Chapter XXIV: Part 24

A resolution of Mr. Foot, of Connecticut, on this subject, gave rise to animated discussion in the senate, on the 29th of December, 1829. In the course of the debate, Mr. Hayne, of South Carolina, introduced the subject of state rights, and contended that the several states within which the public lands were situated, should have the entire control and jurisdiction over them. Mr. Webster, of Massachusetts, replied to Mr. Hayne in one of the most eloquent and effective speeches ever delivered in congress, and contended that on subjects fully committed to the government by the constitution, its powers were absolute, exclusive, and unlimited; that no state, nor even a number of states, might justly interfere in such cases; and that the public lands not expressly ceded to a particular state, were solely and absolutely at the disposal of the United States' government. This speech destroyed, for a time, the hopes of the advocates of the novel doctrine of nullification; yet the views of Mr. Hayne, respecting state rights and powers, continued to be entertained by a large portion of the people of the Southern states. No particular law resulted from this able and prolonged discussion.

_National Bank._--In anticipation of a request for the renewal of the charter of the United States' bank, the president, in his message to congress, had expressed opinions adverse to that measure. But the standing committees of the senate and house, to which that portion of his message referred, made reports in opposition to the president's views. The friends of the administration formed a majority in both committees, and it was readily perceived how little harmony of action there was likely to be, on that subject, between the president and the party which had brought him into power.

About four years anterior to the expiration of the existing charter, that is, in December, 1832, a memorial was presented to congress from the president and directors of the United States' bank, for a renewal of its charter. This memorial was referred to a select committee, which, on the 13th of March following, reported in its favor, recommending only some limitations to the power of issuing notes and holding real property; also, the payment of a bonus of one million five hundred thousand dollars. After long debates, and various amendments, a bill for this purpose was carried in the senate by a vote of twenty-eight to twenty, and in the house by a vote of one hundred and seven to eighty-five; but, being on the 4th of July sent to the president, it was returned to the senate on the 10th of July with an absolute veto, which, not being opposed by two-thirds, decided the fate of the bank.

_Internal Improvements._--The policy of the government from an early period, though not from the beginning, had favored works of internal improvement, so that it seemed to be settled as a feature of each successive administration, from Mr. Jefferson to the present period. From General Jackson's own votes, while he was a member of the senate, it might reasonably be inferred that the same policy would be coincident with his views as president. But such was found not to be the fact. The question of internal improvements by the general government, was earnestly discussed at the first session of the twenty-first congress, and a bill was passed in the house, by a vote of one hundred and two to thirty-five, in the senate by twenty-four to eighteen, authorizing a subscription to the stock of the Maysville and Lexington road company, in Kentucky. The bill thus passed by so large a majority, was sent to the president for his approval. After retaining it eight days, he returned it to the house, on the 27th of May, 1830, with his objections.

The reading of this veto message produced much excitement in congress. Many of the friends of the president from Pennsylvania and from the Western states, had confidently looked for his approbation of the bill. Their surprise and disappointment were equally great. The question being taken upon the passage of the bill, notwithstanding the objections of the president, the vote stood, yeas ninety-six, nays ninety-four. Two-thirds of the house not agreeing to pass the bill, it was rejected, though a majority of the house refused to sustain the objections of the president.

_Indian Hostilities._--The year 1832 was distinguished by a series of Indian hostilities, commonly known as "Black Hawk's War," from the name of the celebrated Indian chief, who was the leader of the Sac and Fox Indians in these hostilities. These tribes, together with the Winnebagoes, had, for a considerable time, manifested a restless disposition, and appeared evidently disposed to commence hostilities, as opportunity might offer. They had joined the British in the war of 1812, and inflicted much injury on the Americans. Encouraged by the friendship of the British, as well as incited by their own warlike propensities, the Sacs and Foxes claimed the right of occupying a part of the country upon Rock river, even after it had been sold to the citizens of the United States, and the latter had made settlements upon it. In attempting to assert this right, frequent collisions ensued; and, as no persuasions on the part of the agents of the government could induce them to be quiet, and confine themselves to their own country on the west of the Mississippi, measures were taken to compel them to desist from their aggressions. As early as 1831, a considerable detachment of the army, and also of the militia of Illinois, was called into the field; upon which, the Indians agreed to confine themselves within their own proper limits.

In a short time, however, this arrangement was violated by a party of these Indians, in an outrage committed upon a band of friendly Menomonies, in the very vicinity of Fort Crawford. Twenty-five persons were wantonly killed and many wounded, while encamped in the village of Prairie du Chien, under the protection of our flag. It was felt by the government, that this aggression could not be passed over without the infliction of a due chastisement; as all was at stake, in regard to the friendly Indians and the frontier settlements in that quarter. Accordingly, the department ordered General Atkinson, on the 7th of March, 1832, to ascend the Mississippi with the disposable regular troops at Jefferson barracks, and to strengthen the frontiers; orders were also given for the rëoccupation of Chicago.

In the prosecution of his instructions, General Atkinson proceeded to the Indian country, where, after various skirmishes, and several more serious engagements, the Sacs and Foxes, under the direction of Black Hawk, fled beyond the Mississippi. On the 28th and 29th of July, General Atkinson crossed with his army to the north side of the Wisconsin, at Helena, in pursuit of the enemy. After a most difficult and forced march, over steep mountains and through deep ravines, on the 5th day of March, the enemy was announced by one of the scouts. A suitable disposition was made of the American forces, with a view to prevent the escape of any of the foe, and the firing commenced, as the different portions of the army came in contact with him. The battle lasted upwards of three hours. About fifty of his women and children were taken prisoners, and many were killed in the battle. When the Indians were driven to the bank of the Mississippi, some hundreds of the men, women, and children plunged into the river, and hoped, by diving, to escape the bullets. Very few, however, escaped--the American sharp-shooter is nearly infallible in his aim.

Black Hawk, in the midst of the battle, escaped, and went up the river. The savages, after this defeat, became convinced of the impossibility of contending, with success, against the American arms. No further serious resistance was offered on their part, and the war soon closed by the capture of Black Hawk, who was delivered up to the American commander, by two Winnebagoes, on the 27th of August. He was well treated and much noticed in the United States.

_Discontent in South Carolina._--The year 1832 was distinguished also by discontents in the Southern portion of the country, particularly in South Carolina, arising from the tariff of 1828. That tariff had been slightly modified by an act of congress, in the summer of 1832. But the small and partial reduction of duties thus secured, did not diminish, but rather served to increase the opposition to the American System, then so called. By this system was meant the policy of high duties on imports, for the protection of domestic manufactures.

In South Carolina, it was resolved, a few months after the passage of the law of July, 1832, by the legislature, that the present law, and that of 1828, were infractions of the constitution, or exceeded the power given to the federal government by that compact, and were, therefore, null and void; and that the execution of those acts, within the state, was to be prevented, even by force, if necessary. And the requisite measures were taken to enforce this resolution.

An issue was thus brought on between the state and federal government, that imperiously demanded attention. The very existence of the government depended on the decision of the president. South Carolina had set at defiance the supreme authority of the Union, and declared that no umpire should be admitted to decide between the contending parties. In such an exigency, the president felt that there was no room for hesitation. The difficulty must be met, not only to save the Union from dismemberment, or the loss of one of its constituent parts, but to protect those citizens of South Carolina, who still adhered to the Union, from the horrors of civil discord. The president, with his personal courage and indomitable will, as also clothed with the irresistible power of the Union, determined to throw himself into the breach, and to enforce the revenue acts with an entire disregard to the pretended rights of sovereignty, which were assumed by the state of South Carolina.

To carry the determination of the government into effect, all the disposable military force was ordered to assemble at Charleston, and a sloop-of-war was sent to that port to protect the federal officers, in case of necessity, in the execution of their duties. On the 10th of December, the proclamation of the president was issued, plainly and forcibly stating the nature of the American government, and the supremacy of the federal authorities in all matters intrusted to their care. At the same time, in this document, he exhorted the citizens of South Carolina not to persist in a course which must bring upon their state the force of the confederacy, and expose the Union to the hazard of a dissolution.

The proclamation of General Jackson was a noble production. It was hailed with delight throughout the country, as well by his political opponents, as by his friends. "Perhaps no document has emanated from the executive department of the government, which has been more generally approved, both in regard to the style in which it was written, and the doctrines asserted and maintained, since the farewell address of the first president. It contains no speculative opinions, no new theories; it speaks the facts of history, in the language of the constitution, and in the spirit which we, of a later generation, may suppose animated its framers."

The president, on this momentous occasion, was nobly supported by the leaders of the opposition party in congress, with Mr. Webster at their head. The force of public opinion was irresistible--South Carolina was compelled to shrink before it. No resistance was actually made to the enforcement of the laws they had nullified, and, consequently, no coercive measures were necessary on the part of the general government to maintain its authority. The objectionable laws were somewhat modified in the session of 1833, by what was termed "the compromise act," proposed by Mr. Clay; and South Carolina, though she has steadfastly adhered to her theories, has been contented not to reduce them to practice.

_Rëelection of General Jackson._--In the autumn of 1832, the electors of the country were again convened in their respective places of residence for the choice of a president. The two principal candidates were General Jackson and Henry Clay. The friends of Mr. Calhoun, in South Carolina, where the tariff question had already produced a bitter feeling of hostility to the government, remained almost entirely aloof from the contest. The anti-masonic party in the Northern states, which had been recently formed, supported William Wirt, of Maryland. The opponents of General Jackson were strongly opposed to his rëelection, and made great exertions to defeat it; but the returns from the electoral colleges exhibited a large majority in his favor. The following is the official result of the electoral vote:

Key: A. Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee.
B. Henry Clay, of Kentucky.
C. John Floyd, of Virginia.
D. William Wirt, of Maryland.
E. Martin Van Buren, of New York.
F. John Sergeant, of Pennsylvania.
G. William Wilkins, of Pennsylvania.
H. Henry Lee, of Massachusetts.
I. Amos Ellmaker, of Pennsylvania.

---------+-----------------+---------------+-------------------
No. of | | PRESIDENT. | VICE-PRESIDENT.
Electors | STATES. |---------------+-------------------
from each| |A. |B. |C. |D. |E. |F. |G. |H. |I.
State. | | | | | | | | | |
---------+-----------------+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---
10 | Maine, |10 | | | |10 | | | |
7 | New Hampshire, | 7 | | | | 7 | | | |
14 | Massachusetts, | |14 | | | |14 | | |
4 | Rhode Island, | | 4 | | | | 4 | | |
8 | Connecticut, | | 8 | | | | 8 | | |
7 | Vermont, | | | | 7 | | | | | 7
42 | New York, |42 | | | |42 | | | |
8 | New Jersey, | 8 | | | | 8 | | | |
30 | Pennsylvania, |30 | | | | | |30 | |
3 | Delaware, | | 3 | | | | 3 | | |
10 | Maryland, | 3 | 5 | | | 3 | 5 | | |
23 | Virginia, |23 | | | |23 | | | |
15 | North Carolina, |15 | | | |15 | | | |
11 | South Carolina, | | |11 | | | | |11 |
11 | Georgia, |11 | | | |11 | | | |
15 | Kentucky, | |15 | | | |15 | | |
15 | Tennessee, |15 | | | |15 | | | |
21 | Ohio, |21 | | | |21 | | | |
5 | Lousiana, | 5 | | | | 5 | | | |
4 | Mississippi, | 4 | | | | 4 | | | |
9 | Indiana, | 9 | | | | 9 | | | |
5 | Illinois, | 5 | | | | 5 | | | |
7 | Alabama, | 7 | | | | 7 | | | |
4 | Missouri, | 4 | | | | 4 | | | |
---------+-----------------+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---
288 | Whole No. of | | | | | | | | |
| electors, |219|49 |11 | 7 |189|49 |30 |11 | 7
| Majority, 145 | | | | | | | | |

_Removal of the Deposites._--The law of 1816, which created the United States' bank, required that the public moneys should be deposited in that bank, subject to be removed only by the secretary of the treasury, and requiring him, in that case, to present his reasons for removing them to congress. Congress had already refused to authorize the removal of the deposites, and the president was now resolved to effect it on his own responsibility. The new secretary of the treasury, William J. Duane (for there had been some recent changes in the cabinet), refusing to act in this matter, and resigning his office, the attorney-general, Roger B. Taney, was appointed in his place. Mr. Taney immediately issued the necessary orders for the removal of the deposites from the United States' bank; a measure which resulted from the president's determination to break off all connection between the government and the bank.

At the coming session of congress, 2d of December, 1833, one of the first acts of the senate was the adoption of a resolution, by a vote of twenty-six to twenty, declaring "that the president, in his late executive proceedings, in relation to the public revenue, had assumed upon himself authority and power not conferred by the constitution and laws, but in derogation of both." This resolution remained on the journal until January 15, 1837, when it was formally expunged by order of the senate.

The act of the president, and the measures taken by the United States' bank, occasioned much embarrassment throughout the mercantile community, during the years 1834 and 1835. Committees, appointed by the merchants, mechanics, and tradesmen of the principal commercial cities, solicited the president to rëplace the government deposites in the United States' bank. But he resisted every solicitation. Many petitions were sent to congress on the same subject. The senate favorably received them; but the house saw fit to sustain the president in this measure.

_Death of Lafayette._--This illustrious man and benefactor of America, died at his residence, La Grange, in France, on the 20th of May, 1834. This event was announced to congress on the 21st of June, in a message from the president. The character, services, and sacrifices of Lafayette, as an apostle of liberty and lover of mankind, were spoken of in appropriate terms of commendation in the president's communication. A joint select committee, of both houses, reported a series of resolutions, among which, one went to request the president to address a letter of condolence to the survivors in his family, and another to appoint John Quincy Adams to deliver, at the next session of congress, an oration on the life and character of the illustrious man. In due time, Mr. Adams pronounced his eulogy, in which the character and actions of Lafayette were drawn in a masterly manner.

_Deposite Act._--The deposite or distribution act was passed by congress in 1835. The president had given it his "reluctant approval," with the apprehension of evil consequences flowing from it. In a message to the subsequent congress, he speaks of it as merely an act for the deposite of the surplus moneys of the United States in the state treasuries, for safe keeping, until wanted for the service of the general government--but that it had been spoken of as a _gift_, would be so considered, and might be so used. The manifestation of the president's feelings, in regard to this act and its disadvantages, was not calculated to relieve the minds of some, as to what he might attempt, in order to defeat its execution, or to prevent a future similar measure. This apprehension was subsequently strengthened by certain circumstances, which, however, need here no specific mention. There was at least an apparent effort to obtain control over the government funds, so as to divert them from the channel directed by the act of congress.

_Seminole War._--The Seminole Indians of Florida, near the close of the year 1835, commenced hostilities against the settlements of the whites in their neighborhood. To this, they were incited by the attempt of the government to remove the Indians to lands west of the Mississippi, in accordance with the treaty of Payne's Landing, executed in 1832. That treaty, however, the Indians denied to be justly binding upon them, and they naturally felt a strong reluctance to quit their homes for ever. Micanopy, the king of the Seminoles, was opposed to the removal; and Osceola, their most noted warrior, said he "wished to rest in the land of his fathers, and his children to sleep by his side."

Osceola was cruelly put in irons by General Thompson, the government agent, who was displeased by the pretensions of the chieftain, and his remonstrances against the governmental proceedings. He, however, obtained his liberty, at length, by dissembling his displeasure, and gave his confirmation to the treaty of removal. The whites were thus lulled into security; and, while they were expecting the delivery of the cattle and horses of the Indians, according to the treaty, the latter were already commencing the work of devastation and death.

At this time, Major Dade was dispatched from Fort Brooke, at the head of Tampa Bay, with upwards of an hundred men, to the assistance of General Clinch, stationed at Fort Drane, in the interior of Florida. The latter was supposed to be in imminent danger. Dade had proceeded only about half the distance, when he was suddenly attacked by the enemy, and he and all, except four of his men, were killed, and these four, terribly mangled, afterwards died of their wounds.

At the time of this massacre, Osceola, with a small band of warriors, was lurking in the vicinity of Fort King, about sixty-five miles south-west from St. Augustine. Here General Thompson and a few friends were dining at a store near the fort, when Osceola and his band surprised them by a sudden discharge of musketry, and five out of nine were killed. The general was one of the slain, his body having been pierced by fifteen bullets. The Indian chief and his party then rushed in, scalped the dead, and retreated before they could be fired upon from the fort.

There were other engagements about this time between the Americans and the savages; and subsequently, upon the junction of several of the Creek towns and tribes with the Seminoles in the war, murders and devastations became frequent. The Indians obtained possession of many of the southern mail routes in Georgia and Alabama, attacked steamboats, destroyed stages, burned a number of towns, and compelled thousands of the whites, who had settled in their territory, to abandon their homes. A strong force, however, of confederate whites and friendly Indians, having been sent against them, and several of the hostile chiefs having been captured, the Creeks submitted, and, during the summer of 1836, several thousands of them were transported west of the Mississippi.

In October of the same year, Governor Call took command of the American forces in Florida, and marched into the interior with nearly two thousand men. At the Wahoo swamp, not far from Dade's battle-ground, five hundred and fifty of his troops attacked a large number of the enemy, who, after a fierce contest of nearly half an hour, were dispersed, with the loss of twenty warriors left dead on the field. In a second engagement, the Americans lost nine men killed and sixteen wounded. The combats of the whites and Indians in Florida, at this period, seem to have been attended with much loss of life on both sides.

_Treasury Circular._--An important circular, in relation to the funds which should be received in payment for the public lands, was issued from the treasury department on the 11th of July, 1836. The purport of the circular was, to instruct the receivers of the public money, after the 15th day of August next ensuing, to receive in payment of the public lands nothing except gold and silver, and in the proper places, Virginia land scrip, in accordance with the directions of the existing laws. In order to secure the faithful execution of the requirements of the circular, all receivers were strictly prohibited from accepting, for land sold, any draft, certificate, or other evidence of money or deposite, though for specie, unless signed by the treasurer of the United States, in conformity to the act of April 25th, 1820.

At the next following session of congress, the president, in his message, was pleased to represent this specie circular as having produced many salutary consequences, contrary to the views of a large portion of the citizens of the United States, who believed that the embarrassment and disturbance of the currency, so severely felt, were, in a great measure, owing to the operation of that circular.

_Character of General Jackson's Administration._--It is hardly to be anticipated, perhaps, that a full and impartial estimate of General Jackson's administration, can be formed during the present generation. There were many strong points in it, and these are apt to call forth strong correspondent feelings, whether of approbation or dislike. Men differ, and may honestly differ, in regard to the propriety of his conduct and the wisdom of his measures. That he was honest, as a ruler, will not be at all doubted. That he was self-willed, and determined to have his own way, will scarcely less admit of a question.

Still, it is not too much to hope, that the services he rendered to his country, connected though they be with the stern and high-handed measures adopted by his indomitable will, may be cherished with gratitude and respect. As a statesman, he had clear views, and, in some instances, a sort of prophetic foresight. When he had once determined upon a particular course, where any important principle was involved, he could not be made to swerve from what he conceived to be just and right. As the element of fear seemed not to be in him, he never shrunk from the discharge of any public duty, and was always ready to avow any act of his administration, as in the instance of removal of the public deposites through his secretary, and unshrinkingly to abide the consequences.

_Election of Martin Van Buren._--General Jackson, in his last annual message, signified his intention, at the expiration of his term, to retire to private life. At the democratic convention for nominating a successor, Mr. Van Buren received a decided majority. The votes of the electoral colleges, counted February 8th, 1837, showed the following result:

Key: A. Martin Van Buren, of New York.
B. Wm. H. Harrison, of Ohio.
C. Hugh L. White, of Tennessee.
D. Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts.
E. W. P. Mangum, of N. Carolina.
F. R. M. Johnson, of Kentucky.
G. Francis Granger, of New York.
H. John Tyler, of Virginia.
I. William Smith, of Alabama.

---------+-----------------+-------------------+----------------
No. of | | PRESIDENT. |VICE-PRESIDENT.
Electors | STATES. |-------------------+----------------
from each| |A. |B. |C. |D. |E. |F. |G. |H. |I.
State. | | | | | | | | | |
---------+-----------------+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---
10 | Maine, |10 | | | | |10 | | |
7 | New Hampshire, | 7 | | | | | 7 | | |
14 | Massachusetts, | | | |14 | | |14 | |
4 | Rhode Island, | 4 | | | | | 4 | | |
8 | Connecticut, | 8 | | | | | 8 | | |
7 | Vermont, | | 7 | | | | | 7 | |
42 | New York, |42 | | | | |42 | | |
8 | New Jersey, | | 8 | | | | | 8 | |
30 | Pennsylvania, |30 | | | | |30 | | |
3 | Delaware, | | 3 | | | | | 3 | |
10 | Maryland, | |10 | | | | | |10 |23
23 | Virginia, |23 | | | | | | | |
15 | North Carolina, |15 | | | | |15 | | |
11 | South Carolina, | | | | |11 | | |11 |
11 | Georgia, | | |11 | | | | |11 |
15 | Kentucky, | |15 | | | | |15 | |
15 | Tennessee, | | |15 | | | | |15 |
21 | Ohio, | |21 | | | | |21 | |
5 | Lousiana, | 5 | | | | | 5 | | |
4 | Mississippi, | 4 | | | | | 4 | | |
9 | Indiana, | | 9 | | | | | 9 | |
5 | Illinois, | 5 | | | | | 5 | | |
7 | Alabama, | 7 | | | | | 7 | | |
4 | Missouri, | 4 | | | | | 4 | | |
3 | Arkansas, | 3 | | | | | 3 | | |
3 | Michigan, | 3 | | | | | 3 | | |
---------+-----------------+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---
294 | Whole No. of | | | | | | | | |
| electors, |170|73 |26 |14 |11 |147|77 |47 |23
| Majority, 148 | | | | | | | | |

XIII. MARTIN VAN BUREN, PRESIDENT.

INAUGURATED AT WASHINGTON, MARCH 4, 1837.

RICHARD M. JOHNSON, VICE-PRESIDENT.

HEADS OF THE DEPARTMENTS.

John Forsyth, Georgia, (_continued in_ } Secretary
_office_), } of State.

Levi Woodbury, New Hampshire, (_continued in_ } Secretary
_office_), } of Treasury.

Joel R. Poinsett, South Carolina, March 7, 1837, Secretary
of War.

Mahlon Dickerson, New Jersey, (_continued in_ } Secretaries
_office_), } of the Navy.
James K. Paulding, New York, June 30, 1838,}

Amos Kendall, Kentucky, (_continued in_ } Postmasters
_office_), } General.
John M. Niles, Connecticut, May 25, 1840,}

Benjamin F. Butler, New York, (_continued in_ } Attorneys
_office_), } General.
Felix Grundy, Tennessee, September 1, 1838,}

SPEAKERS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

James K. Polk, Tennessee, Twenty-sixth Congress, 1837.
R. M. T. Hunter, Virginia, Twenty-seventh do. 1839.

Prior to the elevation of Mr. Van Buren to the presidency, he had been long in public life, and had been honored with several offices in his native state and under the general government. His talents, learning, and experience, though not greater than those of many others of his countrymen, were generally allowed to be adequate to his station. He had not, indeed, like all his predecessors, been connected more or less with the scenes of the Revolution, for he was born in the concluding year of the war. But, in the swiftly revolving years, it was evident that the time must soon come, when others than the men of '76 would be called to the helm of government. New men, and those not of the Anglo-American stock, must participate, as agreeable to the will of our mixed community, in guiding the ship of state which the fathers launched forth on the sea of experiment. Such was the case in respect to Mr. Van Buren, and such must it be hereafter, so far as regards men of ante-revolutionary birth. Whether our future presidents will continue to be guided by the spirit and example of the sages and heroes of the Revolution, remains to be seen.

In developing the administration of Mr. Van Buren, the following topics will be noticed:

Measures respecting Banks, Difficulties in Maine,
Treasury Circular, Border Troubles,
Continuance of Florida War, Changes of Public opinion,
Internal Improvements, Character of the Administration,
Public Expenses, Election of William H. Harrison.

_Measures respecting Banks, &c._--The embarrassments in trade, consequent on the discontinuance of the Bank of the United States, issued in a great and disastrous diminution of the revenue. In this state of things, the administration found it necessary to resort to large loans. The people, as was to be expected, soon began to suffer in their private enterprises, and the country throughout wore a gloomy aspect, in respect to its pecuniary affairs and general prosperity. This condition of things arose to a great height, in the year 1837, and continued for some time afterwards. "Over trading, or the unusual amount of importations, was one cause to which this unprosperous state of the country was imputed. But it was also attributed to the discontinuance of the national bank, and to the repeated attempts of the administration to destroy its influence. Several petitions, from different commercial towns and cities, with very numerous subscribers, were presented to the president, requesting an early session of congress. The president delayed, for some time, to act on the petitions; but the distress increasing, and other petitions being addressed to him, he issued a proclamation for convening the national legislature in the month of September."

In his message, the president proposed what his opponents termed the "sub-treasury scheme." He held out very little hope of relief to the people from the government. His opinion was, that the government could do little more than take care of itself--that the class or classes of the community who had suffered, could alone supply a remedy, by a more prudent and limited course of enterprise and trade. These, and similar suggestions, seemed little calculated to satisfy a large portion of the people, especially as the government had destroyed one important means of benefit and facility to the merchants, and, through them, to all the other classes of citizens.

Following the suggestions of Mr. Van Buren, congress passed an act authorizing the issue of _treasury notes_, to the amount of ten millions of dollars, for the immediate wants of the government. "This was no other than a loan, except in name. The notes were made negotiable, and thus became, in fact, merely paper money; with no better credit, for there was no greater capital, or certainty of payment, than there had been in the national bank. The like amount of treasury notes was authorized in 1838, and again in 1839, but a part of former issues had been redeemed."

The sub-treasury scheme, which the president had proposed in his message, did not succeed at that time. The measure was opposed not only by the adverse political party, but by his democratic friends who were concerned in banks, and it was, at that period, very unpopular. This portion of the democratic party separated from the administration, and were known as _conservatives_. They eventually fell into the ranks of the old opposition, or as it was (and is still) termed, "the whig party." The subject of the sub-treasury was postponed. At the opening of the session of congress, in the following December, as may be remarked in anticipation, Mr. Van Buren again pressed the measure, which now seemed to be his favorite; but, though carried in the senate, it was defeated in the house. In a spirit of perseverance, he was enabled to effect the object, through his political friends, at the next session, when, on the 4th of July, 1840, the bill received his signature.

The extra session of congress seemed to satisfy neither party. The friends of the administration viewed the causes of the depression of business and the consequent distress, to be overaction in business, arising from exclusive issues of bank paper, and other facilities for the acquirement and enlargement of credit; the contraction of a large foreign debt, investment in unproductive lands, and vast internal improvements; and they naturally wished the separation of the government from the banks, in which project they were for the present disappointed. The opponents of the administration traced the causes of the pecuniary difficulties of the country to the veto of the national bank; the removal of the deposites, with the earnest injunction of the secretary of the treasury upon the banks to enlarge their accommodations; the gold bill and the demand of gold for the foreign indemnities; the imperfect execution of the deposite law; and the treasury order of July, 1836: and they naturally desired some modification or counteraction of these measures by legislative interference. Disappointment was felt among the mass of the people, that the government had taken care of itself, while their plans must be impeded, and the labors of industry go unrewarded.

_Issue of the Treasury Circular._--This was a communication from the secretary of the treasury to the several collectors and receivers of the public money, containing instructions in respect to the safe keeping of the same. The instructions were as follows: "Congress having adjourned without making any additional provisions for the security and safe keeping of the public money, it is obvious that, in the present state of the laws and of the banks, an unusual responsibility devolves upon those who collect the revenues of the general government. The president expects that exertions, corresponding to the occasion, will cheerfully be made by every officer, and that no effort will be spared to have all the laws, as well as the regulations and instructions of the treasury department, scrupulously enforced. Accuracy in your accounts, punctuality in your returns, promptness in your deposites and payments, and entire forbearance to use any part of the public funds for private purposes, will, it is hoped, characterize the whole class of collecting offices hereafter. In the present condition of things, if any departure should unfortunately occur, it will be much regretted; and, however unpleasant the task, an exemplary and severe notice of the irregularity will become necessary, in order to secure the great public interests involved in this subject. The duty on the part of public officers to abstain from the employment of the public moneys for private advantage, is so apparent, that no excuse whatever for it can be deemed admissible."

_Continuance of the War in Florida._--The war in Florida continued to be prosecuted during the administration of President Van Buren. Large sums of money were expended in maintaining it. Three millions and a half of dollars had been appropriated on its account, during the years 1836 and 1837, under General Jackson; and at the extra session in October, 1837, one million and six hundred thousand dollars were appropriated; and in 1838, the expenses for supporting the war in that quarter against the Indians, amounted to as large a sum as in either of the two preceding years. "When the difficulty arose with these Indians, President Jackson supposed that it would be soon terminated. And no one, at that time, had any reason to suppose it would continue for years, and have cost the government eight or ten millions. Other measures than those of force, would probably have terminated the difficulty at an early period. It would certainly have saved many valuable lives now lost to the country, and been far more satisfactory to the friends of humanity throughout the Union."

_Internal Improvements._--During Mr. Van Buren's administration, large sums were appropriated for internal improvements, although the president was generally opposed to the policy. The expenditures were, however, for purposes which the advocates of state rights, for the most part, believed to be legitimate, such as repairs on the Cumberland road and its continuance through the states of Indiana and Illinois; for light-houses, life-boats, buoys, and monuments, in behalf of the interests of navigation. In reference to these objects, there was always far more agreement among the different parties in congress, than in reference to any thing that seemed less essential to the nation's benefit.

_Public Expenses._--The expenses of the government had been increasing to a considerable extent, from year to year. During the year 1837 and 1838, they amounted to nearly thirty-two millions each. The number of public agents was greatly multiplied, and the compensation for their services was, in many cases, greatly increased. The federal officers into whose hands moneys were placed, frequently appropriated them for improper purposes, and thus loss ensued. Extra services were often charged, through some pretext, and thus the compensation allowed by law was largely exceeded. The public printing for congress, and for the departments under the executive, occasioned a large and frequently a needless expenditure, as it was found, in many cases, that the work could have been performed at a far cheaper rate. Such was the tendency of high party feeling towards an abuse of government patronage.

_Difficulties in the State of Maine._--The North-eastern boundary had long been a source of difficulty between the United States and England. The question had seemed on the eve of a decision by arms between the British authorities in New Brunswick and the state of Maine. Armed bands had been sent out on both sides to the territory in dispute. General Scott had been sent to the scene of contention by the president, and the affair, through the general's exertions, was, for the time, quieted, yet not settled. The danger attending this state of things, induced Mr. Van Buren, on the 26th of February, 1839, to communicate to congress a message on this subject, which resulted in an act of congress, giving the president additional power for the defence of the country, in certain cases, against invasion, or any attempt on the part of Great Britain to exercise exclusive jurisdiction over the disputed territory.

He was authorized, in this event, to accept the services of any number of volunteers, not exceeding fifty thousand. The sum of ten millions was appropriated for the president to employ in executing the provisions of this act. At the same time, an appropriation was made for the sending of a special minister to England, should it be expedient in the opinion of the president.

_The Border Troubles on the Northern Frontier._--The Canada rebellion, so called, which broke out during the years 1837 and 1838, strongly enlisted the sympathies of many of the Americans, especially in the northern parts of the states of New York and Vermont. They viewed it as the sacred cause of liberty and human rights. The consequence was, that they assumed the name of _patriots_, and formed secret associations, which they called Hunter's Lodges, with the object of rendering assistance to the insurgents in their efforts to establish independence in Canada.

"In the prosecution of this well-meant, but illegal interference in the concerns of a foreign power, a daring party of adventurers took possession of Navy island, a small spot of ground, containing about three hundred and fifty acres, and situated in the Niagara river, about two miles above the falls, and lying within the jurisdiction of Upper Canada. It was fortified so strongly by the adventurers, as to resist an attack upon it by Sir James Head, the commander of the British forces. The president of the United States and the governor of the state of New York both issued proclamations, enjoining upon the inhabitants of the frontier to observe a strict neutrality.

"Notwithstanding these injunctions, arms and ammunition were procured, either by purchase or by stealth, and kept for the use of the insurgents. The party upon Navy island fired upon the opposite shore of Canada, and boats were destroyed by the force of their shot. The persons who were in possession of the island, amounting to seven hundred, were fully supplied with provisions, and had collected twenty pieces of cannon.

"These measures, on the part of the Americans, produced great excitement among the provincial authorities in Canada. A small steamboat, called the Caroline, was hired by the insurgents, to ply between Navy Island and Schlosser, on the American shore, in order to furnish the islanders with the means of carrying on the war. It began to run on the morning of the 29th of December, and, during the evening of that day, a detachment of one hundred and fifty armed men from the Canada side, in five boats, with muffled oars, proceeded to Schlosser, drove the men who were on board the Caroline ashore, cut her loose from her fastenings to the wharf, and, setting the boat on fire, let her float over the falls. In this enterprise, a man by the name of Durfee was killed; and it is said that one or two more were left in the steamboat when she went over the cataract."[78]

The Americans, in their turn, were greatly excited, and the threatened serious consequences to the peace existing between our government and that of Great Britain, were, with difficulty averted. The president, however, by proclamation and other measures, succeeded, at length, in checking the belligerent movements of our people on the frontier.

_Changes of Opinion among the People._--Although the president, during his visit to his native state in the summer of 1839, for the first time since his inauguration, was every where greeted with enthusiasm by his political friends, and with great personal respect by his opponents, yet it was evident that the political horizon wore a different aspect from what it formerly had done. The derangement of the currency and prostration of trade, attributed by many to the mal-administration of government, had caused great political changes. Of the representatives in the twenty-sixth congress, there were one hundred and nineteen democrats and one hundred and eighteen whigs, leaving out of view five representatives from New Jersey, whose seats were contested. After several fierce debates, the democratic members from this state were admitted.

Mr. Van Buren, in 1840, being a candidate for rëelection, failed to carry the suffrages of the people. The great political changes, from causes already intimated, as shown in the state elections, gave, at the outset, but little hope of his success.

_Character of the Administration._--Mr. Van Buren's administration, which closed on the 3rd of March, 1841, was an exciting one; and its character, even at this day, cannot, in all respects, be properly estimated. The verdict of posterity will be given with more justice than that of the present generation, in respect to its real benefit to the country. The great event of his administration, as has been remarked, by which it "will hereafter be known and designated, is the divorce of bank and state in the fiscal affairs of the federal government, and the return, after half a century of deviation, to the original design of the constitution." The caution, however, which history must necessarily observe on this subject, is well exhibited in the following remarks:

"The full results of the peculiar and experimental policy of President Jackson and President Van Buren, respecting banks and the currency, in their influence on the condition of the country, for good or for evil, for succeeding years, cannot be correctly estimated. The immediate consequences were a general disturbance of the trade and monetary affairs of the nation, and an unprecedented check to the accustomed pursuits of a people so enterprising in their spirit, and so desirous of improving their condition, as are the citizens of the United States. The sub-treasury scheme also gave alarm to the friends of the constitution generally, and to men of settled republican sentiments, who perceived in it a deviation from the essential elements of liberty recognized in the constitution, and a weakness of the responsibility of public agents, who should always be controlled by the authority of law. They knew that power was corrupting; that it was necessary to impose checks on those who were clothed with political authority, and to make them constantly amenable to their constituents. The developments and effects of this fearful experiment, must be left for narration to a distant day. The only just hope of the perpetuity and future purity of the republic, rest on the intelligence and virtue of the people, and on their wisdom in the choice of men for places of public trust; who, like Washington, shall make the constitution their guide, and, under the controlling influence of its doctrines and requisitions, shall seek to preserve the integrity of the Union, and the rights and welfare of individuals."

_Canvass for the Presidency._--Unusual efforts had been put forth in the election of Mr. Van Buren's successor. Never before had greater activity been manifested by the leading political parties of the nation. The country had been convulsed with the strife for many months. The whole political press had exerted its utmost influences on the one side or the other, and that, in many instances, in the most unscrupulous manner. Considerations of great interest and importance were urged by the respective parties; much truth was uttered and widely disseminated, but more falsehood and detraction. Popular meetings--in numbers, character, and enthusiasm, never before assembled on the American soil for this or any other purpose--were held towards the conclusion of the political contest in every state, and in almost every county. The most distinguished men in the nation addressed thousands and tens of thousands, by night and by day. Said an eminent statesman, on one occasion, "If, on the occurrence of our presidential elections in future, our contests must be so severe, so early begun, and so long continued, human nature will fail. The energies of man are not equal to the conflict." The question, which had been actually determined before, was _officially_ decided on the 10th of February, 1841, when the ceremony of counting and announcing the votes of the electoral colleges for president and vice-president took place. The result was as follows:

Key: A. W. H. Harrison, of Ohio.
B. M. Van Buren, of New York.
C. John Tyler, of Virginia.
D. R. M. Johnson, of Kentucky.
E. L. W. Tazewell, of Virginia.
F. James K. Polk, of Tennessee.

---------+-----------------+----------+-------------------
No. of | |PRESIDENT.| VICE-PRESIDENT.
Electors | STATES. |----------+-------------------
from each| | A. | B. | C. | D. | E. | F.
State. | | | | | | |
---------+-----------------+----+-----+----+----+----+----
10 | Maine, | 10 | | 10 | | |
7 | New Hampshire, | | 7 | | 7 | |
14 | Massachusetts, | 14 | | 14 | | |
4 | Rhode Island, | 4 | | 4 | | |
8 | Connecticut, | 8 | | 8 | | |
7 | Vermont, | 7 | | 7 | | |
42 | New York, | 42 | | 42 | | |
8 | New Jersey, | 8 | | 8 | | |
30 | Pennsylvania, | 30 | | 30 | | |
3 | Delaware, | 3 | | 3 | | |
10 | Maryland, | 10 | | 10 | | |
23 | Virginia, | | 23 | | 22 | | 1
15 | North Carolina, | 15 | | 15 | | |
11 | South Carolina, | | 11 | | | 11 |
11 | Georgia, | 11 | | 11 | | |
15 | Kentucky, | 15 | | 15 | | |
15 | Tennessee, | 15 | | 15 | | |
21 | Ohio, | 21 | | 21 | | |
5 | Lousiana, | 5 | | 5 | | |
4 | Mississippi, | 4 | | 4 | | |
9 | Indiana, | 9 | | 9 | | |
5 | Illinois, | | 5 | | 5 | |
7 | Alabama, | | 7 | | 7 | |
4 | Missouri, | | 4 | | 4 | |
3 | Arkansas, | | 3 | | 3 | |
3 | Michigan, | 3 | | 3 | | |
---------+-----------------+----+-----+----+----+----+----
294 | Whole No. of | | | | | |
| electors, | 234| 60 | 234| 48 | 11 | 1
| Majority, 148 | | | | | |

FOOTNOTE:

[78] Willard's History of the United States.

XIV. WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON, PRESIDENT.

INAUGURATED AT WASHINGTON, MARCH 4, 1841.

JOHN TYLER, VICE-PRESIDENT.

HEADS OF THE DEPARTMENTS.

Daniel Webster, Massachusetts, March 5, 1841, Secretary of
State.

Thomas Ewing, Ohio, March 5, 1841, Secretary of
Treasury.

John Bell, Tennessee, March 5, 1841, Secretary of
War.

George E. Badger, North Carolina, March 5, 1841, Secretary of
the Navy.

Francis Granger, New York, March 6, 1841, Postmaster
General.

J. J. Crittenden, Kentucky, March 5, 1841, Attorney
General.

SPEAKERS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

John White, Kentucky, Twenty-eighth Congress, 1841.
John W. Jones, Virginia, Twenty-ninth do. 1843.

The unwonted efforts put forth in the presidential canvass, had prepared a majority of the people for an unusual exultation of feeling on the accession of General Harrison; but, in the providence of God, that exultation was destined to be transitory. Just one month from the day of his inauguration, after a brief sickness, he died. The nation, it may well be believed, was surprised by this most unexpected calamity. It was difficult to conceive that the recent august spectacle of his introduction into the highest office in the gift of his countrymen, should be so nearly associated with his funeral honors. The loss seemed severe, in proportion to the expectations that had been indulged. A suitable commemoration of the distressing event was observed throughout the United States, by public bodies, and especially by Christian worshiping assemblies. Political opponents, in many instances, were not slow to render homage to the memory of the deceased president. There had been time for no particular development of principles or course of policy, on the part of the administration. The cabinet had been formed, and things were proceeding prosperously, and the future was full of promises, when this bereavement came to quench the hopes of millions.

This brief notice of a brief administration may be closed by an extract from the circular issued by the members of the cabinet, immediately after the president's decease, and which alludes to his dying, as well as his living example: "The people of the United States, overwhelmed, like ourselves, by an event so unexpected and so melancholy, will derive consolation from knowing that his death was calm and resigned, as his life had been patriotic, useful, and distinguished; and that the last utterance of his lips expressed a firm desire for the perpetuity of the constitution,[79] and the preservation of its true principles. In death, as in life, the happiness of his country was uppermost in his thoughts."

Upon the demise of General Harrison, Mr. Tyler, the vice-president, in accordance with the provisions of the constitution, as they were construed by himself, and were acquiesced in by the nation, became president of the United States.

FOOTNOTE: