Nigel, Ralf, Robert, Roger, Waldric,
William

Charles the Bald, Emperor, i. 99, 102, 103, 105

Charles the Fat, king of West-Frankland and Emperor, i. 104

Charles the Simple, king of West-Frankland, i. 104

Charter of Henry I., i. 8;
Henry II., 427;
Stephen, 279, 284

Chartres, _see_ Blois

Château-Gaillard, ii. 375–380;
siege, 416–423;
John’s buildings at, 413, 421, 422

Châteaudun, i. 156.
_See_ Landry

Châteaulandon, _see_ Gâtinais

Château-du-Loir, i. 390.
_See_ Gervase

Châteauneuf-sur-Sarthe, i. 267

Châteauneuf, _see_ Tours

Châteauroux, ii. 211, 213, 245, 251

Châtillon, conference at, ii. 253

Chaumont-sur-Loire, i. 272 note 1{662}, 471

Chef-Boutonne, battle of, i. 215, 252, 253

Cherbourg, siege of, i. 340

Chester, i. 36;
its slave-trade, _ib._, ii. 87;
meeting of Henry II. and Malcolm IV. at, i. 438;
privileges granted to its burghers at Dublin, ii. 484;
earldom of, its peculiar character, i. 313, 314.
_See_ Hugh, Ralf

Chiche, priory of S. Osyth at, i. 68, 80

Chichester, _see_ Hilary

Chinon won by Fulk Nerra, i. 167;
Geoffrey the Bearded imprisoned at, 221;
bequeathed to Geoffrey Plantagenet II., 394, 444;
councils at, ii. 58, 64;
Henry II.’s buildings at, 197, 200;
treasury at, plundered by Richard, 246;
Henry II. at, 263, 267;
given up to John, 388, 395;
taken by Philip, 426

Chouzy, conference at, ii. 13

Christchurch or Twinham, i. 32

Chrodegang of Metz, rule of, i. 65

Chronicle, English, i. 81, 82

Church, English, under Henry I., i. 63;
the Augustinian revival, 64–69;
the Cistercian revival, 69–74;
new sees, 68, 69;
its national character, 80;
political position of the bishops, 20;
condition during the anarchy, 347–360;
relations with Rome, 378;
position at accession of Henry II., 474;
vacant sees (1161), 503;
Henry’s schemes of reform, ii. 17–20;
question of the “two swords,” _ib._ 22, 23;
quarrel of Henry and Thomas, its effects, 46–50;
course of the revival after Theobald’s death, 432;
condition in Henry II.’s later years, 433–438.
_See_ Clergy

Church, Irish, its early glory, ii. 82, 86;
condition in eleventh and twelfth centuries, 91–93;
settlement at Synod of Kells, 94;
submits to Henry II., 115

Circuits, _see_ Justices

Cirencester, i. 330, 333

Cistercians or White Monks, their origin, i. 69, 70;
in England, 71;
work and influence, 74, 358, 359;
quarrel with John, ii. 396, 399, 400;
fall, 434, 435.
_See_ Cîteaux, Clairvaux, Fountains, Newminster, Pontigny, Rievaux,
Tintern, Waverley

Cîteaux, i. 70

Clairvaux (abbey), i. 70; ii. 70, 94

Clairvaux (castle), ii. 222, 224

Clare, _see_ Baldwin, Gilbert, Isabel, Richard, Roger, Walter

Clarendon, council of, ii. 25–28, 44, 45;
Constitutions of, 26, 27;
condemned by the Pope, 42;
Assize of, 46, 122, 123

Cleobury, i. 429

Clergy, their position under Henry I., i. 63, 64;
regular and secular, 64, 65;
attitude in the civil war, 321;
criminal clerks, ii. 19.
_See_ Church

Clerkenwell, council at, ii. 241

Clontarf, battle of, ii. 85

Cogan, _see_ Miles

Coinage, debasement under Stephen, i. 293;
new, in 1149, 402 note 1{1204};
in 1158, 453

Colechurch, _see_ Peter

Cöln, gildhall of its citizens in London, ii. 485.
_See_ Reginald

Colombières, conference at, ii. 265, 266

Commune of Le Mans, i. 222;
Gloucester, ii. 469;
London, 309, 310, 344;
York, 469

Conan the Crooked, count of Rennes and duke of Britanny, i. 121;
his war with Geoffrey Greygown, 122, 137–139;
with Fulk the Black, 146–148

Conan II., duke of Britanny, i. 211, 212, 220

Conan III., duke of Britanny, i. 449

Conan, earl of Richmond, claims Britanny, i. 449;
duke, 451;
dies, ii. 80

Conquereux, first battle of, i. 122, 138;
second, 147, 148

Connaught invaded by Miles Cogan, ii. 184.
_See_ Roderic, Terence

Conrad III., Emperor, i. 361

Conrad, marquis of Montferrat, ii. 320, 321

Consilt, battle of, i. 436

Constables, _see_ Henry, Humfrey

Constance of Arles, wife of Robert I. of France, i. 155;
her parents, 190, 192;
her policy, 160, 164

Constance of Britanny, daughter of Conan IV., betrothed to Geoffrey,
son of Henry II., ii. 57;
married, 233;
marries Ralf of Chester, 369;
imprisoned, 370;
joins Arthur in Anjou, 389;
does homage to Philip, 390;
marries Guy of Thouars, 395;
dies, 404, note 4{2050}

Constance of Castille, second wife of Louis VII. of France, i. 446,
468

Constance of France, daughter of Louis VI., betrothed to Stephen’s son
Eustace, i. 384;
marries him, 394;
marries Raymond V. of Toulouse, 458

Constance, heiress of Sicily, ii. 319

Constantine, Donation of, ii. 95

Constitutions of Clarendon, ii. 26, 27;
condemned by the Pope, 42

Corbeil, _see_ William

Cork, its origin, ii. 83.
_See_ Dermot

Cornwall, _see_ Reginald, William

Coroners, their origin, ii. 338, 339

Councils, _see_ Argentan, Armagh, Beaugency, Beauvais, Bermondsey,
Bonneville, Carlisle, Cashel, Clarendon, Clerkenwell, Chinon,
Geddington, Gloucester, Inispatrick, Kells, Lisieux, London,
Neufmarché, Northampton, Nottingham, Oxford, Pavia, Pipewell,
Poitiers, Rathbreasil, Tours, Wallingford, Westminster,
Woodstock, Würzburg, York

Council, the Great, its character, i. 20

Courcy, _see_ John, William

Coutances, _see_ Walter

Coventry, _see_ Hugh

Cowton Moor, i. 289

Cricklade, i. 335

Cross, S., _see_ Winchester

Crowmarsh, i. 336, 396

Crown, pleas of the, ii. 337

Crusade, the second, i. 361–363;
in Spain, proposed by Louis VII. and Henry II., 453, 497;
the third, ii. 318–321

_Curia Regis_, _see_ King’s Court

Customs, “paternal,” i. 16;
royal, ii. 22, 26, 27;
of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, i. 37

Cyprus, ii. 317, 321

Danegeld, i. 25;
abolished, ii. 16, 44

David I., king of Scots, i. 95;
invades England, 282, 286, 287, 288;
defeated at Cowton Moor, 289–291;
treaties with Stephen, 282, 300;
joins the Empress in London, 323;
escapes from Winchester, 328;
knights Henry Fitz-Empress, 377;
dies, 399

David, prince of North-Wales, marries Henry II.’s sister Emma, ii. 181

David, bishop of S. David’s, ii. 454

David, brother of William of Scotland, ii. 140, 153;
claims on Huntingdon and Northampton, 154

David or Hugh, count of Maine, i. 124, 140

David’s, S., bishops of, _see_ David, Peter

Defensor of Le Mans, i. 202

Denis, S., _see_ Suger

Denmark, _see_ Ingebiorg

Déols, ii. 211

Dermot Mac-Carthy, king of Cork or South Munster, ii. 114

Dermot Mac-Maelnambo, king of Leinster, ii. 87, 88

Dermot Mac-Murrough, king of Leinster, ii. 97;
seeks aid of Henry II., 98;
returns to Ireland, 100;
successes in Ossory etc., 102;
summons Richard of Striguil, 103;
dies, 106

Dervorgil, wife of Tighernan O’Ruark, ii. 97

Devizes, i. 304, 321, 330

_Dialogus de Scaccario_, i. 26

Diceto, _see_ Ralf

Dinan, _see_ Joceas

Dodo, bishop of Angers, i. 109, 133

Dol, ii. 148

Domfront, i. 6, 208, 209

Donatus, bishop of Dublin, ii. 87

Doncaster, earldom of, granted to Henry of Scotland, i. 282

Donell O’Brien, king of Limerick or North Munster, ii. 102, 103, 109,
111, 114

Donell O’Lochlainn, king of Aileach, ii. 90

Donell Kavanagh, ii. 109, 112

Dorchester, _see_ Remigius

Dover, i. 295, 299;
chief mart of the wool trade, 52;
Geoffrey of York arrested at, ii. 305, 306.
_See_ Simon, William

Drausius, S., ii. 65

Dress, English, in twelfth century, i. 56

Dreux, _see_ Robert

Drogo of Nantes, son of Alan Barbetorte, i. 115, 116

Dublin, its origin, ii. 83;
metropolis of Leinster, 94;
taken by Dermot etc., 105;
attacked by wikings, 106;
blockaded by Roderic O’Conor, 109;
Henry II. at, 114, 115;
colonized by Henry, 118;
privileges of the Chester merchants at, 484.
_See_ Donatus, Godred, Gregory, Laurence, Patrick

Dudley, i. 295, 298

Dulcia of Gévaudan, i. 463

Dunstan, S., lives of, i. 80

Dunster, i. 295

Durham, S. Godric at, i. 77;
cathedral, 80;
treaty made at, 300;
customs of the bishop’s estates in 1183, ii. 478–480.
_See_ Hugh, Ralf, Simeon, William

Eadgyth or Edith, S., i. 33

Eadgyth, _see_ Matilda

Eadmer, i. 80, 88

Eadward the Confessor, king of England, his prophecy, i. 1;
his laws demanded by the citizens of London, 324

Eadwulf, prior of Nostell and confessor to Henry I., i. 68;
bishop of Carlisle, 69

Ealdhelm, S., i. 84, 86, 90;
life by Faricius, 81

Earldoms created by Stephen, i. 293

Edith, _see_ Eadgyth

Edmund’s, S., Henry II. at, i. 430;
massacre of Jews at, ii. 289;
its customs, 473, 474;
merchant-gild, 481;
dispute with Ely, 482, 483

Eleanor of Aquitaine, daughter of William IX., marries Louis VII. of
France, i. 383;
divorced, 392;
marries Henry, 393;
claims on Toulouse, 457, 458;
attempt to divorce her from Henry, ii. 61;
turns against him, 129;
imprisoned, 135;
Richard gives up Aquitaine to, 235;
regent for Richard, 273, 282;
arranges his marriage, 295, 296;
negotiates at Rome, 303;
returns to England, 314;
ravages Anjou, and does homage to Philip, 390;
goes to Spain, 396;
retires to Fontevraud, 405;
besieged in Mirebeau, 406;
dies, 426

Eleanor, daughter of Henry II., marries Alfonso of Castille, ii. 60,
189

Eleanor of Britanny, daughter of Geoffrey and Constance, ii. 244, 325,
371

Elias, count of Maine, i. 224, 225;
war with William Rufus, 225, 226;
Le Mans surrendered to, 227;
relations with Henry I., 11, 227, 233;
marriages, 255;
death, 233

Elias of Anjou, son of Fulk V., i. 343

Elias of Saint-Saëns, i. 235

Elizabeth of Hainaut, first wife of Philip Augustus, ii. 217, 234,
note 7{1115}

Elizabeth of Vendôme, first wife of Fulk Nerra, i. 152

Ely, see of, founded, i. 68;
quarrel with S. Edmund’s, ii. 482, 483.
_See_ Geoffrey, Nigel

Emma, daughter of Geoffrey Plantagenet, ii. 181

Emperors, _see_ Charles, Conrad, Frederic, Henry, Otto

Engelram of Trie, i. 467

England under the Angevins, i. 1–3;
relations with Rome, 15;
with Normandy, 23, 24;
invaded by Robert Curthose, 9;
journey of canons of Laon in, 30–35;
its peace under Henry I., 48;
Flemings settle in, 52;
town life in twelfth century, 54, 55;
rural life, 56–62;
revival under Henry I., 64–95;
religious revival during the anarchy, 356–358;
effects of the second Crusade, 362;
rebels in (1173), ii. 138, 139;
loyal barons in, 144, 145;
rebel castles in the north, 152;
royal strongholds, 153;
condition of rural population under the Angevins, 473–480;
fusion of races, 489;
growth of national feeling, 489.
_See_ Church, Literature, Towns, Trade.
_See also_ Eadward, Eleanor, Henry, John, Jane, Matilda, Richard,
Stephen, William

“English” and “French,” i. 24

“English” and “Normans,” different meanings of, i. 23, 24

English and Normans, fusion of, i. 24, 48, 49; ii. 489, 490

Englishry, presentment of, abolished, ii. 489

Essex, _see_ Geoffrey, Henry, William

Este, _see_ Hugh

Euclid, Adelard of Bath’s version of, ii. 95

Eudo, count of Porhoët, i. 449

Eugene III., Pope, i. 361;
deposes S. William and consecrates Henry Murdac, 366;
suspends Henry of Winchester and threatens Stephen, 368;
makes Abp. Theobald legate, 380;
forbids the crowning of Eustace, 391;
dies, 400

Eustace, son of Stephen, king of England, does homage to Louis VI.
for Normandy, i. 286;
knighted, 377;
goes to York, 380;
his prospects, 382;
goes to France, 383;
betrothed to Constance, 384;
attacks Normandy, 385;
receives homage, 391;
proposal to crown him, _ib._;
marriage, 394;
character, 398;
death, 399

Eustace Fitz-John, i. 72, 288

Eva, daughter of Dermot Mac-Murrough, ii. 104

Evreux ceded to Henry I., i. 11, 62;
betrayed to Almeric of Montfort, 236;
fired by Henry I., _ib._, 237;
granted to Almeric, 238;
taken by Philip Augustus, ii. 389;
ceded to him, 396.
_See_ Simon

Exchequer, court of, i. 21;
organization under Bishop Roger, 25–27;
headquarters, 31;
Black Book of, ii. 125;
the Norman Exchequer, 194, 197

Exeter, i. 32, 284.
_See_ Bartholomew

Eynesford, _see_ William

Falaise besieged by Henry I., i. 11;
attacked by Geoffrey Plantagenet, 307;
submits, 338;
treaties at, ii. 165, 166;
Arthur imprisoned at, 407;
submits to Philip, 424

Faricius, abbot of Abingdon, i. 68 note 1{187}, 81

Farringdon, i. 335

Faye, _see_ Ralf

Ferm of the shire, i. 25;
of towns, 29

Ferrers, _see_ Robert

Ferté-Bernard, La, conference at, ii. 257

Finchale, i. 77, 78

Fitz-Alan, _see_ William

Fitz-Aldhelm, _see_ William

Fitz-Aylwine, _see_ Henry

Fitz-Count, _see_ Brian, Richard

Fitz-David, _see_ Miles

Fitz-Duncan, _see_ William

Fitz-Gerald, _see_ Maurice

Fitz-John, _see_ Eustace, William

Fitz-Osbert, _see_ William

Fitz-Peter, _see_ Geoffrey, Simon

Fitz-Ralf, _see_ William

Fitz-Stephen, _see_ Robert, William

Fitz-Urse, _see_ Reginald

Flambard, _see_ Ralf

Flanders granted to William the Clito, i. 243;
trade with England, 30, 51, 52.
_See_ Baldwin, Matthew, Philip, Theodoric

Flèche, La, i. 222, 223, 256, 257

Flemings, their settlements in England and Wales, i. 52, 53;
in England under Stephen, 285;
plot to kill Henry, 403;
expelled, 427;
land in Suffolk, ii. 155;
at Hartlepool, 162

Fleury, abbey, i. 112

Florence, S., of Saumur, i. 162

Florence of Worcester, i. 82, 88, 89, 90

Foliot, _see_ Gilbert

Folkmoot of London, i. 45

Fontevraud, i. 248;
Henry II. buried at, ii. 270–272;
Richard buried at, ii. 386;
Eleanor at, 385, 405