Chapter XXII: Appendix: A (1)

UNPUBLISHED GORDON PAPERS

COLONEL DONNELLY’S CONVERSATION WITH COLONEL C. G. GORDON, 30TH OCTOBER
1880 (FROM AMONG SIR HENRY GORDON’S PAPERS)

THIS was the first time I had seen Colonel Gordon since he left England as Lord Ripon’s private secretary. I asked him what was the real reason of his giving up. He gave me to understand a number of things made him feel that he was _de trop_. “For instance,” he said, “just after we started, Lord Ripon gave me the minutes and evidence in the inquiry into Yakub Khan’s connection with Cavagnari’s murder, and asked me to make a _précis_ and give him my opinion. This was difficult. But after sitting up the greater part of two nights I was able to give them back with my remarks all over them in red and black ink. He asked me what I thought of it. I said I did not see any evidence to prove Yakub guilty; he very likely was glad Cavagnari was murdered, but I could see nothing to show that he was implicated in the crime, and you know (to me, Donnelly) three out of five of the Council (mentioning their names) were of that opinion.

“Lord Ripon looked into it and told me to telegraph from Aden to his, Yakub’s, keepers to meet him at Bombay. I said: ‘My Lord, I think that will hardly do as you have not yet been sworn in and Lord Lytton is still Governor General and may make a great fuss.’ Lord Ripon agreed, thought I was right and said the telegram was not to be sent. When we got to Bombay Lord Ripon again asked me to telegraph to Yakub’s keepers to meet him at some station on the way to Simla. I had to ask White (military secretary) as I did not know the route sufficiently to fix on a station. He was awfully taken aback. Did I know what the consequences would be? Every one in India would be staggered and so on. Begged me to persuade Lord Ripon not to take such a step. I told him that it did not seem to me it would make any difference one way or the other, but as he was so very strong on the point, I said I would let Lord Ripon know before I did anything. I wrote a note and sent it in early in the morning to Lord Ripon, saying that I myself did not think it would matter, but, as White was so very anxious on the subject, believing the end of the world would come if such a step were taken, I thought it as well to let him know before I carried out his, Lord Ripon’s, instructions. This was just before breakfast, and he came out in a few minutes very indignant that any one should have ventured to overrule his orders; he had no intention of being controlled, and so on. All breakfast time he looked quite hurt, and injured, and indignant. After breakfast I left White talking with him in a beseeching way, and presently he (Lord Ripon) came and asked me if I had sent the telegram. I said No, I was waiting to see White to settle the place. ‘Well,’ he said, ‘perhaps after all it was as well not to send it.’

“Now this is only one instance,” Gordon said. “There were lots of snubs of this kind. You know I shouldn’t have minded getting snubbed, if there was any use in it—but I saw it was only sure to get worse. Lord Ripon was being surrounded and guided by the very people from whom Lord Northcote had begged me to keep him clear. When he got to Simla I was sure he would be completely in the hands of the Lytton party. I felt I was _de trop_ and could do no good, and that it was as well to give up as soon as possible. I told Lord Ripon so. He was very nice about it, said that his regard for me had only been increased by what had happened, but he saw it was advisable I should resign, was much obliged to me for doing so, was only afraid of the awkwardness. I showed him the letter I had written. He said I was giving him too great praise and taking all the blame on myself—did not wish me to publish it. But I said I had written it; it was too much trouble to write it again. And so I sent it. We parted on the best of terms. He said he had a greater regard for me than ever, and so on. In fact I have no doubt he was much relieved by being rid of me.”

The opinion Gordon gave Lord Ripon on the Afghan question was this. He said either Yakub Khan was guilty or not. If he was not, and there was no reason for saying he was (_vide_ secret papers, Court of Enquiry on Yakub Khan), he ought in justice to be restored. And moreover he was the only man who was likely to be able to hold the country who had any following. “‘Take him back yourself, my Lord. You can easily do it with 3,000 cavalry. If you succeed, you will be looked upon as the greatest Governor-General India ever had, and if you fail and are killed you will have a splendid marble monument put up to you.’ But Lord Ripon did not seem to see the monument. I offered to do it myself with Yakub and some lakhs of rupees. But they would not have it. What was the use of my being there? There was no one who cared to look forward and have a policy, only to let things drift.”

As to Candahar, Gordon’s opinion was that we ought to give in to the Ruler of Afghanistan if we wished him to hold the country. The position of Candahar with relation to Herat and Cabul was such [here a diagram is given] that it was impossible for any man to really rule the country unless he held Candahar. But he thought we had managed our withdrawal from Cabul very badly. We had been in such a hurry as to look like running away. Our prestige in India had been much shaken by the Maimand disaster, and Roberts had only been able to get at Ayoub Khan’s rearguard. As an illustration of our loss of prestige in India, he gave an incident which occurred lately. When the Russian gunboats were in the harbour of Bombay, the Parsees brought their children to see them and to be introduced to the Russian officers.

Things were constantly happening which must have made his presence—to say the least—irksome with a man of Lord Ripon’s calibre of mind. For instance, the day before they started [from London], Lord Houghton was lunching with Lord Ripon, Gordon kept away till after lunch was over. But Lord Houghton was still there when he came in. On being introduced by Lord Ripon, Lord Houghton said he was delighted to hear he was going as private secretary; he could not congratulate Lord Ripon too highly on his great good luck in having such a secretary; he was very glad Lord Ripon was going as Governor-General, but almost more glad that Gordon was going as his secretary.

EARL OF NORTHBROOK TO GENERAL C. G. GORDON

_Private._

_Jan._ 18, 1884.

MY DEAR GENERAL,

I enclose a letter to Sir William Hewett. We have written officially to him by this mail announcing your mission, and authorizing him to meet your demands up to £1,000 upon your receipts. I am sure you will like Hewett. As there is no telegraphic communication with Suakin we shall arrange for the Helicon to be at Suez from Malta to take you to Suakin. If she should not be available you will have to put up with the Cygnet, but she is not nearly so comfortable as the Helicon.

I will telegraph to you to Port Said to say which arrangement has been made, to the care of the senior officer.

I was very glad to see you in such good heart about affairs this afternoon, and I trust that by God’s blessing you will succeed in arranging them as satisfactorily as circumstances admit.

Yours very sincerely,
NORTHBROOK.

GENERAL C. G. GORDON TO MISS GORDON

19. 1. 84.

MY DEAR AUGUSTA,

I arrived in town very tired at 6 a.m. yesterday, went with Brockenhurst to Barracks, washed and went [to] Wolseley, he said Ministers would see me at 3 p.m. I went back to Barracks and reposed. At 12.30 p.m. Wolseley came for me. I went with him and saw Granville, Hartington, Dilke and Northbrook; they said had I seen W. and did I understand their ideas. I said yes, and repeated what W. had said to me as to their ideas, which was “_they would evacuate Soudan_.” They were pleased and said, “that was their idea. Would I go?” I said “yes.” They said “when?” I said “To- night.” And it was over. I started at 8 p.m. H.R.H. [Cambridge] and Lord W. [Wolseley] came to see me off. I saw Henry [Sir H. Gordon] and Bob [R. F. Gordon], no one else except Stokes, all very kind. I have taken Stewart with me, a nice fellow, we are now in train near Mont Cenis. I am not moved a bit, and hope to do the people good. Will you tell Sir J. Cowell all this. Lord Granville said Ministers were very much obliged to me. I said I was much honoured by going. I telegraphed King [of Belgians] at once, and told him to wait a few months. Kindest love Mina, Helen and yourself, A. Burton, and Hayter and Ellen [these two were servants at Rockstone Place].

Believe me, my dear Augusta, yr. affect. brother
C. G. GORDON.

_Address_—Care H.M. Consul Suez.

MEMORANDUM AS TO GENERAL GORDON’S DOINGS IN CAIRO, JANUARY 1884, BY
COLONEL [SIR CHARLES] WATSON (FROM SIR HENRY GORDON’S PAPERS)

On Saturday the 19th January when I went into Sir Evelyn Wood’s room at the War Office he said, “Embrace me.” I said, “What has happened?” He said, “The English Government is sending General Gordon out to settle the affairs of the Soudan, and he started from London last night with Colonel Stewart by the Brindisi Mail.” I said, “That is the best thing I have heard for the last year. Is it to be made public, or is it still a secret?” He said, “It is to be made as public as possible, tell everybody.” Then we did some ordinary business, and I went to my own office. Colonel Bruce Campbell was there, having come as usual for the latest information. He said, “What news have you for me?” I replied, “The newest and best is that General Gordon is coming out to settle the Soudan, and is now on his way.” He said, “I don’t believe it. The English Government will never let him come.” “Well,” I said, “I think you’ll see it’s true.” Then he went away.

That evening I had to take some papers to Nubar’s house for him to sign. Soon after I went in he said, “I am to be congratulated. The weight of the Soudan is off my shoulders. If any one can manage it, Gordon can.” He really did seem glad that Gordon was coming out, which was good of him considering the abusive way in which Gordon had both written and spoken of him.

The next day Nubar stopped me in the street to talk about Bashi Bazouks, who had come to Cairo and were troubling him about their pay, and he again repeated how glad he was that Gordon was coming out. The following day every one was talking about it; several Egyptians said, “Finished with the Mahdi.” But that was too hopeful a view. I had to see Major Vincent about the War Office budget, in which he was very eager to make more economies, and he asked how much money was Gordon likely to want for taking all the people out of the Soudan and settling up the affairs there. I said that Gordon couldn’t answer that question himself, that there was no doubt that he would do the job better and cheaper than any one else. Sir Evelyn Baring seemed hopeful and said, “That it was specially understood that Gordon was under the English and not under the Egyptian Government, and that therefore he would be under him [Baring] and not under Nubar. But,” he added smiling, “not that it is very likely that Gordon will take orders from me or any one else.”

The next day, the 22nd, Sir Evelyn Wood said to me, “Gordon is coming out with the intention of going straight through the Canal and on to Suakin, without coming to Cairo; I can quite understand his not liking to come to Cairo, but it is very important he should see Baring before going to the Soudan, and it would look badly if he did not call on the Khedive. I shall therefore go down to Port Said to-morrow to meet and try to bring him up to Cairo, and I want you to come with me. Nubar has arranged for a boat and train to bring him up here.”

That day there was a telegram from Slatin Bey in Darfour, stating that he was constantly being attacked by the Mahdi’s people, that his ammunition was running out, his soldiers were getting demoralized, and he had had to shoot several of them, and he could not hold out much longer unless ammunition and reinforcements were sent him. It was arranged to send a telegram to Dongola to be sent to him as soon as possible, telling him that General Gordon was going to the Soudan to withdraw all the Egyptian troops, and everybody else who wished to leave. This message was to be sent to the Mudir of Dongola with orders to send it on by several different messengers, so as to make sure of Slatin Bey getting it.

In the afternoon Sir E. Wood asked me to see Nubar to make sure that the necessary arrangements had been made for bringing Gordon quickly up from Port Said. Nubar looked very tired and spoke French, said he was too tired to talk in English. He sent for Tigrane who looked very sulky, but it was not clear whether it was because Gordon was coming out, or because he was not so important a man as in Cherif’s time. Nubar gave him orders to see that everything was ready for Gordon’s journey, and said that no expense would be spared to send him to Khartoum in the shortest possible time, as the sooner he got there, the sooner things would be settled. That night we dined at Sir E. Baring’s, a regular Consular dinner—Austrian, Russian, Netherlands, etc. I was sitting next Tigrane, who would hardly say a word; he does not seem quite to approve of the advance of English ideas. Nubar on the contrary, who was also there, seemed very cheerful. It will be curious to see whether Tigrane will continue to work with Nubar or not. Other people came in after dinner for dancing.

The next morning Sir E. Wood sent to me to say that he was unhappy about Slatin Bey and the people in Darfour, and asked me to ask Nubar not to send the message to Dongola until Gordon had arrived. Nubar was not in his office, and I waited a good while in Tigrane’s room, who was much more talkative than the night before. He said he was not let to do anything now, and that Nubar and Sir E. Baring managed everything. He seemed rather doubtful of the success of Gordon’s mission to the Soudan, on account of the power that the Mahdi had up there.

At 11.30 Sir E. Wood and I started for Ismaïlia, and arrived there about 5 p.m. Sir Evelyn was rather uneasy in his mind about Gordon, as he thought it might be difficult to persuade him to come to Cairo. At Ismaïlia we were met by the Governor and other Notables, and went straight over to the pier, where a steam launch was waiting to take us to Port Said; among others who were there was Khalil Agha, an Albanian policeman, who had been with me in the campaign, and who had now charge of the roads and gardens at Ismaïlia. A little French red faced doctor begged for a passage as he had been telegraphed for from Port Said. We started at once and reached Port Said at 11.30 p.m. A lot of people met us, and accompanied Sir Evelyn to the Hôtel des Pays Bas, where rooms had been engaged for him by the Governor.

Next morning I went to the P. and O. Office and saw Mr. Roy, who said that the “Tanjore” from Brindisi would not be in till the afternoon, but he was proved to be wrong, for half an hour afterwards she was in sight, and, by the time we had finished breakfast, and Sir Evelyn had inspected the company of the 8th Battalion stationed at Port Said, the “Tanjore” was in the harbour close to H.M.S. “Carysfort,” which had been sent from Malta to take General Gordon to Suakin, and was now waiting for him with steam up ready to start. Our steam launch was at the pier, and we went out to the “Tanjore” at once. General Gordon was on the poop talking to Col. Stewart. A minute served to make him and Sir E. Wood acquainted with one another, and at the same moment the English Consul put into General Gordon’s hands a bundle of cipher telegrams from Lord Granville and Sir E. Baring, and Col. Stewart and I went down at once into the saloon to decipher them. The Captain of the “Carysfort” came on board to report his ship ready, and Sir E. Wood seemed at first a little doubtful how to break the intelligence to General Gordon that he was expected to come to Cairo instead of going to Suakin as he intended, but the latter proved quite amenable, and as soon as he was told that the steam launch was alongside to take him to Ismaïlia, said he was ready to start at once; so their baggage was put in, and in five minutes we were steaming to Ismaïlia somewhat to the astonishment of the Captain of the “Carysfort,” who expected to have taken the General with him. Stewart and I continued deciphering the telegrams, which were all to the same effect, that General Gordon had better go to Cairo while he and Sir Evelyn Wood were becoming acquainted with one another. It was curious to think that Gordon had sent Sir Evelyn to Egypt, while Sir Evelyn had really been the means of getting Gordon sent to the Soudan.

Although Gordon had started so readily for Cairo, he at first seemed of opinion it would have been better if he had gone to Suakin to make friends with the chief of the tribes who were fighting against Baker. He seemed to have little doubt of the practicability of the scheme, but, as he might not have been able to get by that road to Khartoum, and as the main thing was to get him to that place as soon as possible, there is little doubt it was better for him to go by the Nile valley. The five hours to Ismaïlia were employed by Sir E. Wood making Gordon fully acquainted with the state of affairs in Egypt and the Soudan. At five o’clock we reached Ismaïlia and went at once to the station, where a special train was ready to take Gordon to Cairo. In the carriage was Mahommed Bey Tuhami, who had formerly been Gordon’s secretary in the Soudan, and who had been sent down by Gordon’s request to meet him. He is jet black and now quite blind, having lost his sight on the White Nile, whither Gordon sent him for taking bakshish to the extent of £3,000. This did not prevent his being very glad to see his old master again, and his pleasure was increased when Gordon put £100 into his hands. He is a wonderful old man, very clear-headed about the Soudan, knowing nearly every chief by name. He said that Mousa, the chief of the Hadendowa, whom Gordon had hoped to meet at Suakin [was away] and that his son Mohammed was at Kassala with part of the tribe, while the rest of it had left him, and with the Halega tribe under Osman Digna were fighting against Baker at Suakin. It is possible, therefore, that Gordon might not have found it as easy as he thought to get through that way. Tuhami was of opinion that a great many people in the Soudan would be very glad to hear of Gordon’s arrival, and that many of those who had joined the Mahdi on account of their hatred of the Egyptian Government would leave him. He repeatedly insisted that the rebellion was rather against bad Government than a religious revolt.

The train reached Cairo at 9 o’clock, but there were not many waiting to receive the General as we were not due till half an hour later. Gordon went off with Sir E. Wood. After he had started Nubar Pasha and the Khedive’s first aide-de-camp came up just too late to receive him.

The next morning Mohammed Tuhami came to our house with a clerk, Abo El Melik Shai, and at once set to work to write telegrams to a number of the Notable people in the Soudan, informing them that Gordon was going up to bring peace to the country. During the morning one Arab after another came in until there were seven or eight at work. Gordon looked in for a few minutes, but spent most of the time with Sir E. Baring, Sir E. Wood and Nubar. He also went to see the Khedive, and said he had been very humble and made it up with him. He arranged with him that Abd el Shakoor, the son of Abd el Kader, one of the late Sultans of Darfour, was to be sent back to that country. This had been proposed by Gordon years ago. The Khedive would never agree to it before. In the afternoon Abd el Shakoor looked in, and the meeting between him and Tuhami was very interesting. It should be remembered that Tuhami was secretary to Ismael Pasha Ayoub when he as Governor-General of the Soudan conquered Darfour, or to speak more correctly when Zebehr Rahama conquered it for him and killed the Sultan. The young man, Abd el Shakoor, seems intelligent, but at first sight does not show the strength of character which he would require. Gordon came in and told him he was to start with him the next night. The young man asked for a few days delay to collect his family, but Gordon cut him short, saying, “Look, you want a throne, throne first, family afterwards.” Tuhami and the other clerks did not finish their work until late.

After dinner I went over to Sir E. Wood’s to see Gordon, who had just gone; Sir E. was sitting with Slade, and was very low. Gordon, who before he left London had protested in the strongest manner against sending Zebehr to the Soudan, had that evening written a paper to show why it would be a good thing to take Zebehr with him. Sir E. said he had a great respect for Gordon, but he really could not change his opinion entirely in twelve hours. I said it was not the least surprising, as it was very usual for Gordon to change his opinion on the smallest provocation; but in this case I was sure it would all come right, and that Zebehr would not go. In the same paper he expressed a wish that Zebehr and he might be confronted with one another in order that the former might bring any accusation against him he thought fit.

Leaving Sir E. I went home and found Gordon, who seemed equally low. He said he had been talking all day and was quite done. Speedy was also at our house, and he and Gordon had been having an argument about King John of Abyssinia. He rather took King John’s part, while Gordon said he was a man on whom no reliance could be placed. Gordon said King John had never stated what he wants, and that if he had a port he wouldn’t know what to do with it. He said, however, he might have Senheit and Gallabat, and free trade at Massowah.

The next morning Tuhami came again and wrote a proclamation for Gordon to distribute in the Soudan. Gordon stopped at our house for a couple of hours, during which time a great many people, principally Egyptians, came to see him. The majority were persons whom he had known before, and who wished to go up to the Soudan with him. He refused all the applications, and the only two he agreed to take with him were Ibrahim Bey Fawzi, who had formerly been with him in the Soudan, and Ibrahim Effendi Ruchdi, whom he took as clerks. Ibrahim Bey Fawzi had been promoted by Gordon to every grade from Lieutenant to Colonel, and regarded Gordon as his Father. He had also at one time been in disgrace with Gordon, and had been put in chains. During the Egyptian campaign Ibrahim Fawzi had been with the rebels at Abou Kir, and had been without employment since the disbandment of the old Egyptian army. Ibrahim Ruchdi was a Khartoum clerk, who had been temporarily employed in the Soudan office in Cairo. Gordon took him back to the Soudan at an increased rate of pay, _i.e._, £20 a month. A little later in the morning a deputation of merchants interested in the Soudan commerce came to present Gordon with an address, and to beg that he would do what he could to protect the interests of Soudan merchants. He replied to them that he had been sent out from England by the English Government with a definite object, viz., to withdraw the Egyptian Government from the Soudan; that they all knew that the Egyptian Government in the Soudan was bad, and had been used to oppress the people; that the present state of affairs could not continue, but that he would do his best to set up some system of self-government in the Soudan. After the deputation retired, General Gordon went out, and I went to the War Office and arranged for lithographing the proclamation alluded to above.

General Gordon and Colonel Stewart lunched with us. Giegler Pasha came in afterwards and we all went to Sir E. Baring’s, with whom were Nubar Pasha and Sir Evelyn Wood. Sir Evelyn Baring said that General Gordon had expressed a wish that certain matters between him and Zebehr Pasha might be discussed, and Zebehr Pasha was called in. Gordon and Zebehr sat near one another, with an interpreter between, and Zebehr Pasha was asked what he had to say. He said that Gordon without cause had confiscated his property, had put his people in chains, and had caused his son to be killed, that when Gordon had gone to the Soudan he (Zebehr) had put his hand on his (Gordon’s) hand and had asked him to consider his son as his own son. Then General Gordon said that he had confiscated the property of Zebehr because he had been convicted by a court of enquiry at Khartoum of having instigated his son to revolt against the Government, that the conviction was to a certain extent based upon a letter written from Zebehr to his son and found among the latter’s (Suliman’s) papers. _Zebehr_: “I never wrote such a letter. You should produce it as proof of what you say.” _General Gordon_: “I cannot produce the letter as it was attached to the proceedings of the court and sent with the latter to his Highness the Khedive. If the proceedings can be found the letter should be found with them.” _Zebehr_: “If the letter can be found I deserve to lose my head,” and he drew his hand across his throat. _Gordon_: “If the letter was not written, I was not justified in what I did.” Then Sir Evelyn Baring said that he would see that the “proceedings” were looked for, and he directed Sir E. Wood to endeavour to find them. Then _Zebehr_ said to Gordon: “And you killed my son, although I had specially entrusted him to your care.” _Gordon_: “I did take care of your son and I had him promoted to the rank of Bey, and then afterwards he treacherously killed 200 Egyptian soldiers in the Bahr Gazal.” _Zebehr_ fenced with the question for some time and at last said: “I was no longer responsible for my son, you had made him a Bey, you were responsible.” Then _Sir E. Baring_ said that “apparently there were two questions between Zebehr and Gordon, the first concerning Zebehr himself which turned on the existence of a certain letter which would be searched for, that if Zebehr was proved not to be guilty he would see that compensation was made to him for his losses; the second question concerned Zebehr’s son, for whose action it now appeared Zebehr did not hold himself responsible.” Zebehr stood up and made a speech mainly to the effect that the name of England and the justice of England were known to all nations, and that he would leave all in the hands of his Excellency. Zebehr then left the room. Sir E. Baring said that the next point to discuss was whether Zebehr Pasha was to go to the Soudan or not, as General Gordon had suggested the advisability of his going. General Gordon said: “I had better not be here while you are discussing that. Hear what Watson has to say.” And he went out. Sir E. Baring asked me what I had to say, and I answered that I considered it would be the greatest possible mistake to let Zebehr go to the Soudan with Gordon, and that, if my own opinion was of no value, I had been requested by one who knew the Soudan well to do all I could to prevent his going, as it was almost certain that one or the other would not come back alive. Sir E. Wood also said that he did not think it advisable for Zebehr to go, and Nubar Pasha expressed the same opinion, but more mildly. Nubar gave me the idea that for some reason or other he was annoyed at having Zebehr’s affairs stirred up again and wanted it to relapse into oblivion as soon as possible. Gordon and Zebehr were then called in again, and Sir E. Baring informed the latter that it was considered desirable he should not at present go to the Soudan, but that the question of his return and of his position generally would be discussed as soon as General Gordon had returned in safety. Soon after, every one went away.

That evening there was a large dinner at Sir E. Wood’s, Nubar Pasha, Abd el Kader, etc., etc. At 9 o’clock we drove to Boulac Dakrour station to see Gordon off, his train was to start at 9.30, but at the last minute it appeared that Abd el Shakoor, the Sultan of Darfour, in place of coming with two or three people as Gordon had arranged, had brought all his family and followers, nearly fifty in number. Gordon did not like to leave them behind, so fresh carriages were put on, and the people and baggage were tumbled into the train, which started at 10.30. During the following days Tuhami brought me several papers respecting affairs in the Soudan, which he asked me to send to General Gordon for his guidance.

Cairo, _10th Feb._, 1884.

GENERAL SIR GERALD GRAHAM TO SIR HENRY GORDON

Saxon, _Feb. 4th_, 1884.

MY DEAR SIR HENRY,

I have been accompanying your brother as far as Korusko and seen him start off on his journey across the desert. He is much more cheery and confident than he was when he left Cairo, and looks forward to constructing a government and army out of native materials as if it were the simplest thing in the world. He has certainly an extraordinary influence over the natives, the secret of which seems to me to be that he is really fond of them and enters into their feelings, while he at the same time shows an energy that must appear to them superhuman. . . .

GERALD GRAHAM.

GENERAL C. G. GORDON TO MONSIEUR DE MOUTARDIN, RUE ROGATE, NO. 7, PARIS
(FROM SIR HENRY GORDON’S PAPERS)

(_Apparently translated from the French._)

Khartoum, 5 _Novr._ 84.

MY DEAR SIR,

Thank you for your letter 25 August received yesterday by a spy, and also for your good wishes for our security. The Arabs are tranquil enough, they are at the South and S.W. and East, but otherwise they are not. We are in much vicissitude. I regret sensibly that your Consul, Mr. Harbin, who went down in a steamer with Colonel Stewart, and Mr. Power, English Consul, after an uproar were killed _en route_ with the other M.M. I do not understand, for the steamer had been blinded, had a gun and a good force. They left here the 10th of September. I had them escorted below Berber, and they ought to have been at Dongola the 20th September, but an officer has informed me that on the 14th October they had not arrived there. It is very grievous. Excuse a longer letter, for I have so many things to do.

Believe me my dear M. de Moutardin, Yours sincerely,

C. G. GORDON.

P.S. You say to me, “Expedition for my relief,” thank you, no,—“Expedition for the relief of the garrisons of the Soudan,” _that is the title_ you understand, is it not? I was sent to succour the garrisons of the Soudan, I have failed, they sent the Troops to make up for the failure on my part. Slatin Bey is with the Mahdi 8 miles distant from here, he is well and has become Muslim, as they say is the case with all the Europeans! The time of Martyrs for the faith is ended!

SIR CHARLES WATSON TO SIR HENRY GORDON

War Office, Cairo, 24. 2. 1885.

MY DEAR SIR HENRY,

Since posting my letter to you I have had forwarded to me from Korti a letter from your brother dated 14. 12. 84. It is sad to get it, but I thought you would like a copy, so send one. He evidently knew there was treachery at work in Khartoum some time before it fell. The last paragraph concerns some small commissions I did for him, it is of no consequence. The letter was given to Sir Charles Wilson at Gubat by Kashim el Moos, who commanded the steamers. So Wilson must have had an anxious time going up. He would have done anything to save your brother, and must have felt there was no hope before he left Khartoum behind him. It is a sad story, but I cannot help envying your brother,

Ever yours sincerely,
C. M. WATSON.

I have shown the letter to Sir F. Stephenson and Sir E. Baring. The latter took a copy of it.

_Enclosure._

Khartoum, 14. 12. 84.

MY DEAR WATSON,

I think the game is up and send Mrs. Watson, you and Graham my adieux. We may expect a catastrophe in the town in or after 10 days time. This would not have happened (if it does happen) if our people had taken better precautions as to informing us of their movements. But this is “spilt milk,” good bye. Mind and let my brother (68, Elm Park Road, Chelsea) know what I owe you.

Yours sincerely,
C. G. GORDON.

The above was received at Gubat by Sir C. Wilson on the 22 January 1885.

SIR CHARLES WATSON TO SIR HENRY GORDON

War Office, Cairo, 10. 3. 1885.

MY DEAR SIR HENRY,

Since last writing to you I have had a second letter from your brother, but of earlier date than the one of which I sent you a copy. I am so often asked for copies of it that I have had it lithographed in facsimile, and enclose you a copy of it. You will see he speaks strongly about the government, and he had reason. Why was not General Graham allowed to go on last year? But it is not much use talking about it now. I only hope that the government will at last realize that the Soudan business is a large one that will take years to settle. I have seen young Anderson of the artillery. He started for Souakim yesterday with General Graham.

I hope you are all well,

Yours very sincerely,
C. M. WATSON.

_Enclosure in Facsimile._

Kartum, 26. 11. 84.

MY DEAR WATSON,

Thanks for your letter which I received yesterday, the steamer which brought it, had to run the gauntlet of no end of rifle fire and of 6 guns, she was struck 3 times by shells, but only 7 were wounded. I hope you and Mrs. Watson are well. I am not ill-treated I consider, but the Cairo people up here they are the ill used. I will accept _nothing whatever_ from Gladstone’s Government. I will not even let them pay my expenses. I will get the King to pay them. I will never put foot in England again—but will (D.V. if I get out) go to Brussels and so on to Congo. How is Miss Arnott, the lady who was with me? I greatly fear for Stewart, Power and Herbin, French Consul. With kindest regards, believe me yours sincerely, with kindest regards to Mrs. Watson,

C. G. GORDON.

LAST TELEGRAM FROM GENERAL GORDON (FROM AMONG MRS. MOFFITT’S PAPERS)

Junior United Service Club,
London, S.W.
8 _June_ 1886.

An Egyptian Clerk, who was taken prisoner by the rebels at the fall of Khartoum, and at last succeeded in effecting his escape from Omdurman, gave me a copy of an Arabic telegram of which he said the following was the story.

On or about the 29th December 1884, General Gordon dictated this telegram to him. It was written on a small piece of paper. General Gordon then took a cartridge, took out the bullet and shook the gunpowder out of it. He then folded up the telegram, put it in the cartridge in place of the powder, and replaced the bullet, so that the cartridge looked as if it had not been touched. General Gordon then gave it to a messenger who put it with his other cartridges and started for Dongola.

I have never heard that he arrived, neither have I any means of confirming the truth of the clerk’s story. It seems, however, very unlikely that he should have invented such a tale, or have written the telegram himself.

The translation of the telegram is as follows:

“To the Sovereign of the Kingdom.

“After salutations. I would at once, calling to mind what I have gone through, inform their Majesties the Sovereigns of the actions of Great Britain and the Ottoman Empire, who appointed me as Governor-General of the Soudan for the purpose of appeasing the rebellion in that country.

“During the twelve months that I have been here, these two Powers, the one remarkable for her wealth and the other for her military force, have remained unaffected by my situation, perhaps relying too much on the news sent by Hussein Pasha Khalifa who surrendered of his own accord. Although I personally am too insignificant to be taken into account, the Powers were bound nevertheless to fulfil the engagement upon which my appointment was based, so as to shield the honor of the Governments.

“What I have gone through I cannot describe. The Almighty God will help me.”

I would observe that the fact of General Gordon speaking of having been “twelve months” in the Soudan would lead to the supposition that the telegram was written later than the clerk stated. This is quite possible as Egyptians are not good at remembering dates.

C. M. WATSON.

SIR CHARLES WILSON TO SIR HENRY GORDON

Mountjoy Barracks, Phœnix Park, Dublin,
_Sep._ 9 1885.

MY DEAR GORDON,

There has never been any doubt in my mind as to the manner of your brother’s death. He was killed before sunrise, apparently before it was quite daylight, a short distance outside the Palace gates, where he met a party of Arabs. He fell at the first discharge, but whether killed, or severely wounded, we do not know; his body when seen afterwards had several lance wounds, and his head was cut off by a Dugaini Arab and exposed on a pole in the open space between the Mahdi’s two camps at Omdurman. I tried to keep these details from the correspondents in the Sudan, knowing how painful they would be to you and his family, but as you have asked for them I give them now. The body was left on the ground some time, and then appears to have been buried with others in the ditch south of Khartum. One account was that the body was buried under a large cairn of stones, where it fell, by people throwing stones at it as they passed, a common Arab custom. The decapitation is also Arab and what one might naturally expect; on the other hand the Arabs never mutilate the dead as the Ethiopic tribes do. Our dead were untouched except by lance thrusts, whilst those on the Sawakin side were horribly mutilated. You may therefore be certain that no insult was offered to your brother’s body.

My view is that your brother was roused up, just before daylight, by the news that the Arabs had entered the town, that he hastily collected his cavasses (armed servants) and left the Palace with the intention of reaching the stone church, where the ammunition was stored, and then of blowing up the magazine or trying to hold out till we arrived. He probably intended picking up the Austrian Consul on his way, but unfortunately was met by a party of Arabs just after he left the Palace gates. The Arabs apparently did not know it was your brother when they fired; they only saw the cavasses in their Egyptian uniform. Your brother, if he had chosen, might have made an attempt to save his own life by going on board the steamers which always had steam up; but you know as well as I do he would never have done that. The steamers tried to get down the river, but turned back when fire was opened upon them from Omdurman; had a European been on board they might have run the gauntlet. My account of your brother’s death is based on two independent reports made not very long after the fall of Khartum and before the wild stories which so rapidly grow out of such an event, in semi-civilised countries, had time to obscure the truth. In all essential particulars these reports have been confirmed by later ones. The two reports I allude to were one by a cavass of Ibrahim Bey Rushdi’s, whose master was killed with your brother and who was present when they were killed. This man was of Turkish origin, and bribed some Arabs to bring him across the desert; from Khartum he went down to Cairo with the Mudir of Dongola. The other was by a leading Sheikh of the Shagiyeh, whom we had sent to Khartum with letters for your brother; this man was in Khartum when it fell, and saw your brother’s body not long after he had been killed; he came down to us by the Wady Bishara road. The two men were unknown to each other, of different race, and came by different roads, at an interval of a few days; there could not therefore have been any collusion.

Watson is collecting all he can about the last days at Khartum; have you written to him?

Yours sincerely,
C. W. WILSON.

NOTES FROM AN INTERVIEW WITH A REFUGEE WHO CAME FROM KHARTOUM ON OR
ABOUT THE 3RD NOVEMBER 1887 TO SUAKIN (FROM AMONG MRS. MOFFITT’S PAPERS)

Rank, _Sergt. Major_.

Nationality, _Turk_.

Was formerly in the Garrison at Berber, but escaped at its fall to Kartoum, where he was one of four Sergeants Orderlies to Gordon. He was “on duty” on the 26th, and was with Gordon in the “look out” on the top of the Palace. Gordon the evening before warned the people that he had seen a great deal of extra excitement going on in the rebel camp, and that unless a “good resistance was made that night the town would fall.” The soldiers were in a starving state and many left the lines in search of food, the civilians armed themselves and went on to the lines. As the morning star rose the rebels made a feint at the portion of the defence under Ferag Pasha (with the black troops), but at the same time they directed their full attack at the defence commanded by Hassan Bey Benassawie (with the 5th Regt., fellaheen) and succeeded in getting into the town. Gordon, when he heard the rebels in the town, said: “It is all finished; to-day Gordon will be killed (“enhardeh Gordon cassoora”), and went downstairs, followed by the four sergeants, who took their rifles with them. He took a chair and sat down on the right of the Palace door, the four sergeants standing on his left; all at once a sheikh galloped up with some Baggara Arabs; the sergeants were on the point of firing when Gordon, seizing one of their rifles, said: “No need of rifles; to- day Gordon is to be killed” (as before). The Sheikh told Gordon that he had been ordered by the Mahdi to bring him alive. Gordon refused to go, saying that he would die where he was, and adding that no harm was to be done to the four sergeants who had not fired on the rebels. The Sheikh repeated the order three times, and each time Gordon gave the same answer. After a few words the Sheikh drew his sword and rushing up to Gordon cut him in a slanting direction over the left shoulder, Gordon looking him straight in the face and offering no resistance of any kind. His head was cut off and taken to the Mahdi at Omdurman, and his body was buried close to the door of the Palace and a tomb built over it. The four sergeants were not hurt, but taken prisoners, and two have already managed to escape. The sergeant, on being questioned about the report made by Colonel Kitchener, states that food was so scarce that Gordon himself lived on a handful of doura, which was made into a thick soup, the people living chiefly on the fibre of the palm-tree made into cakes. All the animals were killed, with the exception of a donkey, over which there was a guard. Finally an officer stole it and sold its flesh at any price he asked. A fish was caught and sold in a similar manner.

Ibrahim Bey Fowsi is now at Omdurman, Farag Ullah Bey is at Galabat.

SIR CHARLES WATSON TO SIR HENRY GORDON

Cairo, 2 _July_ 1885.

MY DEAR SIR HENRY,

Very many thanks for sending me the “Journals,” which have reached me this afternoon. I have only just had time to glance at them, but write at once to catch the Italian mail. They seem most interesting. What a pity it is that he did not keep them all from the beginning of the siege instead of sending them down by Stewart, but of course he thought it safer to do the latter.

I was very glad to read your paper in the introduction about Sir Charles Wilson, who seems to be unjustly blamed. Have you seen him since he came to England? I was a little sorry to see the footnote on page 121 about Abd-el-Kader Pasha, as it does not quite convey the truth about his refusal to go to the Soudan. He agreed to go on certain conditions, the most important of which was that the abandonment of the Soudan was not to be announced, but in the instructions which were drawn up for him the abandonment was a leading feature. I made this note upon them at the time.

“N.B. Abd-el-Kader did not agree to these instructions on the ground that an immediate abandonment of Khartoum was inexpedient, and that to go to the Soudan with such an intention would lead to certain failure. The proposal to send him therefore fell through (16 Jan. 1884).”

Abd-el-Kader always remained of the same opinion that to proclaim the abandonment of the Soudan was to make the removal of the garrisons impossible. He is one of the best Pashas I have met with, _one who has not got rich_.

I shall write again when I have read the Journals.

Yours very sincerely,
C. M. WATSON.

SIR CHARLES WILSON’S ACCOUNT OF HIS EXPEDITION TO OMDURMAN SENT TO SIR
H. GORDON

Mountjoy Barracks, Dublin, 27 _July_ 1885.

1. The force under Sir H. Stewart was sent across the desert to occupy Matammeh, open up communication with General Gordon’s steamers, and through them with Khartum. It was hoped that the presence of this force, which was not much larger than a battalion at war strength, on the Nile at Matammeh would withdraw some of the pressure on Khartum, but it was not sent to relieve that place.

2. My mission was to communicate with General Gordon; to deliver Lord Wolseley’s letters to him; to ascertain from him the exact position of affairs at Khartum; to inform him that the forces advancing for the relief of Khartum would be concentrated at Matammeh and Shendy by the first week in March, and to have three officers in Khartum to assist General Gordon in the defence until relief came. I was then to return to Korti, bringing the English soldiers down the river with me. There was never any question of my attempting the relief of Khartum.

3. No one at Gubat, no one on the steamers of General Gordon’s flotilla had the slightest suspicion that a crisis would occur at Khartum within a few days of our arrival at Matammeh. The first time that the officers and men on the steamers expressed a doubt as to the safety of Khartum was when we came under fire of the guns at Halfiyeh. There was therefore no urgent necessity for an immediate start without consideration for the position of the little force which had been more than decimated on its march to the Nile.

4. The steamers left Gubat at 8 a.m. on the 24th, and arrived off Omdurman at 2 p.m. on the 28th; they were heavily laden with grain, yet they made better time up the river as far as times can be compared, than Lord C. Beresford in the “Safieh,” manned by officers and men of the Second Division of the Naval Brigade who had come across after the steamers left; this shows when once started there was no delay. Had the steamers started at 3 p.m. On the 21st, the day of their arrival, they would on the evening of the 25th have been some distance below Halfiyeh, out of sight of Khartum and unable to exert any influence over the events which occurred at Khartum at dawn on the 26th. It is absurd to suppose the Mahdi’s plans would have been altered by his knowing the two steamers were coming up; he probably believed, as General Gordon did, they could not pass the batteries.

5. The steamers were under fire from both banks, in action with the Mahdi’s army, for four hours; it was impossible to land in the face of such a strong force; they came out of action a little after 4, and about 5 or soon after hauled into the bank to obtain information. We ascertained then, _i.e._ on the evening of the 28th, that Khartum had fallen through the treachery of Faraj Pasha at dawn on the 26th, and that General Gordon had been killed. These were the two capital facts which it was necessary the Government and Lord Wolseley should know; all we have learned since is matter of detail. There was frequent communication with natives on the way down; they all told essentially the same story, and there was never any doubt in my mind as to the truth of the main points.

6. It may be interesting to know that General Gordon’s last great sortie was on the 17th January, the day of Abu Klea; and that it is almost certain he and his garrison had heard of the fight at Abu Klea, and possibly Gubat before the end came.

C. W. W.

MR. EDWARD HAMILTON TO SIR HENRY GORDON

10, Downing Street, _20th July_ 1884.

DEAR SIR,

I beg to return to you Lord Wolseley’s letter, of which I have retained a copy.