Chapter X: Gordon’s Death. Chaos (2)

“Lunched with Mark Napier at St. James’s Club, and have agreed to take him with me if I am sent to make peace with the Mahdi. This seems not altogether impossible. I met Austin Lee[103] and reminded him how I had told him they would have to come to me after all. Also Philip Currie sent me a note in the afternoon asking me to dinner for Saturday, a thing he has not done for long. I had just time to run in and see Lady Gregory that we might rejoice together, and then I was interviewed by Wheeler for the Press Association, and got away by train home to Crabbet where young Hardinge has come down to hunt. This has been a day of consolation, and I could not help singing all the way down in the train. Why had I so little faith?

“_6th Feb._—A beautiful morning, and we went down to Shoreham, had a capital run of six miles quite straight over the Downs without a check, and killed in Newtimber Holt. Hardinge was with us, riding Proximo, and went all the way close behind the hounds. Harry Brand was out, and we had a long talk about the Soudan. He says the Government are all for going on with the war. He himself had been in favour of sending me out to make peace. But the country would never stand anything now but war. I told him, if he had any influence with the Cabinet, to use it for the recall of Wolseley’s expedition, which would certainly suffer great loss if it stayed. I am strongly of the opinion that Gordon is alive, and equally of opinion that Wolseley is the worst man in the world to negotiate for him if he is a prisoner.

“Had a good deal of talk in the evening with Hardinge. He agreed with me that Dufferin was too fond of humbugging people to succeed in the East. He had been very idle, too, at Constantinople, leaving all the work of the Embassy to Wyndham. The Turks, however, were afraid of him, and he had got a good deal out of them in the way of claims and such like, though his main policy had failed. Dufferin was sore about Egypt, where he considered himself to have been a failure. He thought he could have carried out his programme if he had been left at Cairo longer. Wyndham had quarrelled with the Sultan by accusing him of intriguing in Egypt. He had done this in a fit of temper, but the Sultan never forgave. Hardinge knew all about how Dilke had worked up the Egyptian war, and of the dirt Malet had been made to eat. He has a poor opinion of Baring.

“_7th Feb._—To London early and saw Hassan Fehmy, whom I found in a state of entire perplexity to know what to do. I therefore had no difficulty in persuading him to write a formal dispatch to Lord Granville, protesting against what was going on in Egypt and Soudan. He asked me to write the draft for him, and I promised to do so. He gave me a long account of all that he had said to Lord Granville, which seems to have been very little to the point. A more hopelessly muddled old gentleman I think I never met, honest though and anxious to do his duty, which is far better than to be a clever rogue. However, we will remedy it all by a dispatch that will make old Granville rub his eyes. Button is of opinion that Wolseley will not be at all anxious to carry on the campaign at a great expense, but will rather be for negotiating. His only idea in this direction is to offer money. Harry reproached me yesterday with having gone over to the Sultan, but I said: ‘If your hounds change their fox what is the huntsman to do? Is he to go on by himself or to go with them?’ Down in the afternoon to Wilbury, a day of wind and rain. Percy Wyndham is staunch in opposition to the war. Wrote the draft dispatch for Hassan Fehmy.

“_9th Feb._—At Wilbury. Hunting from Elbarrow, I enjoyed the day more than any this season.

“_10th Feb._—Button telegraphed to me last night to come to London as there was something important going on in connection with Hassan Fehmy’s mission, so I went up. He has seen Brett who tells him some new and unexpected departure is about to be taken with regard to Egypt. The Sultan’s mission is once more in favour. But it may mean many things. The Sultan ought to offer mediation in the Soudan. Lunched with Lady Gregory, and in the afternoon went with Stanley to take part in the Indian Reform Association’s deputation to Lord Ripon. After it was over Stanley and I had a private talk with Lord Ripon, and we begged him to expostulate with the Government against sending Indian troops to the Soudan. He said he would certainly use any influence he had in that direction, but assured us it was not necessary, as no troops would be sent. Nevertheless it is announced to-night in all the papers.

“Dined with Button at the Marlborough Club. It is announced that Gordon is certainly dead, and there are sensational accounts of the sack of Khartoum. I am inclined to think it just as well, in the cause of peace, that the worst should have happened. It will take away the excuse of a further advance. Button says they all mean war to the knife, but I am convinced that in six weeks Gordon will be forgotten, and there will be a strong reaction against the war; then the Government will slip out of it. If Gordon was alive and a prisoner, then the excitement would be kept up till he was released.

“_11th Feb._—George Wyndham is ordered with the Guards to Suakin, and I have asked Jemal-ed-Din to give him a talisman in case of his being taken prisoner by the Mahdi. But it is on condition that he does not use it for any _ruse de guerre_.

“Saw Hassan Fehmy, who described to me a visit he paid yesterday to Gladstone. Mr. Gladstone had been most charming, but had not, it seems, committed himself to anything definite. He, the Pasha, was very angry about the Italian occupation of Massowa, but I could not get out of him exactly what proposals he had made on the Sultan’s behalf. Button declares that it was arranged positively three weeks ago that Turkish troops should occupy Cairo, but the acceptance by France of the financial proposals stopped this. Now, however, he tells me, as a great secret, that the proposals have again broken down. And that is the reason why they are anxious again to arrange matters with the Sultan. Hassan Fehmy was very cordial, and promised to come down to Crabbet as soon as these worries are off his hands. I gave him my draft of his dispatch to Lord Granville which Stanley had translated into French, but it was written on Sunday when we thought still that no arrangement could be come to with the Foreign Office. He said, however, that he would keep it to use in case the present negotiations broke down. Speaking of Ismaïl Pasha, he said I might trust him not to compromise himself in that direction, that the Sultan knew very well that Ismaïl was his worst enemy.

“_12th Feb._—Down again to Wilbury, another day’s hunting from Vernham Gate, and had a hard run of an hour across very steep hills, and killed in a wood. Kars carried me well, and I was again in front all the way.

“There is news of another bloody battle in the Soudan. General Earle killed this time. Morley and Courtney have come out well in favour of peace, and I am sure the Government will not be allowed to go on with this butchery. To-night’s ‘Pall Mall’ has an article strongly for Ismaïl.

“_14th Feb._—Hunted in Savernake Forest.

“_15th Feb._—Wilbury. Major Poore, an old disciple of Urquhart’s, called, and I had some interesting conversation with him. Urquhart doubtless was the founder of a remarkable school of political morality, but his eccentricities injured its effect, and much of his practical teaching is now old-fashioned.

“_17th Feb._—To London early. I find everybody very angry with Gladstone for having been to the play the very night the news of Gordon’s death was received, and I hear that he was hissed in St. James’s Street.

“To Lymington’s wedding with Miss Pease, the Quaker heiress. We may hope soon to get the Quakers on the side of peace. Hitherto they have been dead against it.

“Talked with Hobart Pasha at his Club, the Army and Navy. He saw Gladstone yesterday, who told him that he had never had any ill-feeling towards the Turks, indeed had rather liked them than otherwise. Harcourt told him that the Government knew that the Sultan’s only wish was to restore Ismaïl.[104] As to this Hobart expressed to me his great anger. They have had nothing to do with Ismaïl, who has spoiled Hassan Fehmy’s mission.

“_18th Feb._—Button is very anxious to find out what is in the air. I went accordingly to Hassan Fehmy, and had a few words with him—but he is a hopeless man. Lord Granville complains of him that he, Hassan, understands nothing that he says, and that he, Lord Granville, understands very little of what Hassan says. I can well believe it. He seemed vexed at being questioned about Ismaïl.

“Dined with Mrs. S., where Philip Currie was. His special business now at the Foreign Office is the Afghan frontier. This he flattered himself he knew thoroughly. ‘The Russians,’ he said, ‘have the strongest hand, but we hold half a dozen good cards which we may play well.’ It will take better playing than he gave his cards in Egypt to prevent a war.

“_19th Feb._—Looked in at Gregory’s. He is writing a plea for Arabi’s recall to Egypt in the ‘Nineteenth Century.’ It is generally admitted now in the light of the Soudan rebellion that the Egyptian war was a mistake, and Arabi an honest man. Jem Lowther, whom I met to-day, says the Opposition have decided on a Vote of Censure, and the declaration of an alternative policy in Egypt. It must be either Arabi or annexation. He said he himself was for annexation. There is a sensational account in the ‘Pall Mall’ of a retreat from Metemmeh and the recall of Wolseley. I hope Buller will get his force back without fighting, as defeat might now injure the cause of peace. People are much agitated about this at the Carlton, among others Pembroke. While at a meeting of the Peace Committee we heard Gladstone hooted on his way to Westminster. Parliament met to-day, and it must have been a gloomy business for the Grand Old Man to announce his policy of blood, especially as it will mean a policy of defeat. General Stewart is dead of his wounds.

“Labouchere sent word to say he wanted to know Ismaïl Jowdat’s address, and I called on him to-day. He tells me Herbert Gladstone has been at him to try and find out a way of communicating with the Mahdi. We had a long talk on the subject. Herbert Gladstone is used by his father as a go-between, and communicates with the Irish through Labouchere. Labouchere assures me that many Parliamentary arrangements have in this way been made up between the Grand Old Man and Mr. Parnell. And he says it is delicious to hear Mr. Gladstone afterwards denying them in the House of Commons. I promised him to put the Government in communication with the Mahdi’s agents whenever they like.

“_20th Feb._—Labouchere writes that he has seen Herbert Gladstone again, and wants me to advise the Mahdi to constitute some one his regular agent by sending him credentials. I had already thought of doing this, and I had another long talk with him about it. The essential, he says, is that the thing should not be known, as the Government could never carry a proposal through the House to employ me in treating. But all the same they would like to treat, and we agreed that the base of negotiation might be the complete evacuation of the Soudan by the English and Egyptians, and a restoration of the Wady Halfa frontier. Suakin might be given to the Sultan, and in any case must be evacuated by us. On this basis a peace or truce might be effected and Wolseley’s troops withdrawn. Labouchere was very amusing about the various little intrigues he had helped to carry on for Mr. Gladstone, and I hope this one may succeed as well as the others. He says that on one occasion Gladstone got his own side to vote against him.

“Lady Gregory has told me the whole of her husband’s conversation with Mr. Gladstone (which he had not told me). It was after dinner on Tuesday. Mr. Gladstone insisted on talking to Sir William in spite of friends who tried to interrupt. He began by asking him what he would do, and Gregory said he would certainly not go to Khartoum. To this Mr. Gladstone replied: ‘Oh, I think, from all the information in our possession, that the taking of Khartoum will not be a very difficult matter.’ ‘The difficulty you think,’ said Sir William, ‘will be after?’ ‘Ah, yes,’ said Mr. Gladstone, ‘a twenty times greater difficulty. If I only knew what was then to be done my mind would be easy.’ He then asked Sir William whether he thought it would be possible to treat with the Mahdi. ‘How can we approach such a man? Through what channel and on what terms?’ ‘There is,’ said Sir William, ‘but one man who could help you there.’ ‘And who is that? You don’t mean Blunt?’ ‘No,’ said Sir William, ‘not Blunt. I am thinking of Arabi.’ ‘Ah,’ said Mr. Gladstone, ‘that is a point on which you and I differ. You think Arabi an honest man. I think him a _consummate blackguard_. Why, I have had in my hands letters signed by that man in which he offers to barter the liberties of his country to the Sultan!’ Sir William asked him at what date these had been written, and Mr. Gladstone said about three weeks before the bombardment of Alexandria. ‘At that time,’ said Sir William, ‘I suppose all the Egyptians had been driven into the Sultan’s arms. I do not alter my opinion of him, which is what it has always been, that he is an honest man and a patriot.’ ‘Ah,’ said Mr. Gladstone, ‘what would I not give to believe it with you! If I could only believe him honest _I would jump at him_.’ This we think rather hopeful, but I fear the old man’s pride will be too strong for him.

“Ibrahim Bey called again, and I told him I thought it better he should not come back to James Street for the present, as it might compromise us, that the Government were in a fair way to treat and that it would not do to frighten them. He expressed his willingness to go to Suakin on a mission if required; and perhaps some day we may use him in this way.

“M. Taschaud, a Belgian dignitary, called. He is the promoter of arbitration and peace abroad, and especially I fancy of his own glory. He is the author of a pamphlet called the ‘Future of Egypt, by an ex- plenipotentiary,’ and seems to know people about. He assured me that he had written this pamphlet as an article for the ‘Fortnightly,’ but that after it was in print Escott had substituted for it the famous article signed ‘G.’ This, M. Taschaud says, was certainly written with Mr. Gladstone’s consent, though not by himself. His ideas of Egypt I do not share, as they seem to consist of internationalizing it for the profit of Europe.

“Stanley writes that he has seen Hassan Fehmy, and that it is all right about the ex-Khedive Ismaïl. So I am satisfied. But I am glad all the same that they are not thinking now of employing the Sultan to mediate in the Soudan. He would only make a mess of it. Lunched at the Carlton. Dined at St. James’s Club with Walter Seymour. Saw Eddy Hamilton looking pale and harassed. He acknowledged himself pretty near dead beat. I said: ‘When Wolseley is a prisoner, you will know where to find me.’

“_21st Feb._—Nebbi Ullah[105] called and I urged him to come to the Soudan Conference and protest against the employment of Indian troops against the Mahdi. He promised to do so and to get others to speak among the Indians now in London. I think that will have a good effect. After this came one Johnstone, who is getting up a large meeting in St. James’s Hall for the week after next, and who has asked me to preside. He represents himself as having command of the working men’s association, and says he can get together a good number of popular working men speakers. I have promised to preside as he wishes, and it certainly can do no harm, especially as the meeting is to ask for Arabi’s recall to Egypt as well as for an abandonment of the Soudan campaign.

“Then Drummond Wolff called, who wants materials for his speech on the Vote of Censure. I gave him the text of my letter to Gladstone of last April proposing to mediate in the Soudan; and urged him strongly to get the Fourth Party to take up the cause of peace. It was sure to be the winning cause.

“After him John Morley, who came for the same purpose and stopped to luncheon. He wanted particularly an argument against the Slave Trade cry, and to know whether the Mahdi could be induced to treat on a civilized basis. He told me that Dilke had told him yesterday that Mr. Gladstone’s speech on Monday in answer to the motion of censure would be pitched in quite a different key and far more peaceable. He, Morley, is to follow immediately after Northcote, and then Mr. Gladstone will reply to both. It is all very well Morley coming forward now as the champion of peace, but it was his defection from Frederic Harrison and me last year that decided the Government to send the expedition. If he had spoken out then as he does now, he would have prevented it. But he wished to please his constituents at Newcastle with whom the legend of the Grand Old Man still survives. I did not, however, reproach him with the past, as it would have done no good.

“At the Carlton I coached a third M.P., Robert Bourke, who seems coming round now to Arabi. I should not be surprised if the Conservatives took him up after all.

“Then I called on Cardinal Manning and sat with him an hour in his private room in which he certainly looks very much in character. It is a large room, but he has made it habitable with a tall screen lined with bookcases running round the fire, and ensconced in which he sits. I never saw him looking better, and complimented him on the effect of his abstinence. This pleased him. I wanted him to take an active part in favour of peace, but he would not do this, as he said he was forbidden by his rulers to take part in politics. But he sympathizes much with my views, as he has always done, though not very understandingly. Talking of the English Catholic Laity, he said they were hopelessly dull—most of them—very old-fashioned Conservatives, and he did not think I should get much support out of them. The Irish, of course, supported me, but that was out of hatred to England—and it would not advance my cause. Cardinal Manning is a link for me with the extreme past, for I have known him nearly forty years, and I think it is a pleasure for him to see me for the same reason. He leads a very lonely life, out of harmony with those about him, and clinging to old recollections. He talked warmly about old Sussex days and the kindly relations existing there between all classes. He is very hopeless about England’s prospects, and indeed the news to- day is enough to make Englishmen gloomy, for Buller and his force seem surrounded at Abu Klea, and it may well be that even Wolseley may have to capitulate before the summer is over.

“_22nd Feb._—The ‘Sunday Times’ has a sensational ‘victory’ at Abu Klea, but it is evidently not worth much, as Buller is still tied by the leg—‘want of camels.’ This is just what will make all these campaigns impotent. Then, being unable to move, they will run short of provisions, and then the hot weather will come. They will be ‘hemmed in’ by the Arabs, and unless they make peace will have to capitulate. Button tells me the Government are ready to treat with the Mahdi on almost any terms he could ask, and advises me to go to Paris and start negotiations there. I shall go, but must first hear the opening of the Debate of Censure. With regard to that, Button tells me some of the Cabinet are very anxious to get beaten. Chamberlain told a friend of his last night that he would far rather go to the country and explain peace than have to explain war. If Morley would only accept Mr. Gladstone’s speech on Monday as a peace speech and withdraw his motion, many of the Whigs would go over to the Tories and turn the Government out. I have written an article on Hassan Fehmy’s mission for Button for the ‘Times,’ and I took it to him to-day. It is against my rule to do this, as I have only once written an unsigned thing for them, namely, the article on the Palmer expedition. But this is an exceptional case. Button says the Conservatives are all talking now of Arabi and are half disposed to take him up. They would certainly make terms with the Sultan if they came into office.

“Ferid Bey, the First Secretary of the Turkish Embassy, called. He is very much against the Mahdi, and believes that but for him the English would long ago have left Egypt. I did my best to persuade him to take a broad view, and suggested that if they wanted to treat with Lord Granville effectively they should mass 20,000 men at Gaza.

“To Crabbet by late train.

“_23rd Feb._—Wrote to Morley repeating what Button had suggested about his withdrawing his amendment, so as to turn the Government out and have a good honest opposition to the war, and also about Ibrahim Bey’s statement published on Thursday. Beta, who I hear is Morier, mentions it and challenges me to say whether it is authentic, and I have begged Morley to say from me that it is so.

“We hunted with the Crawley and Horsham hounds from Patching, and had a pretty run across the down to Steyning, whence we came home, Kars having cut his fetlock with a flint.

“Up to town in the evening and dined at Lady C.’s. She says all her friends now are speaking well of me. Met Henry Chaplin at the Carlton, who thinks Wolseley’s army is lost.

“_24th Feb._—To Button early. He tells me Philip Currie, with whom he talked, is anxious to get into communication with the Mahdi, but of course not through me or anybody who can really help him. The Censure Debate came on last night, and, though Mr. Gladstone was not of course outspoken, his speech was nevertheless distinctly more peaceable than the first. It seems, however, to have been a miserable exhibition of the old hair-splitting arguments, like all the rest he has made on the Egyptian business. I cannot understand his reputation as an orator. He certainly has an extreme facility and power of statement, but he neither touches nor convinces. It is a lawyer’s eloquence, not a statesman’s—at least this is the impression his speeches have always made on me. Button thinks nevertheless he will get his majority, but that the Government will go to pieces on some smaller issue during the Session.

“Called on Stanley to tell him something of my plans, and then went by the tidal train to Paris.

“_25th Feb._—At the Hotel Wagram. Sanua called last night and we talked affairs over, and this morning I had two hours with Jemal-ed-Din. I find there will be more difficulty in treating with the Mahdi now than I thought, or than would have been the case last year, for the taking of Khartoum has altered the situation considerably. Also they are much elated at having killed five English generals, a thing never heard of, they say, in any war. These they count to be Hicks, Baker, Stewart, Earle, and now Gordon—and the Mahdi’s terms will be correspondingly high. Still, Jemal-ed-Din says distinctly that peace can be made if the English are willing, _first_, to abandon the Soudan, _second_, to hand over Suakin to the Sultan, _third_, to use their good offices to get the Italians out of Massowa, and _fourth_, to arrange with the Sultan for the establishment of Mohammedan Government in Egypt. The recall of Arabi would much facilitate matters, but any popular Government in Egypt could be on friendly terms with Mohammed Ahmed. With regard to the method of treating, Jemal-ed-Din says it is essential that the English Government should make the first move. The Mahdi could not under present circumstances send an Embassy to England, or even appoint him (Jemal-ed- Din) his _wakil_ for that purpose. The Embassy must be sent by England, and all he can do is to forward it to its destination and recommend it as a _bona fide_ mission. I asked him about Gordon’s bible, which Mrs. Allnatt has been very anxious I should try and get back; but Jemal-ed- Din declines to hold out hopes of its restoration until peace is made. I begged him, however, to try to obtain it, as if he succeeded it would be a great proof to our Government of his power. There was an article on Jemal-ed-Din in yesterday’s ‘Times,’ which is correct as far as it goes, but Jemal-ed-Din is angry at their having left out all that he said against Ismaïl Pasha and Prince Hassan’s appointment to the Soudan.

“Had a long talk at the Embassy with Bungo Herbert[106] on the Mahdi question, but I don’t know that it will do any good, as Lord Lyons they say has left off expressing any opinion on Egyptian affairs, as his advice has never been taken. Herbert is his private secretary now, Sheffield being away.

“_26th Feb._—Jemal-ed-Din and Sanua to breakfast. I read them my letter to the Sultan, which they highly approve of. About Afghanistan, Jemal- ed-Din assured me that the talk of a quarrel between Russia and the Amir was all nonsense; that the quarrel, whenever it came off, would be against us; that the Amir would give free passage to Russia for the invasion of India, but neither were ready yet for this.

“There is a telegram in the papers that the Nizam has offered troops for the Soudan, and at this, too, he laughed. He said they always offered troops, as they knew they would not be accepted. When Sanua was gone he told me privately that he had thought over my proposals of negotiations with the Mahdi, and was sure it could be done. But he would have nothing to do with it unless the English Government would show its sincerity by employing me or someone else he could trust to represent them. Then he would introduce the mission, which must also be accompanied by a Mohammedan, to a man of high station in Egypt who was in a position to speak as to terms. He himself was not in such position, and he could do no more than indicate the way to others who would give the necessary introductions and safe-conducts to the English agent. It must, however, be distinctly arranged beforehand that the English Government should engage itself to protect the persons through whose agency the negotiations should be carried on. They must not be allowed to suffer at the hands of the Khedive. He was of opinion that not only a peace might be made, but also a treaty of commerce, and perhaps even a slave trade convention—the latter to the extent of guaranteeing the Abyssinians from slave raids inasmuch as these were illegal. He declined, however, to enter into communication with any English official on the subject until I should be first convinced that their intentions were serious, and that the protection was guaranteed to the Mahdi’s _wakils_. I am well satisfied with this view of the case, and all the more so from finding Jemal-ed-Din so cautious in his promises. He does not think it would be judicious to apply for Gordon’s bible just now.

“Gladstone to-day recants his declaration of abandoning the Soudan. But all this debate is selling the bear’s skin before it is killed. My opinion is that the Berber railroad will never be made, except perhaps a few miles of it, and that as soon as the Nile rises Wolseley will run for it down the river to Egypt.

“_27th Feb._—Hassan Fehmy’s mission it seems is to be recalled, the fall of Khartoum having altered the situation. Prince Halim writes again, but this time not about politics, asking me to get him a pair of horses for the Sultan to drive. In his letter the other day he mentions having delivered my letter to His Majesty. The horses must be above all things ‘very quiet,’ as the Sultan wishes to drive them himself.

“Saw Lady Gregory, and had breakfast at the Blounts.[107] Afterwards to call on Lesseps, but he was not at home. Then to the Embassy, where I found Walsham, Herbert, Leigh, and another, and talked nonsense with them for an hour in the Chancery as in old days—also old Atlee, a relic of the past. Malet is dining to-night at the Embassy. I am dining with the Wagrams.

“_28th Feb._—Came over to London by the tidal train and went at once to see Button. The Government have escaped the Vote of Censure again by the skin of their teeth—a majority of fourteen only. Button was in the House to the end, and he says the Old Man was quite overcome when the result was announced. This is the only thing in the world that can make him feel. The most hideous failure abroad, war with every nation, India in revolt, the Empire breaking up, the colonies lost—all these things could not touch him or make him sleep a wink less sound. But an adverse vote in the House—that was a very much more serious thing. It is a defeat he is able to understand. It will be the end of him, though Button thinks he will not immediately resign. The debate, he says, was in its latter part of a high order. The first two days the Opposition made nothing of it, and Northcote was miserably weak, and John Morley a mere opportunist, but Goschen’s speech was the turning point, and from that point it was brilliant. By far the best defence, curious to say, of the Government was made by Lord Derby in the House of Lords. It was Harcourt who did most damage to them, as he was put up on Thursday to explain their explanations, and did so entirely on peace principles. But this was probably arranged, as Dilke and Hartington followed suit. The great question is—will they resign? We discussed the probabilities of a new Cabinet, and agreed that Lytton ought to have a seat at one of the administrative departments. Button says public opinion would hardly stand him at the Foreign Office or India Office, though I am of opinion that for the former he is just the man. Churchill will have the India Office, he says; possibly Hicks Beach the Foreign Office; Lytton more likely the Admiralty. But I rather doubt his taking office at all. The Ministry will, however, not resign till the Vote of Supply, when they will be beaten again.

“_1st March._—To the Carlton, where I saw Drummond Wolff. He has put a question about my peace negotiations last year, and drew an answer from the Grand Old Man which seems to have been very mixed. Mr. Gladstone excused himself for having refused to see me at Hawarden on the ground that I ‘should have had him there at my mercy.’ There is more truth in this than he perhaps meant.

“_2nd March._—To Button’s, who told me all that had happened on Saturday at the Cabinet Council. It appears that, Granville having explained that it was absolutely impossible for him to get on any longer with Bismarck, and in view of the other complications, all the Cabinet but two had been in favour of resignation. Mr. Gladstone had quite made up his mind to this, but Spencer and Trevelyan explained that if they resigned now Lord Salisbury would dissolve Parliament, and that Parnell would then have his seventy Home Rule members, and the result would be a revolt in Ireland; this was the true reason of the Government’s decision to stay in office. The only thing that does not sound credible in the account is that it represents the Ministry as having sacrificed party interest for duty to the country. But it is perhaps easier patriotically to stay in office than patriotically to resign. The thing moreover cannot last long, and it will only end by their being kicked out on the Vote of Supply. It is thought, however, that if Salisbury found himself with a majority only of one he would carry on the Government without dissolving. Stead has been persuaded by Dilke not to publish Gordon’s letters to me. The Government are helping now to get up a memorial to Gordon and it would not do to publish his private ideas about them.

“_3rd March._—Went down to the India Office, where I had a talk with Godley about an attack made on me by Lepel Griffin in connection with my visit to India. He begged me to give him an account of my offer of negotiation made last year to Gladstone. He said: ‘You know I have for three years past disapproved of the course that has been taken in Egypt.’ Nobody knows better than Godley how easily Mr. Gladstone might have prevented the whole thing if he had listened to me.

“Lady C. tells me that the Prince of Wales is going over to Ireland, as I understand her, on a mission of pacification. I fancy the idea is to settle the Irish question eventually on the lines of the Austro- Hungarian settlement; and the idea might work. I don’t suppose the Parnellites have any grudge against the Crown, though they have against the Castle, certainly not against the Prince of Wales. But we shall see.

“Dined at the Carlton next to Jem Lowther, and talked about Egypt and the Soudan. It is astonishing what crude ideas these Tory leaders have. People are not wrong in calling them the stupid Party. If I can get into Parliament I may be able to help them to new notions on Foreign politics.

“_4th March._—Refused Escott and Bunting and Alfred Austin to write articles for them respectively in the ‘Fortnightly,’ ‘Contemporary,’ and ‘National Reviews,’ on the Mahdi. I think it best not to write on current politics in monthly magazines. These magazines are beginning to get past their best day as organs of publicity. There are too many of them, and nobody reads them.

“The Wentworths came to dinner, and we went on with them to a meeting in Westminster Town Hall. It was poorly attended, but the speeches were decidedly good. Wentworth spoke with something approaching to eloquence, and Harrison made a really admirable oration. My own speech was descriptive of the Mahdi and Gordon’s mission. It was well received. The meeting then was invaded by some Socialists and became very noisy. I confess my sympathies are with them, as they speak the truth, however brutally, about governments and financiers. I have been asked to repeat my speech as a lecture at Cambridge. It was as usual quite different from the speech I had prepared.

“Met Edward Malet to-day in St. James’s Park. We nodded.

“_5th March._—Button says about the Soudan expedition that Wolseley would have to come home, first, on account of his eyes, which were suffering, and they could not afford that he should go blind, as he does all the work at the Horse Guards, even now that he is in the Soudan, telegraphing instructions daily—and, secondly, in view of war complications. The expedition is breaking up rapidly, and it will be as I said, not a regiment will remain south of Wady Halfa by midsummer’s day.

“Labouchere, on whom I called, tells me the same story. He had it from one of the Government that there was no intention at all to make the railway to Berber. They would make it a few miles out from Suakin, perhaps to a hill station. But even that I doubt. We discussed the subject of the negotiations, about which he had written to me. His idea was that I might send the Mahdi a message from the Radical Party, advising him to send an agent to propose peace, and asking him what terms he would accept. But I told him this would never do. The Mahdi would require to be acknowledged, and would only treat with the Government. All they could expect of him was that the two plenipotentiaries should meet in Egypt. He said the difficulty was, that to do so would be to snub Baring and Wolseley. We finally agreed that I should once more write to Mr. Gladstone, and place a renewal of my offer on record. This I must do before the 20th, when new battles are expected with Osman Digna. I look, however, on the Mahdi as quite safe now, with the summer before him, and the certain change of public opinion here and foreign complications for our arms elsewhere.

“_6th March._—Bismarck seems to be interfering once more as honest broker, and has sent his son Herbert to London; and I notice at the same time that the telegrams announce Hassan Fehmy as instructed to use stiffer language to Lord Granville. He is to say that the English explanations are vague and unsatisfactory. They are at their wits’ ends at the Foreign Office to know what to do. But their first step will be to recall Wolseley and his army to Cairo.

“_7th March._—To see Stanley. He has heard that Bismarck has promised Granville to use his good offices with Russia to prevent any further advance on the Afghan frontier. Talked the same matter over with Button, who is very full of the subject, and who gave me a full account of the position as it has been told him—in the greatest secrecy. It appears that Bismarck has recently come forward ostensibly to make peace. This is always the avowed motive of his interventions, but his offers generally cover some objects of his own. In the present instance he wants Zanzibar, and Button has it on his ‘best authority’ that in a very short time the Zanzibar question will be brought forward. The Sultan of Zanzibar has long wished the English Government to guarantee his son’s succession to the throne, but we have refused, and now he is appealing to Bismarck. There is therefore likely to be question of a German protectorate, and its declaration will coincide with claims by Germany to other places on the East Coast of Africa. Bismarck’s mode of action with Lord Granville is to bully him through Malet, for whom he professes the greatest possible affection, and whom he charges with his explosives to hurl at Granville’s head. Granville replies, not through Malet, but through the German Ambassador. Malet is not thought man enough to beard the lion, though they are pleased with him for the information he gives them. He is in fact very much in the position of a ‘Times’ correspondent at Berlin, obliged to make himself agreeable as a condition of his receiving news.

“Herbert Bismarck’s mission was suggested at New Court [the Rothschilds’ house of business in the City] and carried out through Rosebery, who is Rothschild’s representative in the Cabinet. At first it was proposed by the Jews that some one should be sent from London to Berlin, but failing this they suggested Herbert Bismarck’s visit. The Rothschilds are very anxious that German influence should predominate as they see in it a guarantee for England’s remaining in Egypt, and Granville seems to have given in to the idea, as this morning there is published an abject apology he made last night in the House of Lords. Button thinks very likely Bismarck may have promised his good offices with Russia, but does not think they are sincere, and his real object is Zanzibar and the East Coast of Africa. On the other hand the Foreign Office, as apart from Lord Granville, is for a renewal of the Anglo-Franco-Turco Alliance of 1854, with a self-denying clause regarding Egypt. This would enable us to evacuate Egypt without the fear of French occupation succeeding ours. They would also mutually oppose Germany’s arrangement with Zanzibar. I am not sure that this would not be the best solution of the difficulty. I told him in return about Bismarck’s old scheme of renewing claims to the Dutch Colonies. [This refers to a principle of German policy, the details of which I had learned as long before as the late autumn of 1866, when I was staying with Count d’Usedom, then Prussian Envoy at Florence, at the Villa Capponi outside that city. Usedom was a man of great enlightenment, and had been the trusted friend of the old King Frederick William in his Liberal days, and the chief of Bismarck’s rivals, being especially obnoxious to him on account of his English or rather Scotch wife, Olympia Malcolm, and his suspected Anglomania. I was very intimate with both of them, and as they were both very indiscreet I got to know a great deal of the inner designs of Prussian diplomacy, making, however, no use at all of my knowledge. Amongst other things that Usedom told me was this, that it was a settled plan at Berlin to bring about, in connection with the proposed revival of the German Empire, also a union with Holland, when Germany, having become a maritime power, would reassert against England, on Holland’s behalf, a claim to the old Dutch Colonies.]

“We then talked about the Afghan complication. He said the whole difficulty came from an absurd habit the Foreign Office had of asking a great deal more than they were willing to take. This place, Penjdeh, was outside the real boundary of Afghanistan, but the Foreign Office had asked for it meaning to yield it later as a concession. But the Russians in the meanwhile had seized it, and the concession was rendered ten times more difficult. Button has it (but he made me promise not to repeat it as he was not even to allude to it in the ‘Times’) from a certain source that in view of possible accidents, or at the Amir’s request, Lumsden has received orders to occupy Herat and put it in a state of defence. I told him, however, that the Russians did not really mean war, certainly not war with the Amir, but were making a demonstration in order to detach the Amir from our alliance. This incident will not lead to war.

“In the afternoon attended a deputation to Lord Ripon given by the Indians resident in London. Anne was seated on the daïs next Lord Ripon. The noble Lord made a humbugging speech in which he praised the Nizam for offering to send troops against the Soudanese. He is already corrupted by association with his Whig friends in office. Lady Ripon has asked us to her party next week.

“_8th March._—Down to Crabbet, marking trees in Heathy Ground and Burley’s Wood, and laying out a new gallop in the Upper Park. This has been a quiet day, and has done me good, for the excitement of the last week has made my heart ache. We went to see Pompey, who is very ill and cannot last long now. His illness gives him a dignity which is touching, and which I hope we may all have before we die. [Pompey was my black servant who had been with me for eighteen years.]

“_9th March._—To London, and called on Lady A., whose son now I hope is safe, at least for the present, as the Buller Division is on its way back to Korti. I did not like to call on her before.

“_10th March._—Leonard Courtney[108] writes proposing that I should breakfast with him on Thursday, to talk over possible negotiations with the Mahdi. From all I hear, the Government are ready to jump at any possible arrangement, so it is through anybody else but me. Called on Button, who says war is nearly certain with Russia. But I cannot bring myself to think Russia means to quarrel with the Amir—with us very likely, but not with him. I expect it will blow over. Button advises me to call on Staal.

“_11th March._—Saw Hobart at his club. He tells me the Sultan has telegraphed to him expressly forbidding him to do anything about sending troops against the Mahdi. He wanted to know whether the Mahdi was really opposed to the Sultan, and I satisfied him on that point, and we agreed to act together in any negotiation of peace that might be arranged.

“_12th March._—Had a long talk at the Russian Embassy with Staal, for whom I have a great affection. We talked the whole political situation over, on my part very frankly, and I told him he must not expect a revolt in India. He of course deplored the prospect of war, which he seemed to think imminent, though I do not. I told him all about the Egyptian War and the Mahdi and Gordon, and the absurdities of our Ministers. He described having been at Walmer, and how he had found Lord Granville surrounded by dispatch boxes, tied up with different coloured string, according as they were pressing or not; the very immediately pressing were tied up with red tape. A proof that the Czar does not mean war is that the Emperor of Germany has written to him asking him to preserve peace, which he certainly would not have done unless he knew the Czar to be willing. For my own purposes I should like there to be a war with Russia, or at least an alarming demonstration. But my conversation with Staal will not have had an otherwise than deterring effect. I told him very plainly that England meant fighting. Nélidof, he said, had been very nearly recalled from Constantinople, but had now been sent back there with renewed favour.

“Breakfasted with Leonard Courtney at 15, Cheyne Walk, and discussed with him and his wife the prospects of negotiating with the Mahdi. I had brought with me the draft of a new letter I was proposing to write to Gladstone. He said it was not definite enough, and urged me to recast it, stating the exact terms which I thought might be accepted as a basis of negotiation. We also talked over the whole situation and the relations of the Mahdi with the Sultan, with the National party in Egypt, and with the Mohammedans of India. His wife is a nice woman and more enthusiastic than he is, and at leaving I urged her to use her influence with him to keep him up to the mark. These Parliament people are absurdly pusillanimous, and though Courtney is the boldest of them he is only half-hearted to speak his mind. Button tells me that he used for years to be on the staff of the ‘Times,’ having only left them when he took office three or four years ago. He was considered one of their very smartest leader writers, but of very dictatorial ways. He is evidently a very able man. When I came home I re-wrote my letter to Gladstone in the sense agreed upon, and, saying _bismillah_, sent it in.[109] In my covering note to Eddy, I said: ‘The fate of several empires depends upon the reception it receives’—the Russian, the Turkish, the Mahdi’s, and our own—also it is the ‘Ides of March.’

“To a party at Mrs. Earle’s and had some talk with Lytton. He is bringing out his novel in verse, ‘Glenaveril.’ It is to come out in parts, published by Murray.

“_13th March._—The Gregorys are back from Paris. He approves of my letter to Gladstone. Then to Labouchere, who tells me the Government are dying to get out of their Soudan campaign. They decided on going to Khartoum in the first excitement of their disappointment about relieving Gordon, and hardly knowing whether he was dead or alive, and they have ever since been repenting. Lately they have been hoping to get out of the Suakin campaign by some pretext of sending on the troops to Afghanistan instead, but they can’t quite get up a case for it. They have never intended making the Berber railway, but only a few miles of it, as far, perhaps, as Sinkat. Now Osman Digna is stronger than ever, and insists upon making raids on Suakin.

“_14th March._—Lady Gregory came to tea, and afterwards I walked home with her. On my return I found an answer from Downing Street. Eddy writes that ‘Mr. Gladstone is obliged to me for my letter, but why does not the Mahdi send a representative to England?’ This looks more like business than I had expected.

“Dined with Professor Hunter and half a dozen Radicals at the Reform Club, where it was proposed to me to make a tour of lectures in Scotland. Hunter engaged to get me good audiences at Aberdeen, Edinburgh, Glasgow, and other places. There was also much talk about my going into Parliament with them, but my connection with the Carlton Club naturally stands in my way.

“_15th March._—Zebehr has been arrested at Alexandria by Wolseley’s order, just as Button told me he would be six months ago. This is really too bad.

“The Prince of Wales is going to Berlin to try and effect a reconciliation with Bismarck. He considers war with Russia inevitable, ‘and a damned good thing too.’ At least such is Lady C.’s account of what he told her. He had also said that Wolseley was to come back from Korti, and that the Soudan campaign would come to a natural end in a very short time. He was all for making peace with the Mahdi.

“_16th March._—To Button, who confirms this news.

“_17th March._—An idle day at Crabbet, except that I attended my neighbour Sir Curtis Lampson’s funeral. He was always an excellent neighbour to me, and I sincerely regret him, as I believe most do. I met the funeral just as it was coming through the Rowfant covers, where I have so often shot with him. He was a very good sportsman, and, though seventy-nine, held his gun remarkably straight to the end. He was an American, a member of the Hudson Bay Company, and bought the Rowfant estate from the Bethunes some forty years ago to breed silver rabbits on for his firm. He was made a Baronet in connection with the Atlantic Cable and the Peabody Trust, whose executor he was. R.I.P.

“_20th March._—The Mudir of Dongola has been joined by the Kababish and Shaghiyeh tribes, and is going to attack Berber. This is the last we shall hear of him as Wolseley’s ally, but they are such geese they suspect nothing. Ibrahim Bey told me a week ago: ‘You will see that in about ten days the Mudir of Dongola will go over openly to the Mahdi.’ He thought Zebehr’s arrest a stupid move, as he was not really a friend of the Mahdi’s.

“_22nd March._—Eddy Hamilton writes, giving a message from Mr. Gladstone, to the effect that, ‘If it is thought the Mahdi is not aware of the instructions to Wolseley about receiving offers of peace, it might possibly be arranged that the Arab gentleman should be passed through the British lines.’ This in answer to a question made on the sixteenth as to whether he would facilitate Ibrahim’s going to Khartoum to arrange a mission of peace from the Mahdi.

“The ‘Observer’ announces severe fighting, and that Graham has retired to Souakin.

“_23rd March._—To Courtney, to try to get him to take a lead against the Soudan war, but he said he had left the Ministry too short a time to do this. He thought Morley was the man for it.