Chapter XVIII: Conclusion (1)

So died and so was buried the most remarkable man who ever sat on the English throne. His reign, like his character, seems to be divided into two inconsistent halves. In 1519 his rule is pronounced more suave and gentle than the greatest liberty anywhere else; twenty years later terror is said to reign supreme. It is tempting to sum up his life in one sweeping generalisation, and to say that it exhibits a continuous development of Henry's intellect and deterioration of his character. Yet it is difficult to read the King's speech in Parliament at the close of 1545, without crediting him with some sort of ethical ideas and aims; his life was at least as free from vice during the last, as during the first, seven years of his reign; in seriousness of purpose and steadfastness of aim it was immeasurably superior; and at no time did Henry's moral standard vary greatly from that of many whom the world is content to regard as its heroes. His besetting sin was egotism, a sin which princes can hardly, and Tudors could nowise, avoid. Of egotism Henry had his full share from the beginning; at first it moved in a limited, personal sphere, but gradually it extended its scope till it comprised the whole realm of national religion and policy. The obstacles which he encountered in (p. 428) prosecuting his suit for a divorce from Catherine of Aragon were the first check he experienced in the gratification of a personal whim, and the effort to remove those impediments drew him on to the world-wide stage of the conflict with Rome. He was ever proceeding from the particular to the general, from an attack on a special dispensation to an attack on the dispensing power of the Pope, and thence to an assault on the whole edifice of papal claims. He started with no desire to separate England from Rome, or to reform the Anglican Church; those aims he adopted, little by little, as subsidiary to the attainment of his one great personal purpose. He arrived at his principles by a process of deduction from his own particular case.

As Henry went on, his "quick and penetrable eyes," as More described them, were more and more opened to the extent of what he could do; and he realised, as he said, how small was the power of the Pope. Papal authority had always depended on moral influence and not on material resources. That moral influence had long been impaired; the sack of Rome in 1527 afforded further demonstration of its impotence; and, when Clement condoned that outrage, and formed a close alliance with the chief offender, the Papacy suffered a blow from which it never recovered. Temporal princes might continue to recognise the Pope's authority, but it was only because they chose, and not because they were compelled so to do; they supported him, not as the divinely commissioned Vicar of Christ, but as a useful instrument in the prosecution of their own and their people's desires. It is called a theological age, but it was also irreligious, and its principal (p. 429) feature was secularisation. National interests had already become the dominant factor in European politics; they were no longer to be made subservient to the behests of the universal Church. The change was tacitly or explicitly recognised everywhere; and _cujus regio, ejus religio_ was the principle upon which German ecclesiastical politics were based at the Peace of Augsburg. It was assumed that each prince could do what he liked in his own country; they might combine to make war on an excommunicate king, but only if war suited their secular policy; and the rivalry between Francis and Charles was so keen, that each set greater store upon Henry's help than upon his destruction.

Thus the breach with Rome was made a possible, though not an easy, task; and Henry was left to settle the matter at home with little to fear from abroad, except threats which he knew to be empty. England was the key of the situation, and in England must be sought the chief causes of Henry's success. If we are to believe that Henry's policy was at variance with the national will, his reign must remain a political mystery, and we can offer no explanation of the facts that Henry was permitted to do his work at all, and that it has stood so long the test of time. He had, no doubt, exceptional facilities for getting his way. His dictatorship was the child of the Wars of the Roses, and his people, conscious of the fact that Henry was their only bulwark against the recurrence of civil strife, and bound up as they were in commercial and industrial pursuits, were willing to bear with a much more arbitrary government than they would have been in less perilous times. The alternatives may have been evil, but the choice was freely made. No government, whatever its form, whatever its (p. 430) resources, can permanently resist the national will; every nation has, roughly speaking, the government it deserves and desires, and a popular vote would never in Henry's reign have decreed his deposition. The popular mind may be ill-informed, distorted by passion and prejudice, and formed on selfish motives. Temporarily, too, the popular will may be neutralised by skilful management on the part of the government, by dividing its enemies and counterworking their plans; and of all those arts Henry was a past master. But such expedients cannot prevail in the end; in 1553 the Duke of Northumberland had a subtle intellect and all the machinery of Tudor government at his disposal; Queen Mary had not a man, nor a shilling. Yet Mary, by popular favour, prevailed without shedding a drop of blood. Henry himself was often compelled to yield to his people. Abject self-abasement on their part and stupendous power of will on Henry's, together provide no adequate solution for the history of his reign.

With all his self-will, Henry was never blind to the distinction between what he could and what he could not do. Strictly speaking, he was a constitutional king; he neither attempted to break up Parliament, nor to evade the law. He combined in his royal person the parts of despot and demagogue, and both he clothed in Tudor grace and majesty. He led his people in the way they wanted to go, he tempted them with the baits they coveted most, he humoured their prejudices against the clergy and against the pretensions of Rome, and he used every concession to extract some fresh material for building up his own authority. He owed his strength to the skill with which he (p. 431) appealed to the weaknesses of a people, whose prevailing characteristics were a passion for material prosperity and an absolute indifference to human suffering. "We," wrote one of Henry's Secretaries of State, "we, which talk much of Christ and His Holy Word, have, I fear me, used a much contrary way; for we leave fishing of men, and fish again in the tempestuous seas of this world for gain and wicked Mammon."[1170] A few noble examples, Catholic and Protestant, redeemed, by their blood, the age from complete condemnation, but, in the mass of his subjects, the finer feelings seem to have been lost in the pursuit of wealth. There is no sign that the hideous tortures inflicted on men condemned for treason, or the equally horrible sufferings of heretics burnt at the stake, excited the least qualm of compassion in the breast of the multitude; the Act of Six Articles seems to have been rather a popular measure, and the multiplication of treasons evoked no national protest.

[Footnote 1170: Sir William Petre in Tytler's
_Edward VI. and Mary_, i., 427.]

Henry, indeed, was the typical embodiment of an age that was at once callous and full of national vigour, and his failings were as much a source of strength as his virtues. His defiance of the conscience of Europe did him no harm in England, where the splendid isolation of _Athanasius contra mundum_ is always a popular attitude; and even his bitterest foes could scarce forbear to admire the dauntless front he presented to every peril. National pride was the highest motive to which he appealed. For the rest, he based his power on his people's material interests, and not on their moral instincts. He took no such hold of the ethical nature of men as did Oliver Cromwell, but he (p. 432) was liked none the less for that; for the nation regarded Cromwell, the man of God, with much less favour than Charles II., the man of sin; and statesmen who try to rule on exclusively moral principles are seldom successful and seldom beloved. Henry's successor, Protector Somerset, made a fine effort to introduce some elements of humanity into the spirit of government; but he perished on the scaffold, while his colleagues denounced his gentleness and love of liberty, and declared that his repeal of Henry's savage treason-laws was the worst deed done in their generation.[1171]

[Footnote 1171: Sir John Mason, quoted in Froude,
iv., 306 n.]

The King avoided the error of the Protector; he was neither behind nor before the average man of the time; he appealed to the mob, and the mob applauded. _Salus populi_, he said in effect, _suprema lex_, and the people agreed; for that is a principle which suits demagogues no less than despots, though they rarely possess Henry's skill in working it out. Henry, it is true, modified the maxim slightly by substituting prince for people, and by practising, before it was preached, Louis XIV.'s doctrine that _L'Etat, c'est moi_. But the assumption that the welfare of the people was bound up with that of their King was no idle pretence; it was based on solid facts, the force of which the people themselves admitted. They endorsed the tyrant's plea of necessity. The pressure of foreign rivalries, and the fear of domestic disruption, convinced Englishmen of the need for despotic rule, and no consideration whatever was allowed to interfere with the stability of government; individual rights and even the laws themselves must be overridden, if they conflicted with the interests of the State. Torture was illegal in England, and men were proud of the fact, yet, in cases of (p. 433) treason, when the national security was thought to be involved, torture was freely used, and it was used by the very men who boasted of England's immunity. They were conscious of no inconsistency; the common law was very well as a general rule, but the highest law of all was the welfare of the State.

This was the real tyranny of Tudor times; men were dominated by the idea that the State was the be-all and end-all of human existence. In its early days the State is a child; it has no will and no ideas of its own, and its first utterances are merely imitation and repetition. But by Henry VIII.'s reign the State in England had grown to lusty manhood; it dismissed its governess, the Church, and laid claim to that omnipotence and absolute sovereignty which Hobbes regretfully expounded in his _Leviathan_.[1172] The idea supplied an excuse to despots and an inspiration to noble minds. "Surely," wrote a genuine patriot in 1548,[1173] "every honest man ought to refuse no pains, no travail, no study, he ought to care for no reports, no slanders, no displeasure, no envy, no malice, so that he might profit the commonwealth of his country, for whom next after God he is created." The service of the State tended, indeed, to encroach on the service of God, and to obliterate altogether respect for individual liberty. Wolsey on his death-bed was visited by qualms of conscience, but, as a rule, victims to the principle afford, by their dying words, the most striking (p. 434) illustrations of the omnipotence of the idea. Condemned traitors are concerned on the scaffold, not to assert their innocence, but to proclaim their readiness to die as an example of obedience to the law. However unfair the judicial methods of Tudor times may seem to us, the sufferers always thank the King for granting them free trial. Their guilt or innocence is a matter of little moment; the one thing needful is that no doubt should be thrown on the inviolability of the will of the State; and the audience commend them. They are not expected to confess or to express contrition, but merely to submit to the decrees of the nation; if they do that, they are said to make a charitable and godly end, and they deserve the respect and sympathy of men; if not, they die uncharitably, and are held up to reprobation.[1174] To an age like that there was nothing strange in the union of State and (p. 435) Church and the supremacy of the King over both; men professed Christianity in various forms, but to all men alike the State was their real religion, and the King was their great High Priest. The sixteenth century, and especially the reign of Henry VIII., supplies the most vivid illustration of the working, both for good and for evil, of the theory that the individual should be subordinate in goods, in life and in conscience to the supreme dictates of the national will. This theory was put into practice by Henry VIII. long before it was made the basis of any political philosophy, just as he practised Erastianism before Erastus gave it a name.

[Footnote 1172: The _Leviathan_ is the best
philosophical commentary on the Tudor system;
Hobbes was Tudor and not Stuart in all his ideas,
and his assertion of the Tudor _de facto_ theory of
monarchy as against the Stuart _de jure_ theory
brought him into disfavour with Cavaliers.]

[Footnote 1173: John Hales in _Lansdowne MS._, 238;
_England under Protector Somerset_, p. 216.]

[Footnote 1174: _L. and P._, x., 920; "all which
died charitably," writes Husee of Anne Boleyn and
her fellow-victims; Rochford "made a very catholic
address to the people saying he had not come there
to preach but to serve as a mirror and example,
acknowledging his sins against God and the King"
(_ibid._, x., 911; _cf._ xvii., 124). Cromwell and
Somerset had more cause to complain of their fate
than other statesmen of the time, yet Cromwell on
the scaffold says: "I am by the law condemned to
die, and thank my Lord God that hath appointed me
this death for mine offence.... I have offended my
prince, for the which I ask him heartily
forgiveness" (Foxe, v., 402). And Somerset says: "I
am condemned by a law whereunto I am subject, as we
all; and therefore to show obedience I am content
to die" (Ellis, _Orig. Letters_, II., ii., 215;
_England under Somerset_, p. 308). Compare
Buckingham in Shakespeare, "_Henry VIII._," Act
II., Sc. i.:--

"I bear the law no malice for my death
... my vows and prayers
Yet are the King's; and till my soul forsake
Shall cry for blessings on him."]

The devotion paid to the State in Tudor times inevitably made expediency, and not justice or morality, the supreme test of public acts. The dictates of expediency were, indeed, clothed in legal forms, but laws are primarily intended to secure neither justice nor morality, but the interests of the State; and the highest penalty known to the law is inflicted for high treason, a legal and political crime which does not necessarily involve any breach whatever of the code of morals. Traitors are not executed because they are immoral, but because they are dangerous. Never did a more innocent head fall on the scaffold than that of Lady Jane Grey; never was an execution more fully justified by the law. The contrast was almost as flagrant in many a State trial in the reign of Henry VIII.; no king was so careful of law,[1175] but he was not so careful of justice. Therein lay his safety, for the law takes no cognisance of injustice, unless the injustice is also a breach of the law, and Henry rarely, if ever, (p. 436) broke the law. Not only did he keep the law, but he contrived that the nation should always proclaim the legality of his conduct. Acts of attainder, his favourite weapon, are erroneously supposed to have been the method to which he resorted for removing opponents whose conviction he could not obtain by a legal trial. But acts of attainder were, as a rule, supplements to, not substitutes for, trials by jury;[1176] many were passed against the dead, whose goods had already been forfeited to the King as the result of judicial verdicts. Moreover, convictions were always easier to obtain from juries than acts of attainder from Parliament. It was simplicity itself to pack a jury of twelve, and even a jury of peers; but it was a much more serious matter to pack both Houses of Parliament. What then was the meaning and use of acts of attainder? They were acts of indemnity for the King. People might cavil at the verdict of juries; for they were only the decisions of a handful of men; but who should impugn the voice of the whole body politic expressed in its most solemn, complete and legal form? There is no way, said Francis to Henry in 1532, so safe as by Parliament,[1177] and one of Henry's invariable methods was to make the whole (p. 437) nation, so far as he could, his accomplice. For pardons and acts of grace the King was ready to assume the responsibility; but the nation itself must answer for rigorous deeds. And acts of attainder were neither more nor less than deliberate pronouncements, on the part of the people, that it was expedient that one man should die rather than that the whole nation should perish or run any risk of danger.

[Footnote 1175: "I never knew," writes Bishop
Gardiner a few months after Henry's death, "man
committed to prison for disagreeing to any doctrine
unless the same doctrine were established by a law
of the realm before" (Foxe, ed. Townsend, vi.,
141).]

[Footnote 1176: The Countess of Salisbury and
Cromwell are the two great exceptions.]

[Footnote 1177: _L. and P._, vi., 954. It may be
reading too much into Francis I.'s words, but it is
tempting to connect them with Machiavelli's opinion
that the French _parlement_ was devised to relieve
the Crown of the hostility aroused by curbing the
power of the nobles (_Il Principe_ c. 19). A closer
parallel to the policy of Henry VIII. may be found
in that which Tacitus attributes to Tiberius with
regard to the Senate; "he must devolve on the
Senate the odious duty of trial and condemnation
and reserve only the credit of clemency for
himself" (Furneaux, _Tacitus_, Introd.).]

History, in a democratic age, tends to become a series of popular apologies, and is inclined to assume that the people can do no wrong; some one must be the scapegoat for the people's sins, and the national sins of Henry's reign are all laid on Henry's shoulders. But the nation in the sixteenth century deliberately condoned injustice, when injustice made for its peace. It has done so before and after, and may possibly do so again. It is easy in England to-day to denounce the cruel sacrifices imposed on individuals in the time of Henry VIII. by their subordination in everything to the interests of the State; but, whenever and wherever like dangers have threatened, recourse has been had to similar methods, to government by proclamation, to martial law, and to verdicts based on political expediency.

The contrast between morals and politics, which comes out in Henry's reign as a terrible contradiction, is inherent in all forms of human society. Politics, the action of men in the mass, are akin to the operation of natural forces; and, as such, they are neither moral nor immoral; they are simply non-moral. Political movements are often as resistless as the tides of the ocean; they carry to fortune, and they bear to ruin, the just and the unjust with heedless impartiality. Cato and Brutus striving against the torrent of Roman imperialism, (p. 438) Fisher and More seeking to stem the secularisation of the Church, are like those who would save men's lives from the avalanche by preaching to the mountain on the text of the sixth commandment. The efforts of good men to avert a sure but cruel fate are the truest theme of the Tragic Muse; and it is possible to represent Henry's reign as one long nightmare of "truth for ever on the scaffold, wrong for ever on the throne"; for Henry VIII. embodied an inevitable movement of politics, while Fisher and More stood only for individual conscience.

That is the secret of Henry's success. He directed the storm of a revolution which was doomed to come, which was certain to break those who refused to bend, and which may be explained by natural causes, but cannot be judged by moral considerations. The storm cleared the air and dissipated many a pestilent vapour, but it left a trail of wreck and ruin over the land. The nation purchased political salvation at the price of moral debasement; the individual was sacrificed on the altar of the State; and popular subservience proved the impossibility of saving a people from itself. Constitutional guarantees are worthless without the national will to maintain them; men lightly abandon what they lightly hold; and, in Henry's reign, the English spirit of independence burned low in its socket, and love of freedom grew cold. The indifference of his subjects to political issues tempted Henry along the path to tyranny, and despotic power developed in him features, the repulsiveness of which cannot be concealed by the most exquisite art, appealing to the most deep-rooted prejudice. He turned to his own profit the needs and the faults of his people, as well as their national spirit. He sought the greatness of England, (p. 439) and he spared no toil in the quest; but his labours were spent for no ethical purpose. His aims were selfish; his realm must be strong, because he must be great. He had the strength of a lion, and like a lion he used it.

Yet it is probable that Henry's personal influence and personal action averted greater evils than those they provoked. Without him, the storm of the Reformation would still have burst over England; without him, it might have been far more terrible. Every drop of blood shed under Henry VIII. might have been a river under a feebler king. Instead of a stray execution here and there, conducted always with a scrupulous regard for legal forms, wars of religion might have desolated the land and swept away thousands of lives. London saw many a hideous sight in Henry's reign, but it had no cause to envy the Catholic capitals which witnessed the sack of Rome and the massacre of St. Bartholomew; for all Henry's iniquities, multiplied manifold, would not equal the volume of murder and sacrilege wrought at Rome in May, 1527, or at Paris in August, 1572.[1178] From such orgies of violence and crime, England was saved by the strong right arm and the iron will of her Tudor king. "He is," said Wolsey after his fall,[1179] "a prince of royal courage, and he hath a princely heart; and rather than he (p. 440) will miss or want part of his appetite he will hazard the loss of one-half of his kingdom." But Henry discerned more clearly than Wolsey the nature of the ground on which he stood; by accident, or by design, his appetite conformed to potent and permanent forces; and, wherein it did not, he was, in spite of Wolsey's remark, content to forgo its gratification. It was not he, but the Reformation, which put the kingdoms of Europe to the hazard. The Sphinx propounded her riddle to all nations alike, and all were required to answer. Should they cleave to the old, or should they embrace the new? Some pressed forward, others held back, and some, to their own confusion, replied in dubious tones. Surrounded by faint hearts and fearful minds, Henry VIII. neither faltered nor failed. He ruled in a ruthless age with a ruthless hand, he dealt with a violent crisis by methods of blood and iron, and his measures were crowned with whatever sanction worldly success can give. He is Machiavelli's _Prince_ in action. He took his stand on efficiency rather than principle, and symbolised the prevailing of the gates of Hell. The spiritual welfare of England entered into his thoughts, if at all, as a minor consideration; but, for her peace and material comfort it was well that she had as her King, in her hour of need, a man, and a man who counted the cost, who faced the risk, and who did with his might whatsoever his hand found to do.

[Footnote 1178: In three months of "peace" in 1568
over ten thousand persons are said to have been
slain in France (_Cambr. Mod. Hist._, ii., 347). At
least a hundred thousand were butchered in the
Peasants' War in Germany in 1525-6, and thirty
thousand Anabaptists are said to have suffered in
Holland and Friesland alone between 1523 and 1546.
Henry VIII.'s policy was _parcere subjectis et
debellare superbos_, to protect the many humble and
destroy the mighty few.]

[Footnote 1179: _L. and P._, iv., Introd., p.
dcxvi.]

INDEX. (p. 441)

A.

Abbeville, 142. Abergavenny, Baron. _See_ Neville, George. Abingdon, 128. Acts of Succession. _See_ Succession. Adrian VI., Pope, 155, 156 _n_, 161, 162. Agnadello, battle of, 52, 53. Agostini, Augustine, 247, 248 _n_. Albany, Duke of. _See_ Stewart, John. Albret, Jean d', 85, 93, 136, 144. Aless, Alexander, 347. Alexander VI., Pope, 212, 229. Amicable Loan, 165, 243. Ampthill, 354. Ancona, Peter, Cardinal of, 212. Ancrum Moor, battle of, 413, 415. Andre, Bernard, 20 and _note_, 21. Angus, Earl of. _See_ Douglas, Archibald. Annates, 290 and _note_, 297, 302, 320. _See also_ First-fruits. Anne Boleyn. _See_ Boleyn. ---- of Brittany, wife of Louis XII., 74, 212, 217. ---- of Cleves, suggested marriage of, 383, 384; arrival in England and marriage, 385, 386; repudiation of, 210, 392, 395, 397, 404. ---- of Hungary, 51. Antigone, 333. Antwerp, 396. Apparel, Act of, 128. Appeals, Acts of, 298, 299, 319. Aquinas, St. Thomas, 123, 334. Aragon, 26, 28, 31, 51, 93, 104, 313. ------ Catherine of. _See_ Catherine. ------ Ferdinand of. _See_ Ferdinand. Arc, Jeanne d', 65. Ardres, 64, 141, 143. Armada, Spanish, 249, 307, 376. Army, Henry VIII.'s, 3, 109, 313, 315, 354; wages of, 57, 58; commissariat difficulties, 68, 69; invasions of France, 64, 80, 160, 161. Arthur, King, 14. ------ Prince of Wales, 11, 14, 38, 48, 283, 284. Artois, 93, 157. Ashton, Christopher, 11. Aske, Robert, 354, 356, 357. Athequa, George, Bishop of Llandaff, 319. Attainder, use and meaning of, 36, 37, 390, 404, 423, 436. Audley, Edmund, Bishop of Salisbury, 338. ------ Sir Thomas, Speaker and Lord Audley of Walden, 273, 278, 330 _n_, 393. Augmentations, Court of. _See_ Court. Augsburg, Peace of, 429. Austria, 26, 30, 51, 104, 382. Auxerre, Bishop of. _See_ Dinteville, Francois de.

B.

Bacon, Francis, Lord Verulam, 44. Badajos, Bishop of, 73. Badoer, Piero, 49, 53, 67, 78, 109. Bagnal, Sir Henry, 253 _n_. Bainbridge, Christopher, Cardinal and Archbishop of York, 1 _n_, 53, 55, 89, 229. Bangor, Bishopric of, 318. ------ Bishop of. _See_ Skeffington, Thomas. Barbarossa, 311. Barcelona, Treaty of, 225, 226. Barnes, Robert, 193, 394. Barton, Elizabeth, 305, 324, 374. Bath and Wells, Bishops of. _See_ Clerk, John; Hadrian de Castello; Stillington, Robert. Bavaria, Albert of, 28. Bayard, Chevalier, 54. Beaton, David, Cardinal, 373, 405, 409, 415. Beaufort, Edmund, second Duke of Somerset, 6. -------- Henry, Bishop of Winchester, 6. -------- John, Earl of Somerset, 6. -------- John, first Duke of Somerset, 6. -------- Lady Margaret, 6, 8, 10, 20, 24. -------- Thomas, Duke of Exeter, 6, 272 _n_. Beauforts, the, 6, 8. Beaulieu, 11, 375. Becket, Thomas a, Archbishop of Canterbury, 106, 270, 271, 372, 377. Bedford, Earl of. _See_ Russell, John. Belgrade, surrender of, 164. Bembridge, 414. Bennet, Dr. William, 207. Berlin, 68. Bermondsey Abbey, 5, 10. Berwick, 368, 375. Biez, Marechal Oudart du, 413. Bilney, Thomas, 272. _Bishops' Book_, or _Institution of a Christian Man_, 379, 417. Blackheath, Cornishmen defeated at, 11. Bloody Assize, 357. Blount, Elizabeth, 47, 183, 185, 210. ------ William, fourth Baron Mountjoy, 22-24, 183. Boerio, Dr. Baptista, 22. Boleyn, Anne, Henry's passion for, 173, 186-192, 209; her "Lutheranism," 203-205, 237, 274, 347, 349, 397, 399; canonical obstacles to her marriage with Henry VIII., 206, 208; her unpopularity, 250, 314; accompanies Henry to France, 294, 295; her marriage, 281, 300, 319, 398; coronation, 300; unkindness to Princess Mary, 304 and _note_; her issue, 300, 315 _n_, 321, 342, 343, 348, 360; nullity of her marriage, 210, 344, 345; her trial and death, 233, 344-346, 404, 434 _n_. ------ George, Viscount Rochford, 344, 434 _n_. ------ Mary, 185, 188, 208, 344. ------ Thomas, Earl of Wiltshire, 138, 188, 203, 273. Bologna, 55, 86, 88, 283, 297 _n_. Bolton, William, prior of St. Bartholomew, 237. Bonner, Edmund, Bishop of London, 316. ------ Humphrey, 234 _n_. Bordeaux, 131, 156. Borough, Edward, Lord, 410. Bosworth, battle of, 3, 7, 9, 11, 49, 79. Boulogne, 68, 294; besieged, 133, 160, 412-415. Bourbon, Charles, Duc de, 151, 158 and _note_, 159, 160, 162, 163, 171, 176. Bourges, 283. Boxley, Rood of, 380. Bradshaw, Thomas, 259 _n_. Brandenburg, Margrave of, 100. Brandon, Charles, Duke of Suffolk, his family, 79; promotion and suggested marriage, 80; his previous wives, 80, 81, 199, 205; embassy to France, 81, 85, 86; marriage to Mary Tudor, 3, 15, 37, 82, 83; Henry's displeasure, 82, 83; his favour with Henry, 84; tilts with the King, 41, 95; army under, 159, 160, 162, 354, 412; claim to the throne, 181; objects to legatine courts, 223; other references, 2 _n_, 111, 116, 246, 385. ------- William, 79. Bray, 160. Brereton, William, 344. Brescia, 61. Brest, blockade of, 63. Brewer, John Sherren, 84 _n_, 189 _n_, 192 _n_, 197 _n_, 234 _n_, 249 _n_, 252 _n_, 261 _n_, 270 _n_. Brian, Sir Francis, 203. Brinkelow, Henry, 256, 257 _n_. Bristol, 401. Brittany, 30, 31. Browne, Ann, 199. Bruges, 111, 145, 146, 155, 281. Brussels, 94. Brydges, John, 260 _n_. Buckingham, Duke of. _See_ Stafford, Edward. Bullinger, Henry, 380. Buonarotti, Michael Angelo, 44. Burgundy, 26, 27, 30, 51, 104, 136, 168. _See also_ Netherlands. Butler, Piers, Earl of Ormond, 189. ------ Thomas, Earl of Ormond, 187. Byzantinism, 180 _n_, 370 _n_.

C.

Cadwallader, 5.

Caistor, 353.

Calais, 63-65, 74, 83, 93, 97, 112, 114, 129, 131, 139, 140, 142-146,
154, 159, 160, 203, 224, 254 _n_, 308-310, 315, 370, 375, 384;
parliamentary representation of, 368.
Calshot Castle, 375.
Cambrai, 94, 296.
------ League of (1508), 29, 52, 53, 90, 98.
------ Peace of (1529), 224, 246, 250, 309.
Cambridge, 20, 49, 77, 283, 334, 354.
Campeggio, Lorenzo, Cardinal, 97, 112, 155, 184, 185 _n_, 186, 190, 204,
206 _n_, 211, 215-218, 219 _n_, 220 _n_, 222, 223,
225, 237, 238, 247, 270, 311 _n_, 318.
Canon Law, 6, 117, 200, 336, 337, 349.
Canterbury, 106, 140, 143, 260 _n_, 372.
---------- Archbishopric of, 16, 296, 298, 318, 329, 417.
---------- Archbishops of. _See_ Becket, Thomas a; Cranmer, Thomas;
Langton, Stephen; Pole, Reginald; Warham,
William.
Capua, Archbishop of, 225.
Carroz, Luis, 49, 59, 61 _n_, 62, 67, 70, 76 and _note_, 132, 192.
Casale, Giovanni, 170, 207, 211, 224, 226.
Castello, Hadrian de. _See_ Hadrian.
Castile, 26-29, 51, 52, 72, 75, 92, 104, 167, 176, 313.
------- Isabella of. _See_ Isabella.
------- _See also_ Philip of Burgundy and Juana.
Castillon, Louis de Perreau, Sieur de, 370.
Catherine of Aragon, marriage to Prince Arthur, 11, 14, 48, 283;
proposals for second marriage of, 26, 27;
betrothed to Henry VIII., 27;
possibly taught Henry Spanish, 22;
marriage deferred, 28;
marriage to Henry VIII., 45, 46;
coronation, 46;
commissioned as Ferdinand's ambassador, 51;
regent in England, 65;
ally of Charles V., 137;
attends Field of Cloth of Gold, 141, 142;
legality of her marriage questioned, 173, 174, 281;
premature death of her children, 174-177;
divorce threatened, 76, 176;
ceases to bear children, 178-181;
her conscience, 178;
purity and courage of, 192, 193;
divorce unjust to her, 193, 212;
proceedings against her, 202;
correspondence with Charles, 220;
protests in person against the Legates' Court, 221;
her popularity, 250, 314;
championed by Charles, 226, 294;
alleged nullity of her marriage, 296, 319;
sentence by Cranmer, 300;
her treatment by Henry VIII. and Anne Boleyn, 303,
304, 309, 310, 311 _n_;
dissuaded by Charles V. from leaving England, 311;
Pope pronounces her marriage valid, 321;
her death, 335, 336, 342;
other references to, 51 _n_, 70, 106, 200, 208, 210,
216, 251, 259, 265, 275, 282, 289,
304 _n_, 305, 312, 313, 327,
347-350, 364, 428.
--------- of France, Queen of Henry V., 5.
--------- sister of Charles V., Queen of Portugal, 100.
--------- Howard, character before her marriage, 397;
her marriage, 398, 399;
misconduct, 403;
death, 404;
her fall impairs Duke of Norfolk's influence, 416.
--------- Parr, her previous marriages, 410;
marriage to Henry, 410;
her tact, 411;
favour towards New Learning, 416.
Caxton, William, 20.
Cecil, William, Lord Burghley, 38.
Cervia, 224, 226.
Chancery, _See_ Courts.
Chapuys, Eustace, 114 _n_, 132, 185, 192 _n_, 194, 197 _n_, 247, 248 _n_,
262, 268, 271 _n_, 273 _n_, 274, 275, 284 _sqq._,
285 _n_, 295, 298, 300, 303, 304 and _note_, 305-308,
311, 313-315 and _note_, 319, 321, 332, 335, 339 _n_,
342 _n_, 343, 345 _n_, 350, 352, 359, 362 _n_, 364,
366, 373, 374, 403, 405.
Charlemagne, 52, 76.
Charles I. of England, 25 _n_, 258, 259.
------- II., 186, 432.
------- V., Emperor, suggested marriage to Mary Tudor, 26, 28, 45, 48, 65,
72-81, 83;
heir to both grandfathers, 51 and _note_;
assumes government of the Netherlands, 85;
succeeds Ferdinand, 73, 92, 93;
enters into Treaty of Noyon, 93;
difficulties in Spain, 96;
election as Emperor, 100-105;
treated by Wolsey as an equal, 111;
pensions to Wolsey, 115, 116;
his foreign possessions, 136;
reasons for peace with England, 137;
invitation to visit England, 139;
second meeting with Henry, 143;
war with France, 144, 148;
Wolsey's mediation between Francis and Charles,
145-147;
proposed marriage to Mary of England, 143, 146, 156;
Wolsey sides with Charles, 148-152;
battle of Pavia, 154;
influence on papal elections, 154, 155;
promises to aid Wolsey's candidature for the Papacy,
161, 162;
joins England against France, 159;
his supremacy in Europe, 163, 164;
marriage with Isabella of Portugal, 167;
plans for deposing Henry, 180;
his morals, 186;
champions his aunt's cause, 202, 225, 294;
peace with Henry, 224;
Treaty of Barcelona, 226;
appeal to a general council, 230 _n_;
appealed to by Wolsey, 247;
alliance with Clement, 249, 295, 297;
alliance with Francis, 250, 371, 381, 382, 392;
objects to carry out the papal sentence, 309, 310;
rivalry with Francis, 108, 312, 429;
anxious for Henry's friendship, 322, 359;
engaged in conquering Tunis, 334;
meeting with Francis and Paul III., 372;
breach with Francis, 404, 405;
intrigues with James V. of Scotland, 406;
secret treaty with Henry, 410;
peace with Francis, 412;
other references to, 76, 78, 88, 98, 108, 118, 132,
158, 193-196, 197 _n_, 201, 204, 206, 207,
212, 216, 223, 251, 261, 275, 283, 295, 301,
302 _n_, 304, 308, 311 _n_, 314, 332, 349,
361, 366, 370, 373, 376, 377, 383, 386, 393,
396, 398.
------- VIII. of France, 10, 30.
------- the Bold, 30, 51 _n_, 136.
Charlotte, daughter of Francis I., 93, 143.
Chester, Bishopric of, 318, 401.
Chichester, Bishop of. _See_ Sampson, Richard.
---------- Bishopric of, 319.
Chieregati, 95, 96, 113, 121, 135.
Chievres, William de Croy, Lord of, 85, 183.
Chobham, 421.
Christina of Milan, 370, 371 and _note_, 384.
Cinque Ports, 16.
Civil Law, 38, 334, 362 _n_.
Clarence, Duke of. _See_ George.
Clarendon, Constitutions of, 271.
Claude, Queen of France, 188.
Clement VII., Pope, his policy as Cardinal de Medici, 148, 152-154, 230;
proclaimed Pope, 162 _n_;
forms the Holy League, 168;
his imperial interests, 169;
confirmed Suffolk's divorce, 199;
his captivity, 201;
gives Wolsey legatine powers, 202;
warned by Wolsey that his fall means ruin to the
Church in England, 204-206, 211, 212, 237;
suggests two wives for Henry, 207;
anxious to avoid responsibility, 213;
urges Catherine to enter a nunnery, 213 and _note_,
214;
commission to Campeggio and Wolsey to try the divorce,
214, 215, 221;
his indecision, 216, 224-227, 280, 294;
instructs Campeggio to procrastinate, 216, 222;
refuses to declare the brief a forgery, 220;
his motives for siding against Henry VIII., 224, 225;
his treaty with the Emperor, 225, 226;
revokes his commission to Campeggio and Wolsey, 226,
227;
bull of 1530, 281, 282;
interviews Charles, 295;
apparent friendship with Henry VIII., 296, 297;
delays in the divorce suit, 298;
prepares the final ban of the Church against
Henry VIII., 302, 303, 316;
pronounces Catherine's marriage valid, 321;
his dispensation for the marriage of Anne Boleyn,
208-210, 344;
his death, 322;
other references to, 187 _n_, 210, 218, 230 _n_, 247,
276, 309, 319, 428.
Clerk, John, Bishop of Bath and Wells, 154, 155, 161, 197 _n_, 318, 338.
Cleves, Anne of. _See_ Anne.
------ Duke John of, father of Anne of Cleves, 382, 383.
------ Duke William of, brother of Anne, 383, 386, 393.
Coinage, debasement of, 418.
Coire, 99.
Colet, John, Dean of St. Paul's, 134.
Commons, House of. _See also_ Parliament.
------- ----- More pleads its privileges, 165, 259;
throws out attainder against Wolsey, 246;
packing of, 252 _sqq._;
free speech in, 259, 288, 289;
powers of, 259 _n_;
feared by the Church, 270, 280;
Audley chosen Speaker, 278;
refuses to remit Henry's loan, 279;
attacks abuses, 291;
passes Act of Appeals, 299;
waits on Henry, 320;
passes attainder against Cromwell, 390;
opposition to Cromwell, 391.
Conquet, 63.
Constable, Sir Robert, 357.
Constantine, the Emperor, 363 _n_.
Contarini, Cardinal, 153, 318, 359.
Copley, Sir Roger, 253.
Cork, 10.
Corneto, 215.
Cornwall, Dukes of. _See_ Arthur, Prince, and Henry VIII.
Coron, 312.
Corpus Christi College, Oxford, 49, 206 _n_.
Council, Ordinary, 364 _n_.
------- government by, 364 _n_.
------- Privy, 288, 289, 356, 365, 403, 416.
------- of the North, 358, 366.
------- of Wales, 364 _n_, 365, 366.
------- of Trent, 299.
Court of Augmentations, 337.
----- Chancery, 319, 320, 327.
----- Requests, 38, 368.
----- Star Chamber, 35, 38, 119, 120, 368.
----- Wards and Liveries, 368.
Courtenay, Henry, Marquis of Exeter, 183, 305, 374, 375.
--------- Sir William, 374.
Coventry and Lichfield, Bishopric of, 318.
Coverdale, Miles, 379.
Cowes, 57.
Cradock, Sir Matthew, 11.
Cranmer, Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury, suggests an appeal to the
Universities, 282;
appointed Archbishop, 296;
expedition of his bulls, 296-298;
his court made final, 299;
declares Catherine's marriage void and Anne's valid,
300, 302;
crowns Anne as queen, 300;
declares Anne's marriage invalid, 344;
licenses Henry to marry a third wife, 346;
informs Henry of Catherine Howard's misconduct, 403;
his hold on Henry, 416;
discusses the _King's Book_ with Henry, 417;
is attacked, 418;
sent for in Henry's illness, 424, 425;
other references to, 191, 197 _n_, 230 _n_, 282 and
_note_, 325 _n_, 327 and _note_, 354,
379, 385, 391 _n_, 393, 401 _n_.
Croke, Richard, 282 _n_.
Crome, Edward, 274.
Cromwell, Oliver, 368, 432.
-------- Thomas, Earl of Essex, humble birth, 38, 42;
rising to notice, 159;
opposes Wolsey's attainder in the Commons, 246, 278;
his agents, 254;
his interference in elections, 260 and _note_, 261, 317;
reports on Parliament to the King, 263 _n_;
becomes secretary, 273, 323;
prepares bills for Parliament, 289 _n_, 291;
said to "rule everything," 318;
anxious to make Henry despotic, 323 and _note_, 329;
anxious to make Henry rich, 341;
never in Wolsey's position, 350;
anxious for government by council, 364;
appointed vicar-general, 378;
vicegerent, 379;
induces Henry to marry Anne of Cleves, 384, 385;
packs Parliament in favour of his own policy, 392;
his fall, 397, 416;
created Earl of Essex;
his death, 2, 394;
other references to, 290, 325 _n_, 339 _n_, 349, 354,
366 _n_, 381, 399, 400, 434 _n_, 436 _n_.
Crowley, Robert, 257 _n._
Crown, succession to the. _See_ Succession.
Culpepper, Thomas, 398, 403.

D.

Dacre, Thomas, Lord Dacre of the North, 156, 157, 247 _n_. Dante, 29. Darcy, Thomas, Baron Darcy, 305, 353-355, 357. Deal, 385. Denmark, 312. Denny, Sir Anthony, 424. Deptford, 126. Derby, Earl of. _See_ Stanley, Thomas. Dereham, Francis, 398, 403. Derknall, Robert, 260 _n_. D'Ewes, Giles, 20 and _note_, 21. Dinteville, Francois de, Bishop of Auxerre, 280. Dispensation, papal power of, 173, 174, 176, 193, 207-209, 212, 213, 218, 219, 284, 344; transferred to Cranmer, 320, 346. Divorce, the law of, 173 _n_, 208, 218, 219, 344, 345, 395. ------- of Catherine of Aragon, first suggestion of, 76, 173, 176, 197 and _note_; origin of, 173; causes of, 179, 183, 186; motives for, 177-179, 189; Wolsey's attitude towards, 204, 205; commission to try, 214 _sqq._, 214 _n_; its influence on the Reformation, 232, 238, 428; disliked by the people, 250, 251; decision of the Universities, 283, 284, 296, 358; its injustice to Catherine, 192, 193; sentence of divorce, 187. ------- of Anne Boleyn, 344. ------- of Anne of Cleves, 395. ------- other instances of, 199, 200, 209 _n_, 212. Dodieu, Claude, 196. Doncaster, 356. Doria, 216. Dorset, Marquis of. _See_ Grey, Sir Thomas. Douglas, Archibald, sixth Earl of Angus, 88, 200. Dourlens, 157. Dover, 139, 140, 375. ----- Castle, 16, 375. Drogheda, Parliament of, 18. Du Bellay, John, Bishop of Bayonne, 185 _n_, 196, 197, 203 _n_, 223-225, 237, 244, 246, 273, 282 _n_, 284, 295 _n_, 319. Dublin, 9, 367. Dubois, Pierre, 329. Dudley, Edmund, 2 _n_, 44, 48. ------ John, Viscount Lisle, afterwards Duke of Northumberland, 261, 408, 414, 430. Dunkirk, 281. Dunstable, 300, 302. Du Prat, Cardinal Antoine, 145. Durham, Bishopric of, 318. ------ Bishops of. _See_ Ruthal, Thomas; Tunstall, Cuthbert. Dymock, Sir Robert, 46.

E.

Edinburgh, 69, 413. --------- Duke of, 18 _n_. Education under Henry VII., 19, 20. Edward I., 37, 187. ------ III., 180, 182, 346. ------ IV., beheads Owen Tudor, 5; his right to the throne, 7; his descendants and their claims, 8, 9, 181, 183, 305, 314; his daughter Elizabeth marries Henry VII., 13; his tastes, 15, 39; his marriage pronounced void, 306. ------ VI., birth at Greenwich, 16, 360, 361; forward as a pupil, 19, 267; proposed marriage of, 348, 362, 408, 409, 415; his claim to the throne, 349; his early death, 12; homilies printed in his reign, 417. ------ Earl of Warwick, 9, 11, 179. Eleanor, daughter of Philip of Burgundy, Queen of Portugal, 26, 168, 196, 197 _n_. Elizabeth, Queen, born at Greenwich, 16, 300, 301; forward as a pupil, 19; foundress of Jesus College, Oxford, 21 _n_; contended for the supremacy of the State, 233; arbitrary with Parliament, 263, 329; pronounced illegitimate, 343 and _note_, 348 and note; claim to the throne, 348 _n_; other references to, 35, 191, 267, 304, 411. --------- of York, married to Henry VII., 13; described by Erasmus, 20. Ely, Bishop of. _See_ West, Nicholas. --- Bishopric of, 318. Embrun, 86. Emmanuel, King of Portugal, 167. Emperors. _See_ Maximilian I. and Charles V. Empire, Holy Roman, 32, 101, 108. Empson, Sir Richard, 2 _n_, 44, 48. Enclosure movement, 119, 120, 256, 352. Erasmus, Desiderius, his description of Elizabeth of York, 20 and _note_; of Henry VIII., 22, 23, 40, 106, 122, 123, 125; other references to, 19 and _note_, 89, 115 _n_, 134, 183, 236. Essex, Earl of. _See_ Cromwell, Thomas. Este, Alfonso d', 153. ---- Isabella d', 135. Estrada, Duke of, 26. Etaples, Treaty of, 48, 75. Eton College, 426. Evers, William, Lord, 413. Exeter, Marquis of. _See_ Courtenay, Henry. ------ Bishops of. _See_ Fox, Richard; Coverdale, Miles.

F.

Falier, Ludovico, 179.
Farnham, 370.
Ferdinand of Aragon, his negotiations for Catherine's marriage, 11, 14,
26, 45, 47;
claims Castile, 27;
his methods of government, 37;
advises Henry VIII., 43, 50;
his schemes for the aggrandisement of his family,
50-52, 60;
attacks the Moors, 55;
makes peace with them and attacks France, 56;
conquers Navarre, 57, 58;
betrays Henry, 59-62;
his duplicity, 61, 70, 72, 73;
his death, 92;
other references to, 28-30, 51 _n_, 52-54, 67,
75-77, 85, 88, 100, 105, 107, 145, 174-176,
179, 284, 351.
--------- Archduke and Emperor, 51 and _note_, 52-54, 61 _n_, 71, 76,
94, 101.
Ferrara, 100, 153, 159, 283.
Ferrers, Sir Edward, 252 _n_.
Ferrers' case, 258, 259.
_Fidei Defensor_, 107, 126, 325.
Field of Cloth of Gold, 141-143, 151, 294.
First-fruits and Tenths, 324, 327, 336, 368.
Fisher, John, Cardinal Bishop of Rochester, preaches Henry VII.'s
funeral sermon, 43, 44;
denounces Luther's books, 125;
defends the validity of Catherine's marriage, 222, 236, 282;
his treasonable practices, 282, 305;
sent to the Tower, 324;
attainted, 331-333;
created Cardinal, 332;
death, 333;
other references to, 1 _n_, 50, 150, 279, 280, 287, 289,
319, 331 _n_, 350, 438.
Fitzgerald, Gerald, eighth Earl of Kildare, 9, 11, 149, 305, 366, 367.
Fitzroy, Henry, Duke of Richmond and Somerset, 183-185, 197, 213, 348.
Fitzwilliam, Sir William, Earl of Southampton, 144, 146, 147, 157, 203,
254 _n_, 385, 389 _n_, 390, 393.
Flanders, 52, 93, 140, 144, 223, 224, 308-311, 358, 359, 373.
_See also_ Burgundy and Netherlands.
Flodden Field, 49, 66, 80, 87, 200, 408.
Florence, 51, 86, 226.
Floyd's case, 259 _n_.
Foix, Germaine de, 29, 100.
---- Odet de. _See_ Lautrec.
Fox, Richard, Bishop of Exeter, afterwards Bishop of Winchester,
baptises Henry VIII., 16;
his fortunes linked with the Tudors, 48;
chancellor of Cambridge, 49;
founder of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, 49;
an intimate counsellor of Henry VIII., 49;
retires to his diocese, 92;
debates the legality of Henry's marriage, 174, 198;
death, 117;
other references to, 62, 98, 109, 114, 158, 159, 273.
Foxe, Edward, Bishop of Hereford, 211, 214.
---- John, martyrologist, 191.
France, unity of, 30, 31;
Roman law in, 32;
English antipathy to, 53;
invasion of, 57, 60, 62-66;
friendship with Venice, 61;
truce with Venice, 60;
war against, 64, 65;
campaigns in, 68, 69;
Suffolk's embassy to, 85;
Wolsey's embassy to, 112, 144-146;
treaty with England, 138;
Henry's visit to, 140-143;
war with Spain, 144;
English pretence to the crown of, 149, 150, 158;
suggested assembly of cardinals in, 201;
alliance with England, 223;
threatens Italy from the North, 51, 228, 229;
other references to, 29, 108, 181, 204, 220, 370, 373, 393.
------ Catherine of. _See_ Catherine.
------ Kings of. _See_ Charles VIII., Francis I., Louis XI., Louis XII.
Francis, Duke of Angouleme, afterwards Francis I. of France,
description of, 39, 78;
relations with Mary Tudor, 78-83;
designs on Milan, 85, 86;
omnipotence in Italy, 93;
joins second League of Cambrai, 94;
is deceived by Charles V., 96;
his efforts to be elected Emperor, 98-104;
rivalry with Charles V., 108, 312, 429;
his pensions to Wolsey, 115, 116;
his claim to Naples, 136;
Wolsey's opposition to, 137 and _note_;
is anxious for a personal interview with Henry VIII.,
138, 139;
meets Henry VIII. at the Field of Cloth of Gold, 141-143;
his war with Charles V., 144-148;
his immorality, 150, 186;
his influence on the papal election, 154, 155;
is convinced of English hostility, 156;
English make war on, 157, 158;
his defeat at Pavia, 30, 163, 164;
signs Treaty of Madrid, 168;
suggested marriage to Princess Mary, 195-197 _n_;
his defeat at Landriano, 226;
is appealed to by Wolsey, 247;
his alliance with Charles V., 250;
his meeting with Henry at Boulogne (1532), 294;
disapproves of Henry's breach with the Church, 306;
meditates fresh Italian schemes, 310, 351;
his meeting with Clement at Marseilles (1533), 316;
orders Pole to leave France, 359;
his friendship with Charles V., 371, 381, 382, 392;
his meeting with Charles V. and Paul III. (1538), 372;
his breach with Charles V., 404, 405;
intrigues with James V., 406, 409;
his peace with Henry (1546), 412;
his advice about Parliament, 436;
other references to, 81, 88, 94, 97, 127, 129 _n_, 137,
151, 162, 163 _n_, 169, 173, 193, 216, 225, 280,
297, 302 _n_, 311, 315, 334, 349, 361, 369, 370,
376, 377, 383, 386, 393, 396.
------ Dauphin of France, 138, 143, 148.
Frederick II., Emperor, 329.
Frith, John, 272.
Fuentarabia, 160.

G.

Gardiner, Stephen, Bishop of Winchester, goes to Rome to obtain a commission to try the divorce case in England, 214, 220; would be more powerful if he abandoned his order, 237, 273; his pocket-boroughs, 254 and _note_, 317, 390; secretary, 273; led the bishops in the House of Lords to reject the concessions made to the King by the Church, 293; retires to Winchester, 294; his opposition to the divorce, 306; on parliamentary liberties, 259; on the limits of Henry's power, 323 _n_, 330; encounters Barnes in a theological discussion, 394; patron of Catherine Howard, 397, 399; champion of the Catholic faith, 416, 418; other references to, 211, 259, 290, 316, 327 _n_, 336, 435 _n_. Gattinara, Mercurio, 147. Gatton, 253 and _note_. Gaunt, John of, 6, 180. Genoa, 51, 70, 71, 76, 147, 168. George, Duke of Clarence, 8, 18, 305, 314, 358, 373. Germany, 30-32, 69, 101, 104, 124, 139, 272, 311, 381, 382, 393, 418. Ghinucci, Girolamo, Bishop of Worcester, 202, 206, 207, 218, 318, 338. Giglis, Silvester de, Bishop of Worcester, 86, 229. Giustinian, Sebastian, Venetian ambassador, 67, 72, 77 _n_, 87, 88, 92, 97, 98, 102, 106, 108, 109 and _note_, 110-115, 118, 121, 127, 129, 132, 177, 181, 240. Gloucester, 40. Gordon, Lady Catherine, 11 and _note_. Grammont, Gabriel de, Bishop of Tarbes, 173, 195-197, 280, 281. Gravelines, 143. Greenwich, 15, 16, 22, 46, 83, 86, 134, 239, 300, 324, 385. Grey, Lady Jane, 19, 435. ---- Lord Leonard, 366, 367. ---- Thomas, second Marquis of Dorset, 37 _n_, 57. Guelders, 54, 144, 168, 383, 393. Guienne, 57, 58, 61, 62. Guildford, 389, 421. Guinegate, 64, 65. Guipuscoa, 57. Guisnes, 129, 140, 141, 375. Gustavus Vasa, King of Sweden, 238.

H.