Chapter V: Part 5

On one occasion Powhatan became offended with Smith, because he could not procure swords from him in the manner in which he procured them from Newport. When the latter was about leaving the country, Powhatan sent him twenty turkeys, for which he demanded and obtained twenty swords in return. He supposed that he could do the same with Smith, but was disappointed; and, accordingly he ordered his men to seize the English wherever they could find them. The consequence was, that many of the latter, in the vicinity of the forts, were robbed of their swords. These depredations were continued until Smith surprised a number of the Indians, from whom he learned that Powhatan was endeavoring to get all the arms in his power, with a view to massacre the whites. When the chief found that his plot was discovered, he sent Pocahontas, his daughter, with gifts, in order to apologize for his conduct, and pretended that the mischief was done by some of his chiefs. He directed her to use her influence in effecting the release of his men, in which she succeeded, and thus the parties became at peace again.

The friendship which Powhatan manifested towards the English at any time, was short-lived, and seems not to have been at all sincere. Constant deceptions were practised by him to gain his ends; and, so long as he lived, difficulties existed between him and the English. The noble Pocahontas was a sort of mediator between them, and often brought important intelligence, as seasonable aid, to the latter. On one occasion, after a long conference, in regard to a trade in provisions, in which deceptions were employed on both sides, and in which Powhatan endeavored to persuade Captain Smith and his men to treat with him in a friendly manner, and to throw aside their arms, Smith was about to resort to force in order to effect his object. Powhatan, however, succeeded in escaping from the conference, and in conveying his women, children, and effects into the woods. Even then he attempted to allure Smith into his presence unarmed, if possible, by sending him a present. Finding, at last, all artifices without effect, Powhatan resolved to fall upon the English in their cabins on the following night. But here Pocahontas interposed her kind offices, and was the means, most probably, of saving the life of Smith and his attendants. She came alone, in a dark night, through the woods, and apprised Smith of her father's design. For such a favor, Smith offered her whatever articles she would please to accept; but she declined taking any thing, and, with tears in her eyes, remarked, that if her father should see her with any thing, he would suspect what she had done, and instantly kill her. She then retired as she came, through the dismal forest.

After Smith's final departure from Virginia, the emperor's animosity against the whites was confirmed, as the English successor in the government, Lord De la War, was much less cautious and moderate in his measures with the Indians, severe as Smith's treatment of them was at times. The new governor, finding Powhatan not disposed to yield to his demands, proceeded to an act of horrid barbarity. Having got into his power an Indian prisoner, his lordship caused his right hand to be cut off. In this shocking condition he sent the poor creature to Powhatan. At the same time he gave the sachem to understand, that he would serve all the Indians in that manner, if they refused obedience any longer, and that he would destroy all the corn, which was then near to the harvest. Powhatan, consequently, could not but feel the most burning indignation against the Englishman.

Two years after Smith left Virginia, that is, in 1611, Captain Argal treacherously took the king's daughter prisoner, with a view to prevent him from doing injury to the English, as also to extort a large ransom from him, and such terms of peace as they should prescribe. On being informed of the captivity of Pocahontas, connected with the demand that he should restore to the English their men, guns, and tools, taken at different times by the Indians, the stern and wary chief became greatly embarrassed, and knew not what to do. They did not hear from him until at the expiration of three months, when he complied with their demand only in part. This did not satisfy Argal; the demand in full was reiterated; but Powhatan was again, for a long time, silent. The result was, that, in a year or two, Sir Thomas Dale took Pocahontas to the residence of her father, in hopes to effect an exchange, and bring about a peace. Powhatan was absent from home, and the party met with no kindly reception from the Indians, who seemed to take the presence of the English in dudgeon. The latter burned many of their Indian habitations, and gave out threats of other vengeance. This had the effect of inducing some of the Indians to come and make peace, as they called it. Pocahontas had then an opportunity of seeing two of her brothers, which gave her unbounded joy. After the marriage of this excellent Indian woman to Mr. Rolfe, the whites experienced less trouble from Powhatan; though it is believed that they were never entirely exempt from the effects of his policy or his power.

The successors of Powhatan were, first, Opitchapan, and, next, Opecancanough, both brothers of the emperor. Such was the law of the succession. The first-named chief seems never to have been noted for any distinguishing quality, but is spoken of as being feeble and decrepid. He compared unfavorably with his brother, who, in the council and in the field, was the most conspicuous personage among the Powhatans. He had, during the life-time of the late emperor, procured from the free tribe of the Chickahominies the title of their king.

It was Opecancanough who figured so disastrously in the great massacre of the whites, on the 22d March, 1622, which has been narrated in another place. It was kept a profound secret during four years, and burst upon the settlement like a bolt from heaven. In the vengeance, with which the English followed this act of treachery and blood, it was for some time supposed that Opecancanough was among the killed; but if history does not misguide us, the same sachem, twenty-two years afterwards, executed a still greater massacre upon the English. It is not known how long he had been plotting the extirpation of the whites, but in 1644, all the Indians over the space of country six hundred miles in extent, were joined in the enterprise. The governor and council had appointed a fast-day to be kept through the country upon Good-Friday for the success of the king. On the day before the intended fast, Opecancanough, borne in a litter, led his warriors forward, and commenced the work of death. He was supposed to be near one hundred years old at this time. The massacre commenced in the out-parts of the circumjacent country, and continued two days. The Indians fell suddenly upon the inhabitants, and killed all indiscriminately, to the number of three hundred. Their progress was checked by the arrival of Sir William Berkley, at the head of an armed force.

Subsequently to this massacre (the date has not been ascertained), this bloody chief was taken prisoner. Sir William intended to send him as a present to the king of England. He was, however, prevented from doing it, by the assassination of Opecancanough. The soldier who was appointed to guard him, fired upon him, and inflicted a mortal wound, it having been, as was supposed, an act of private revenge. Just before the old chief expired, hearing a great noise and crowd around him, he ordered an attendant to lift up his eye-lids, as from age and fatigue the elasticity of his muscles was in a great degree impaired, when he discovered a multitude pressing around him, to gratify the morbid desire of beholding a dying sachem. Aroused with indignation, and little fearing death, he seemed to disregard the crowd; but raising himself from the ground in the spirit of his wonted authority, commanded that the governor should be called to him. When the latter came, the chief uttered in his hearing the impassioned remark: "Had it been my fortune to have taken Sir William Berkley prisoner, I would not meanly have exposed him as a show to my people," and soon after expired. An Indian, whom they afterwards had seized as prisoner, confessed that they attempted this destruction of the English, because they saw the latter "took up all their lands from them, and would drive them out of the country, and they took this season, for that they understood that they were at war in England, and began to go to war among themselves." These intrusions upon the Indian territory were, however, conformable to the grants of the proprietors, the Indians. Opecancanough could hardly have expected an entire conquest, as his people had already begun to melt away, and the villages of the English planters were springing up over an extent of country of over five hundred miles, with a comparatively large population.

Nickotawance succeeded Opecancanough as a tributary to the English. In 1648, he came to Jamestown in company with several other chiefs, and brought a number of beaver-skins to be sent to the English king. He delivered a prolonged address, which he concluded with the protestation, "that the sun and moon should first lose their glorious lights and shining, before he or his people should ever more wrong the English."

The successor of this chief is supposed to have been Totopotomoi, as he was king of Pamunkey in 1656. In that year, a body of western or inland Indians, to the number of six or seven hundred, came down from the mountainous country, and took possession of the territory about the falls of James river. This fact coming to the knowledge of the legislature of Virginia, which was then in session, it was resolved to dislodge the Indians from their new location, as their situation and proximity were considered dangerous to the whites. The war seems not to have been attended with any success on the part of the colony. The English leader, with one hundred men, and Totopotomoi with one hundred of his warriors, suffered extremely in an engagement. It appears, however, that a peace was not long after concluded with the Indians.

A renowned warrior, Nemattanow, not having been mentioned in the proper order of time, may be introduced here. He was supposed to have had an agency in bringing about the great massacre of 1622. He was, however, an object of jealousy to Opecancanough, the leader in that tragedy, on account of his popularity among his countrymen. He is said to have been an eccentric and vain person, being wont "to dress himself up in a strange attire and barbaric fashion with feathers," on which account he obtained the name of Jack-of-the-feather. As he had been engaged in many fights with the English, and, though particularly exposed, had never received a wound, he was considered by the Indians to be invulnerable. The cause and manner of his fate were the following: "Only about fourteen days before the massacre, Jack-of-the-feather went to the house of one Morgan, where he saw many such articles exhibited as were calculated to excite admiration in such people. Jack, perhaps, had not the means to purchase, but it seems he was resolved some how or other to possess them. He therefore told Morgan that if he would take his commodities to Pamunkey, the Indians would give him a great price for them. Not in the least mistrusting the design of Nemattanow, the simple Englishman set out for Pamunkey, in company with this Indian. This was the last the English ever heard of Morgan. However strange it may seem, Jack's ill-directing fate sent him to the same place again; and, what was still more strange, he had the cap of the murdered Morgan upon his head. Morgan's servants asked him where their master was, who very deliberately answered that he was dead. This satisfied them that he had murdered him. They therefore seized him, in order to take him before a magistrate at Berkley; but he made a good deal of resistance, which caused one of the captors to shoot him down. The singular part of the tragedy is yet to be related. Though mortally wounded, Nemattanow was not killed outright, and his captors, which were two stout young men, got him into a boat to proceed to Mr. Thorp's, the magistrate. As they were going, the warrior became satisfied that he must die, and with the most extraordinary earnestness, besought that two things might be granted him. One was, that it should never be told to his countrymen that he was killed by a bullet; and the other, that he should be buried among the English, so that it should never be discovered that he had died, or was subject to death like other men. Such was the pride and vanity exhibited by an Indian at his death."[18]

From the preceding brief notices of the hostile bearing of the savage tribes towards the early Southern planters, it will be apparent that the colonization of that portion of America was no easy matter. The jealousy of the Indians towards their new neighbors was soon excited; nor did the conduct of the colonists serve to allay, but rather to increase it. The cruelty and vindictiveness of the Indians cannot be justified; but in their circumstances may be found, perhaps, some small apology. This was their country: they were proprietors of the soil. Here they lived: here were their altars: here their fathers' sepulchres; and they regarded them with the veneration and love of which they were capable. Who can blame them? Who censure those feelings--that patriotism--that love of liberty, which, when found among civilized nations, are highly extolled? Among the Indian chiefs, there were men of no small sagacity; who, foreseeing the consequences to themselves and people of the thrift and extension of the English--can it be deemed strange that their anticipations were most sad? or that they should adopt every expedient which seemed likely to avert calamities to them most fearful?

FOOTNOTE:

[18] Book of the Indians.

IV. PLYMOUTH COLONY AND THE INDIANS.

EARLY Rencontre at Plymouth--Friendly intercourse established by
means of Samoset--Kindness of Squanto--Intercourse with
Massasoit--Contemplated Massacre defeated--Jealousy of
Caunbitant--Notice of Hobomok.

In the early period of the settlements of New England, the difficulties with the Indians were of less frequent occurrence, than those which took place in the Virginia colony. The providence of God had prepared the way for the pilgrims to enter upon their wilderness inheritance. The power of the Indians had been weakened by sickness, or their dispositions softened, perhaps, in some cases, by their adversities. There were instances, certainly, of singular friendship toward the whites, on the part of these children of nature, as was manifested in Samoset, Massasoit, and others. But the character, objects, and policy of the pilgrims will account, in part, for the comparative freedom from Indian hostility which marked the early era of their settlement in this land. As they came to enjoy and disseminate their religion, they had no motive to irritate or disturb the aboriginal inhabitants. Wealth was not sought from them, nor any greater portion of the soil than would suffice for their wants, at the same time leaving to the Indian behind the boundless wilderness, which alone he cared for. They would have reclaimed him from heathenism, and taught him religion, science, and the arts of civilised life, had he been pleased to learn them. This was attempted, in some instances, but the success, though a matter of gratitude, was not at any time very considerable. The policy of the fathers was to cultivate peace with all the Indian tribes; and during many years, so far as the settlement of the eastern shore was concerned, the object generally was effected. Still occasionally difficulties would occur, and at length, under a new set of chiefs, the notes of savage warfare rung loud and long over the hills and vales of New England. But we will here speak more particularly of the earliest colony, Plymouth.

The first encounter had with the Indians, preceded the disembarkation of the company of adventurers. It was a select party of some fifteen or sixteen, who had landed with a view to explore the country. Overtaken by night, they set their watch, hoping doubtless to pass the night unmolested; but about midnight they heard a hideous cry. The cry then ceased, and it was then supposed that it had been the noise only of wolves and foxes. About five o'clock, however, they again heard a sudden and strange noise, which they knew to be the same voices, though they varied their notes. One of the company being abroad, came running in, and cried, "They are men, Indians! Indians!" and with this announcement came a shower of arrows. The whites ran out with all speed to recover their arms. The cry of the enemy was terrific, especially when they perceived what the whites were about to do. Their arms being secured, the Indians were ready to make an assault. One, who appeared to be the leader of the latter, a stout athletic man, stood behind a tree within a musket-shot, and there let his arrows fly at the English. Three several shots were poured in upon him without touching him--at length, one seemed to take effect, as he bounded off, and his company with him, yelling most hideously. It is not known that any blood was shed in this encounter, though the probability is, that the chief was wounded. Of the arrows that were left on the field, several were picked up, and sent as a curiosity to friends in England. Some of them were ingeniously headed with brass, some with harts' horn, and some with the claws of eagles.

An intercourse of an agreeable character between the pilgrims and the natives soon commenced, by means of _Samoset_, whose manner of introducing himself to the settlement has been mentioned in another portion of this work. The hospitality with which he was treated, secured his friendship and confidence, and he communicated to the settlers, in answer to their inquiries, whatever information he possessed respecting the Indians and the country. He is described by an early historian as having been a tall, strait man, the hair of his head black, long behind, and short before, none at all on his face. He ate and drank freely of that which was offered him; and, although they wished his absence at night, yet he was unwilling to leave, and they could not do otherwise than keep and watch him. This visit of the kind Samoset was an augury of good to the colony. It seemed purely a providential event.

The visit continued only until the next morning, but was repeated in the course of a day or two. His return then brought to the acquaintance of the colony other Indians who accompanied him. They were some of Massasoit's men, whose object was to trade with the English. As Samoset was charged not to let any who came with him bring their arms, these, therefore, left their bows and arrows at a distance from the place. They were entertained in a fitting manner; they ate liberally of the English victuals, and appeared very friendly; "sang and danced after their manner like antics." They were dismissed as soon as it could be done conveniently, without effecting any trade. Samoset, either being sick, or feigning himself so, would not depart, and contrived to continue several days longer. In this visit, some stolen articles were returned by the Indians, through Samoset's influence.

At the next visit he made, he was accompanied by Squanto, as once before related. The latter was said to be the only native of Patuxet (the Indian name of Plymouth) living there at that period. His captivity and residence in England had prepared him, by understanding the English language, to render service to the colony. Squanto, it appears, was the only person that escaped the great sickness at Patuxet. The extent of its ravages, as near as can be judged, was from Narraganset bay to Kennebec, or, perhaps, Penobscot, and is supposed to have commenced about 1617, and its continuance between two and three years, as it was nearly abated in 1619. According to the account of the Indians, it was a terrific scene, the deaths occurring with such frequency, that the living were not able to bury the dead. In the language of an author of the time, "they died in heaps as they laid in their houses, and the living, that were able to shift for themselves, would runne away, and would let them dy, and let their carcasses ly above the ground without buriall. For in a place where many inhabited, there had been but one (referring to Squanto) left alive to tell what became of the rest." When the pilgrims arrived in this country, their bones were thick upon the ground in many places. Squanto, with another Indian and several Englishmen, was employed, on one occasion, to go in search of an English boy, who had been lost in the woods. Having been informed of some Indians that the boy was at Nauset, they proceeded in a vessel to that place, joined also by Iyanough, the sachem of Cummaquid, and two of his men. Aspinet, the chief at Nauset, being informed by Squanto that his English friends had come for the boy, he came with a great train, and brought the boy with him, one carrying him through the water. Not less than an hundred Indians appeared on this occasion, half of whom attending the boy to the boat, the rest standing aloof, with their bows and arrows, looking on. The child was delivered up in a formal manner, covered with beads, and Aspinet embraced the opportunity of making peace with the English, the latter giving him a knife, as also one to the kind Indian who first entertained the lost boy, and brought him to Nauset.

Squanto had shown his early attachment to the English, in his conduct towards Captain Dermer, who visited the country the year before the pilgrims arrived here. When the Indians would have killed him on some occasion, Squanto successfully pleaded in his behalf. They had in view the avenging of some murders, which a foreigner, an Englishman, had a while before inflicted on their people. These two Indians, Samoset and Squanto, remained with the English, instructing them how to live in their country. Squanto became an important personage in the Indian politics. He was in the main friendly to the English; but his devices to enhance himself in the eyes of his new friends, or to make himself great in the eyes of his countrymen, were not always wise, and were not, unfrequently, mischievous. In 1622 he forfeited his life by plotting to destroy that of Massasoit. On that occasion, the latter went to Plymouth, burning with rage against Squanto, but the governor succeeded in quieting him for that time. Soon after, he sent a messenger to entreat the governor's consent to his being put to death; but the latter would not be persuaded to yield to his request. Squanto denied all knowledge of the plot. The English, however, seemed well satisfied that Squanto had laid this shallow scheme to set them against Massasoit, thinking they would destroy him, by which means he expected to become chief sachem himself; and this seems the more probable, as Massasoit was, for some time, irreconcilable, because they withheld Squanto from him. When the English understood his object, they assured the Indians that they did not concur in the plot, and that they would do no injury to them, unless the Indians began with the whites. Squanto was sharply reproved by the governor, but he was so necessary to the welfare of the colony, in respect to its intercourse with the Indians, that he was retained there.

The following instance is related of his manœuvres to possess his countrymen with great fear of the English: He told them that the English kept the plague buried in one of their store-houses, and that they could send it at any time to any place, to destroy whatever persons or people they would, though they themselves stirred not out of doors. This piece of information was of course calculated to inspire them with great terror. Some sagacious Indians at length discovered the trick, by inquiring of the English respecting it.

Squanto died during an expedition or trading voyage, which was undertaken among the Indians of Cape Cod, to buy corn in a time of scarcity. He was pilot on this occasion. He was seized with sickness in the midst of the undertaking, his disorder being a fever, and he bleeding much at the nose, which the Indians reckon a fatal symptom, the disease soon overpowered him. He desired the governor would pray for him, that he might go to the Englishman's God. He bequeathed his effects to sundry of his English friends, as remembrances of his affection.

"Thus died the famous Squanto, or Tisquantum, in December, 1622. To him the pilgrims were greatly indebted, although he often, through extreme folly and short-sightedness, gave them, as well as himself and others, a great deal of trouble."

One of the most interesting personages of Indian history is Massasoit, already spoken of incidentally. His visit to the pilgrims had been previously announced through Samoset and Squanto. He was chief of the Wampanoags, and resided at a place called Pokanet by the Indians, which is now included in the town of Bristol, Rhode Island. He was a friend to the English, and persevered in his friendship to the last. His renown was more in peace than in war, and is for that reason more precious in the memory of the wise and virtuous.

"It has often been thought strange that so mild a sachem as Massasoit should have possessed so great a country, and our wonder has been increased, when we consider that Indian possessions are generally obtained by prowess and great personal courage. We know of none who could boast of such extensive dominions, where all were contented to consider themselves his friends and children. Powhatan, Pontiac, Little Turtle, Tecumseh, and many more that we could name, have swayed numerous tribes; but theirs was a temporary union in an emergency of war. That Massasoit should be able to hold so many tribes together, without constant war, required qualities belonging only to a few. That he was not a warrior, no one will allow, when the testimony of Annawon is so direct to the point; for that great chief gave Captain Church an account of what mighty success he had formerly in the wars against many nations of Indians, when he served Asuhmequin (Massasoit), Philip's father."

The limits of his country cannot be exactly pointed out, as occasionally the Nipmucks, or inland Indians, owned his sway, and at other times that of the Narraganset sachem. He possessed at least Cape Cod, and all that part of Massachusetts and Rhode Island, between Massachusetts and Narraganset bays, extending into the interior to some distance between Pawtucket and Charles rivers. The distance is not accurately known. This chief had several places of residence, but the favorite one would appear to have been Mount Hope. It has always been deemed a picturesque and beautiful locality. The Indian name, Pokanoket, signifies the wood or land on the other side of the water. There was a place in Middleborough, and another in Raynham, where Massasoit spent some parts of the year, probably the summer.

It was of course in Massasoit's country that the pilgrim fathers had arrived. With their object, and the nature of their movement, he could not be supposed to be acquainted. These points he made some attempts to ascertain, by sending occasionally some of his men to the settlement at Plymouth. It was in this way that his introduction to the English was brought about, the visit of Samoset and Squanto being the preparation for the event. It was on the 22d of March, 1621, that the great sagamore, with Quadequina, his brother, made his appearance before them. Much caution was observed by each party in respect to the meeting, as they were uncertain of one another's views. But presents were made to the Indians, and much good will was expressed. The following description of the scene has been given: "As Massasoit proceeded to meet the English, they met him with six soldiers, who saluted each other. Several of his men were with him, but all left their bows and arrows behind. They were conducted to a new house which was partly finished, and a green rug was spread on the floor, and several cushions for Massasoit and his chiefs to sit down upon. Then came the English governor, followed by a drummer and trumpeter, and a few soldiers, and, after kissing one another, all sat down. Some strong water being brought, the governor drank to Massasoit, who in his turn drank a great draught, that made him sweat all the while after. They now proceeded to make a treaty, which stipulated that neither Massasoit nor any of his people should do hurt to the English, and that if they did, they should be given up to be punished by them; and that if the English did any harm to him or any of his people, they (the English) would do the like to them." Massasoit is represented as having trembled much on the occasion, through his fear of the English. This was his first visit to the infant colony, and its consequences seem to have been of the most propitious character. He ever afterwards treated the English with kindness, and the compact was followed by a long period of peace.

The only exception to his feelings of friendship for the new comers, arose from the affair of Squanto, as has been already detailed. Massasoit could not but feel aggrieved; but a sort of necessity seemed to be laid upon them to secure the good offices of Squanto, and they could not know, perhaps, how far he was implicated in wrong. Indeed, it is stated that at one time they were about to deliver up Squanto to Massasoit's men, but that the latter, in their impatience at the delay, went off in a rage.

Sometime during the next summer, Massasoit was visited by several of the English, among whom were Mr. Edward Winslow, Mr. Stephen Hopkins, and Squanto, their interpreter. The object they had in view was to ascertain his place of residence, in the event of having to call on him for assistance, to cement and continue their begun friendship, and particularly to induce him to restrain his men in regard to their visits to the colony, as it was a time of scarcity, and they could not afford to support such vagabonds. They took presents with them, in order to render their visit agreeable to the sagamore, and such was the effect produced. Massasoit was absent at the time, but, being immediately sent for, he soon returned to meet his guests. The report of their guns, upon hearing he was on the way, frightened the Indian women and children to such a degree, that they all fled; but their salutation in the same manner to Massasoit as he drew near, very greatly elated him. He welcomed his guests with kindness, and took them into his house; but they had sorry accommodations and scanty fare. Except tobacco for smoking, their entertainment for the first night was only a supperless bed, as he had no victuals to give them. Their bed, if it might be so called, consisted only of planks, raised a foot from the ground, with a thin mat upon them, with a mixed company to occupy it, so that they were "worse weary of" their "lodgings, than of" their "journey." After fasting two nights and one day, they partook of a scanty, but "timely" meal of boiled fish. In the language of the times, it is related: "Very importunate was he to have us stay with them longer. But we desired to keep the Sabbath at home, and feared we should either be light-headed for the want of sleep--for what with bad lodging, the savages' barbarous singing (for they used to sing themselves to sleep), lice, and fleas, within doors, and musketoes without, we could hardly sleep all the time of our being there--we much fearing that if we should stay any longer, we should not be able to recover home for want of strength. So that on Friday morning, before the sun rising, we took our leave and departed, Massasoit being both grieved and ashamed that he could no better entertain us."

A sickness with which this sachem was seized, in 1623, occasioned another visit on the part of Mr. Winslow. He had been sent for by the chief to visit him in his distress, accompanied by "one Master John Hampden," then on a visit to the colony, and he took with him medicines and cordials, such as were deemed necessary. As it was a custom, among the Indians, for all the friends of a chief to attend on such occasions, Mr. Winslow found on his arrival that the house was filled with people. They were noisily engaged in practicing their charms or powows, and all was confusion and uproar--a poor sedative, surely, for a sick man. To keep heat in him, some half dozen women were busily employed in chafing his arms, legs, and thighs. When they had made an end of their incantations, the chief was told that his friends, the English, were come to see him. Unable to see, but learning who it was, he desired to speak with Mr. Winslow. The interview was touching in no small degree, and especially as Massasoit said: "O, Winsow, I shall never see thee again." Like other Indians, he could not articulate the liquid _l._ By Winslow's kind exertions, however, his sickness began to abate, and the sachem finally recovered, contrary to the expectations of himself and all his friends.

For this attention of the whites, he ever felt grateful, viewing it as the means of his recovery. He gave a striking proof of his appreciation of the favor shown him, even before the departure of Winslow, by informing Hobomok of a plot laid by some of his subordinate chiefs for the purpose of destroying the two English plantations. This he charged him to make known to the English, which was done. Massasoit mentioned, at the same time, that he had been urged to join in it, or give his consent to the plan; but that he had steadily opposed it. The evils which that plot brought upon its authors, will be seen in another place.

Massasoit manifested a great desire for the welfare of his people, as appeared from his inducing Mr. Winslow to go among them, in the midst of a prevailing sickness, and administer to them the medicines and cordials which had proved so efficacious in his own case. This, his paternal regard for his people, raised him still higher in the estimation of the English. Many Indians, before Mr. Winslow left, came to see their chief; some probably from a distance of an hundred miles.

A war, which commenced in 1632, between Massasoit and Canonicus, the sachem of the Narragansets, was speedily terminated by the interference of the English in behalf of their benefactor. Captain Miles Standish led the force, and accomplished the object with little bloodshed, although the Indians expected a serious contest.

Massasoit showed his kind feeling towards Mr. Williams, in giving up the lands in dispute between him and the Narraganset sachem, since Mr. Williams had bought and paid for all he possessed of the latter. His title was precarious so long as Massasoit laid claim to the territory, as it would then be considered as being within the jurisdiction of Plymouth. The land thus given up, included that which is the island called Rhode Island, Prudence island, and perhaps some others, together with Providence. Agreeably to Massasoit's advice, in regard to the Indian plot for the massacre of the whites, already referred to, that a bold stroke should be struck, and the heads of the plot destroyed, the daring Standish, with a party of only eight men, went into the hostile country to effect the object. The party intended secresy, but the Indians in some way obtained knowledge of it, or mistrusted Standish's design. Accordingly, they began to prepare for the conflict. One of them, Pecksuot, a man of great courage, called a _paniese_, told Hobomok, _he understood the captain was there to kill him and the rest of the Indians there_. "Tell him," said Pecksuot, "we know it, but fear him not, neither will we shun him." By their conduct before the English, in sharpening their knives and in their insulting gestures and speeches, they showed how little apprehension they entertained, especially as the English were so inconsiderable in number. Pecksuot even told Standish, that though he were a great captain, yet he was but a little man, and that he himself, though he was no sachem, yet was a man of great strength and courage. Standish little heeded what was said, but watched his opportunity, as the parties were in a house together. After considerable manœuvring, he could get advantage over but a few of the Indians. At length, having got Pecksuot and Wittuwamat, a bloody Massachusetts' chief, both together, with another man and a youth, brother to Wittuwamat, and like him in character; and having about as many of his own company in the same room, he gave the word to his men to commence the work. The door was at once made fast, and Standish himself began the terrible contest. Snatching from Pecksuot his own knife from his neck, though with a desperate struggle, he pierced with it the athletic Indian, and brought him to the floor. The rest killed Wittuwamat and the other man, and took the youth, whom the captain caused to be hanged. After this, other encounters were had with the scattered Indians, and some three more were also killed.

In justice to the savages, it is worthy of remark, that they were provoked to the conspiracy for which they were so severely dealt with, by the unauthorized aggressions of Weston's men, a colony of sixty Englishmen, who had come over a year or two before, under the direction of Thomas Weston. He was at first a friend of the pilgrims, but became at length their traducer. This company, after living upon the ill-supplied settlers at Plymouth through the winter of 1621-22, had made at Weymouth an inexpedient settlement. The pilgrims prosecuted this bloody enterprise, under the excitement produced by the horrible intelligence from Virginia of the great Indian massacre in that colony. In view of this bloody tale, we cannot but regret the necessity which our fathers felt for engaging in such a work; and we cannot but be touched with the piety and humanity of the godly Mr. Robinson, the father of the Plymouth church, in consequence of the present affair, that "it would have been happy if they had converted some before they had killed any."

Between the years 1649 and 1657, Massasoit sold to the English, at different times, various tracts of land for a valuable consideration. Indeed, being entirely subservient to the English, he claimed to hold little or nothing of his own at length, and ceased to act in his own name. He therefore scarcely appears in the records of the colony, during the three or four last years of his life. He died, it is believed, in 1662, his son Alexander dying also the same year. Another son, the celebrated Philip, succeeded him. Even Massasoit could be guilty of an Indian trick, as the following instance, related by Governor Winthrop, evinces: Mr. Winslow, on returning from a trading voyage southward, left his vessel, and, traveling by land, called on his old friend Massasoit, who agreed to accompany him during the remainder of the journey. While they were on the way, Massasoit sent on one of his men forward to Plymouth, for the purpose of surprising the people, by the announcement of Winslow's death. As the declaration was believed at Plymouth, from the manner in which the account was given, it produced unmingled grief at the settlement. But shortly, what was their astonishment at seeing him alive, in company with his Indian friend. When it was known that the sachem had caused the sad news to be conveyed to them, they demanded the reason of his conduct in practising such a deception. He gave as a reply, that he might be more welcome when he did return, and that such things were customary with his people.

Of Caunbitant, as one of the Indian chiefs in that region, something deserves to be said. He was one of the most renowned captains within the dominions of Massasoit. The place of his residence was Mettapoiset, in the present town of Swansey. He ever looked upon the English with a jealous eye, considering them as enemies and intruders on the soil, and his plans appeared to be shaped for the destruction of the strangers, as soon as he could find a fitting occasion. In the summer of 1621, he was supposed to be in the interests of the Narragansets, and plotting with them to overthrow Massasoit. He had much also to say against the English, and the peace concluded between Nauset, Cummaquid, and the latter. Against Squanto and Hobomok he indulged a deadly enmity. Discovering, on one occasion, the house where Squanto was, he set a guard around it, and secured him. Hobomok, seeing that Squanto was taken, and Caunbitant holding a knife to his throat, being a strong man broke away from them, and came to Plymouth, with the news of Squanto's probable death. Upon this, the people sent an expedition of fourteen men, under Standish, to rectify matters. After much toil, this small handful of men arrived at the place where they expected to find Caunbitant. They beset the house, and demanded of the chief if he were there. The savages seemed to be struck dumb with fear. Upon being assured that they sought only Caunbitant, and that every Indian was safe who would be still, they at length, though a few of them endeavored to escape, told the assailants that Caunbitant was returned home with his whole train, and that Squanto was yet living, and in the town. The attack being made in the night, carried terror to the hearts of the Indians, as in the affray a couple of guns were discharged, some of them never having heard the report of fire-arms before. While the English were searching the house, Hobomok got on the top of it, and called Squanto and another Indian, Tokamahamon, whom they sought. They both appeared in a short time, together with several others, some armed and others naked. The captured wigwam was held until daylight, when the prisoners were released, and the little army marched into the town of the Namaskets. Here it seems Squanto had a house to which they went, and where they took breakfast. The issue of the whole was, the giving out of a decree from the court that they held, in which they warned Caunbitant of the consequences of offering violence to Tisquantum, Hobomok, or any of Massasoit's subjects. Caunbitant seemed from this time to lay aside his enmity to the English, or at least his open opposition, as on the 13th of September following he went to Plymouth, and signed a treaty of amity, together with others. The English nevertheless always doubted his sincerity.

What became of this sachem is not known to history. His name appears no more on record after 1623, and it is supposed that he either fled his country, or died about that time.

Hobomok, already spoken of occasionally in the story of others, deserves a more particular notice. He was a notable warrior, who came to Plymouth about the end of July, 1621, and remained with the English to the close of his life. He was the principal means of the lasting friendship of Massasoit, which he took much pains to promote. Esteemed by his own countrymen for his prowess and valor, he was extremely serviceable to the colonists, by teaching them how to cultivate the fruits and grains peculiar to the country. The latter had no reason to apprehend treachery on his part, as Hobomok was a favorite of Massasoit, and one of his principal captains, and was entirely in their interest. The following incident strengthened them in their opinion: The Massachusetts Indians had, for some time, been inviting the settlers into their country to trade for furs. When in March, 1622, they began to make ready for the voyage, Hobomok told the people that he feared the Massachusetts were joined in confederacy with the Narragansets, and that they therefore would seize upon this occasion to cut off Captain Standish and his company abroad; and also, in the mean while, it was to be feared that the Narragansets would attack the town at home, giving reasons for his apprehensions, declaring also that Tisquantum was in the confederacy. He intimated that the latter would use many persuasions to draw the people from their shallops, that the Indians might take advantage of their situation.

They, however, proceeded on their voyage, but had not reached a great distance before a false messenger came running into Plymouth, apparently in great agitation. He informed them that Caunbitant, with many of the Narragansets, and he believed Massasoit with them, were on their way in order to cut off the English. The story was unhesitatingly believed, and their instant purpose was to bring back Captain Standish, who had just left in the boat with Hobomok. The discharge of a cannon from the town brought the company back. They had no sooner arrived than Hobomok assured them there was no truth in the report, and said it was a plot of Squanto's, who was then in one of the boats. He knew that as to Massasoit, that chief would not engage in such an enterprise without consulting him. Although there was reason to believe this, or at least to confide in the sincerity of Hobomok, yet, as related in another place, the English saw fit to connive at Squanto's practices. "Hobomok was greatly beloved by Massasoit, notwithstanding he became a professed Christian, and Massasoit was always opposed to the English religion himself. He was the pilot of the English when they visited Massasoit in his sickness, whom before their arrival they considered dead, which caused great manifestations of grief in Hobomok. He often exclaimed, as they were on the way, 'My loving sachem! my loving sachem! many have I known, but never any like thee.' Then turning to Mr. Winslow, said: 'While you live, you will never see his like among the Indians, that he was no liar, nor bloody and cruel, like other Indians. In anger and passion, he was soon reclaimed, easy to be reconciled towards such as had offended him; that his reason was such as to cause him to receive advice of mean men; and that he governed his people better with few blows than others did with many.' In the division of the land at Plymouth, among the inhabitants, Hobomok received a lot as his share, on which he resided after the English manner, and died a Christian among them. The year of his death does not appear, but was previous to 1642."[19]

FOOTNOTE:

[19] Book of the Indians.

V. ENGLISH AND NARRAGANSETS.

TERRITORY OF THE NARRAGANSETS--Canonicus their sachem--His mode of
challenging the English to War--Union proposed between the
Pequods and Narragansets--How defeated--Haughty bearing of
Miantonimoh--Accused of a conspiracy against the
English--Accusations repelled--Peace concluded between him and
Massachusetts--War between Uncas and Miantonimoh--The latter
captured and delivered to the English--How disposed
of--Troubles with the Narragansets under Ninigret--Expedition
against him--Issue of it.

The Narragansets were considered a great nation among the Indians. The territory of their sachem extended about thirty or forty miles from Sekunk river and Narraganset bay, including Rhode Island and other islands in that bay. Pawcatuck river separated it from the Pequods. Under the rule of Canonicus, in 1642, this nation was at the height of its greatness, and was supposed to embrace a population of thirty thousand inhabitants. He was sachem of the tribe at the time of the landing of the fathers on the shores of New England, and continued in this capacity to the time of his death, in 1647. He died, it is believed, at a very advanced age. At the period of the settlement of Plymouth, the Wampanoags were in great fear of the Narragansets, and at one time war actually existed. During its continuance, Massasoit fled before Canonicus, and sought the protection of the English.

The Narragansets, at an early period, were not disinclined to seek a quarrel with the English. In view of the weakness of the latter, they began to utter threats, although the summer preceding they had desired and obtained peace. They deemed it a favorable opportunity for their purpose, as the English had just received an addition to their numbers, but not to their arms or provisions--a circumstance of which the Indians were advised. Their desire, or intention, was definitely made known by the following significant circumstance: In February, 1622, Canonicus sent a man, accompanied by one Tokamahamon, a friendly Indian, into Plymouth, bringing with him a bundle of arrows, bound with a rattle-snake's skin, and, leaving them there, immediately left the place. When Squanto was made acquainted with the incident, he informed the English that it was a challenge for war. The governor (Bradford) taking the rattle-snake's skin, and filling it with powder and shot, returned it to Canonicus. At the same time, he instructed the messenger to bid him defiance, and dare him to the combat. This had the desired effect upon the Indian sachem. He refused to receive the skin, as also the other chiefs, until it was at last returned to Plymouth. Canonicus was evidently awed by the hostile bearing and threat of the English.

Not long after this affair, the Pequods proposed to the Narragansets to join them in rooting out the English: on the ground that if the Pequods were once destroyed, the ruin of the Narragansets was sure to follow. The English would want their lands. They were spreading fast. But a timely combination would save both tribes and their inheritance. On these politic representations, the historian Hubbard cleverly remarks that, "Machiavel himself, if he had sat in council with them, could not have insinuated stronger reasons to have persuaded them to a peace." It is said that the Narragansets felt the force of them, and were almost persuaded to accede to the proposal, and to join with the others against the English; but when they considered what an advantage they had put in their hands, by the power and favor of the English, to take full revenge of all their former injuries upon their inveterate enemies, the thought of that was so sweet, that it decided their hesitating minds.

The governor of Massachusetts, in order to prevent a union between these savage nations, and to strengthen the bands of peace between the Narraganset Indians and the colony, sent for Miantonimoh, who was their sachem in connection with Canonicus, inviting him to come to Boston. Upon this, Miantonimoh, together with two of the sons of Canonicus, another sachem, and a number of their men, went to Boston, and entered into a treaty to the following effect: That there should be a firm peace between them and the English and their posterity--that neither party should make peace with the Pequods without the consent of the other--that they should not harbor the Pequods--and that they should return all fugitive servants, and deliver over to the English, or put to death, all murderers. The English were to give them notice when they went out against the Pequods, and they were to furnish them with guides. It was also stipulated that a free trade should be maintained between the parties.

These articles were indifferently well observed by the Narragansets till their enemies, the Pequods, were totally subdued; but after that event, they began to grow insolent and treacherous, especially Miantonimoh himself. The English seem always to have been more favorably disposed towards other tribes than to the Narragansets, as appears from the interest they took in the wars between them and their enemies. As long as the other tribes succeeded against them, the English took no part in the contests; but whenever the Narragansets prevailed, they were ready to intercede.