Chapter XV: Mythology in Hinduism and Buddhism (2)

[Footnote 39: Several other Europeans of eminence have let their minds play with the ideas of metempsychosis, pre-existence and karma, as for instance Giordano Bruno, Swedenborg, Goethe, Lessing, Lavater, Herder, Schopenhauer, Ibsen, von Helmont, Lichtenberg and in England such different spirits as Hume and Wordsworth. It would appear that towards the end of the eighteenth century these ideas were popular in some literary circles on the continent. See Bertholet, _The Transmigration of Souls_, pp. 111 ff. Recently Professor McTaggart has argued in favour of the doctrine with great lucidity and persuasiveness. Huxley too did not think it absurd. See his _Romanes Lecture, Evolution and Ethics, Collected Essays_, vol. IX. p. 61. As Deussen observes, Kant's argument which bases immortality on the realization of the moral law, attainable only by an infinite process of approximation, points to transmigration rather than immortality in the usual sense.]

[Footnote 40: The chemical elements are hardly an exception. Apparently they have no beginning and no end but there is reason to suspect that they have both.]

[Footnote 41: I know well-authenticated cases of Burmese and Indians thinking that the soul of a dead child had passed into an animal.]

[Footnote 42: Or again, when I wake up in the morning I am conscious of my identity because innumerable circumstances remind me of the previous day. But if I wake up suddenly in the night with a toothache which leaves room for no thought or feeling except the feeling of pain, is the fact that I experience the pain in any way lessened if for the moment I do not know who or where I am?]

[Footnote 43: I believe that a French savant, Colonel Rochas, has investigated in a scientific spirit cases in which hypnotized subjects profess to remember their former births and found that these recollections are as clear and coherent as any revelations about another world which have been made by Mrs Piper or other mediums. But I have not been able to obtain any of Col. Rochas's writings.]

[Footnote 44: I use the word _soul_ merely for simplicity, but Buddhists and others might demur to this phraseology.]

[Footnote 45: But for a contrary view see _Reincarnation, the Hope of the World_ by Irving S. Cooper. Even the Brihad Aran. Upan. (IV. 4. 3. 4) speaks of new births as new and more beautiful shapes which the soul fashions for itself as a goldsmith works a piece of gold.]

[Footnote 46: The increase of the human population of this planet does not seem to me a serious argument against the doctrine of rebirth for animals, and the denizens of other worlds may be supplying an increasing number of souls competent to live as human beings.]

[Footnote 47: Perhaps Russians in this as in many other matters think somewhat differently from other Europeans.]

[Footnote 48: _Varieties of Religious Experience_, p. 427. The chapter contains many striking instances of these experiences, collected mostly in the west.]

[Footnote 49: Compare _St Teresa's Orison of Union_, W. James, _l.c._ p. 408.]

[Footnote 50: Indian devotees understand how either Siva or Krishna is all in all, and thus too St Teresa understood the mystery of the Trinity. See W. James, _l.c._ p. 411.]

[Footnote 51: Turîya or caturtha.]

[Footnote 52: Indians were well aware even in early times that such a state might be regarded as equivalent to annihilation. Br. Ar. Up. II. 4. 13; Chând. Up. VIII. ii. 1.]

[Footnote 53: The idea is not wholly strange to European philosophy. See the passage from the _Phaedo_ quoted by Sir Alfred Lyall. "Thought is best when the mind is gathered into herself and none of these things trouble her--neither sounds nor sights nor pain nor any pleasure--when she has as little as possible to do with the body and has no bodily sense or feeling, but is aspiring after being."]

[Footnote 54: Mr Bradley _(Appearance and Reality_, p. 498) says "Spirit is a unity of the manifold in which the externality of the manifold has utterly ceased." This seems to me one of the cases in which Mr Bradley's thought shows an interesting affinity to Indian thought.]

[Footnote 55: But also sometimes _purusha_.]

[Footnote 56: Even when low class yogis display the tortures which they inflict on their bodies, their object I think is not to show what penances they undergo but simply that pleasure and pain are alike to them.]

[Footnote 57: The sense of human dignity was strongest among the early Buddhists. They (or some sects of them) held that an arhat is superior to a god (or as we should say to an angel) and that a god cannot enter the path of salvation and become an arhat.]

[Footnote 58: Cf. Bosanquet, _Gifford Lectures_, 1912, p. 78. "History is a hybrid form of experience incapable of any considerable degree of being or trueness. The doubtful story of successive events cannot amalgamate with the complete interpretation of the social mind, of art, or of religion. The great things which are necessary in themselves, become within the narrative contingent or ascribed by most doubtful assumptions of insight to this actor or that on the historical stage. The study of Christianity is the study of a great world experience: the assignment to individuals of a share in its development is a problem for scholars whose conclusions, though of considerable human interest, can never be of supreme importance."]

[Footnote 59: The Chinese critic Hsieh Ho who lived in the sixth century of our era said: "In Art the terms ancient and modern have no place." This is exactly the Indian view of religion.]

[Footnote 60: _The Varieties of Religious Experience_, pp. 525-527 and _A Pluralistic Universe_, p. 310.]

[Footnote 61: And in Russia there are sects which prescribe castration and suicide.]

[Footnote 62: This, of course, does not apply to Buddhism in China, Japan and Tibet.]

[Footnote 63: This is not true of the more modern Upanishads which are often short treatises specially written to extol a particular deity or doctrine.]

[Footnote 64: Mahâparinibbâna sutta. See the table of parallel passages prefixed to Rhys Davids's translation, _Dialogues of the Buddha_, II. 72.]

[Footnote 65: Much the same is true of the various editions of the Vinaya and the Mahâvastu. These texts were produced by a process first of collection and then of amplification.]

[Footnote 66: The latter part of Mahâbhârata XII.]

[Footnote 67: Though European religions emphasize man's duty to God, they do not exclude the pursuit of happiness: e.g. Westminster Shorter Catechism (1647). Question 1, "What is the chief end of man? _A._ Man's chief end is to glorify God and to enjoy him for ever."]

[Footnote 68: Mrs Rhys Davids has brought out the importance of the will for Buddhist ethics in several works. See _J.R.A.S._ 1898, p. 47 and _Buddhism_, pp. 221 ff. See also Maj. Nik. 19 for a good example of Buddhist views as to the necessity and method of cultivating the will.]

[Footnote 69: Kaush. Up. III. 8.]

[Footnote 70: The words are kâmacâra and akâmacâra. Chand. Up. 8. 1-6.]

[Footnote 71: Mahâvag. I. 6. _E.g._ Ajâtasattu (Dig. Nik. 2, _ad fin._) would have obtained the eye of truth, had he not been a parricide. The consequent distortion of mind made higher states impossible.]

[Footnote 72: But all general statements about Hinduism are liable to exceptions. The evil spirit Duhsaha described in the Mârkandeya Purâna (chaps. L and LI) comes very near the Devil.]

[Footnote 73: I can understand that the immediate reality is a duality or plurality and that the one spirit may appear in many shapes.]

[Footnote 74: _E.g._ Chand. Up. V. 1. 2. Bri. Ar. Up. I. 3. In the Pâñcarâtra we do hear of a jñânabhramsa or a fall from knowledge analogous to the fall of man in Christian theology. Souls have naturally unlimited knowledge but this from some reason becomes limited and obscured, so that religion is necessary to show the soul the right way. Here the ground idea seems to be not that any devil has spoilt the world but that ignorance is necessary for the world process, for otherwise mankind would be one with God and there would be no world. See Schrader, _Introd. to the Pâncarâtra_, pp. 78 and 83.]

[Footnote 75: The Satapatha Brâhmana has a curious legend (XI. 1. 6. 8 ff.) in which the Creator admits that he made evil spirits by mistake and smites them. In the Kârikâ of Gaudapâda, 2. 19 it is actually said: Mayaishâ tasya devasya yayâ sammohitah svayam.]

[Footnote 76: He does not say this expressly and it requires careful statement in India where it is held strongly that God being perfect cannot add to his bliss or perfection by creating anything. Compare Dante, _Paradiso_, xxix. 13-18:

Non per aver a sè di bene acquisto,
ch' esser non può, ma perchè suo splendore
potesse risplendendo dir: subsisto.
In sua eternità di tempo fuore,
fuor d' ogni altro comprender, come i piacque,
s'aperse in nuovi amor l' eterno amore.]

[Footnote 77: The history of Japan and Tibet offers some exceptions.]

[Footnote 78: There are some exceptions, _e.g._ ancient Camboja, the Sikhs and the Marathas.]

[Footnote 79: But there are other kinds of worship, such as the old Vedic sacrifices which are still occasionally performed, and the burnt offerings (homa) still made in some temples. There are also tantric ceremonies and in Assam the public worship of the Vishnuites has probably been influenced by the ritual of Lamas in neighbouring Buddhist countries.]

[Footnote 80: This position is of great importance as tending to produce a similar arrangement of religious paraphernalia. The similarity disappears when Buddhist ceremonies are performed round Stûpas out of doors.]

[Footnote 81: As explained elsewhere, I draw a distinction between Tantrism and Sâktism.]

[Footnote 82: It does not seem to me to have given much inspiration to Rossetti in his _Aatarte Syriaca_.]

[Footnote 83: But in justice to the Tantras it should be mentioned that the Mahâ-nirvâna Tantra, x. 79, prohibits the burning of widows.]

[Footnote 84: See _Asiatic Review_, July, 1916, p. 33.]

[Footnote 85: _E.g._ Vijayanagar, the Marathas and the states of Rajputana.]

[Footnote 86: According to the census of 1911 no less than 72 per cent. of the population live by agriculture.]

[Footnote 87: The chief exceptions are: (_a_) the Tibetan church has acquired and holds power by political methods. It is an exact parallel to the Papacy, but it has never burnt people. (_b_) In mediæval Japan the great monasteries became fortified castles with lands and troops of their own. They fought one another and were a menace to the state. Later the Tokugawa sovereigns had the assistance of the Buddhist clergy in driving out Christianity but I do not think that their action can be compared either in extent or cruelty with the Inquisition. (_c_) In China Buddhism was in many reigns associated with a dissolute court and palace intrigues. This led to many scandals and great waste of money.]

[Footnote 88: See for instance Huxley's striking definition of Buddhism in his _Romanes Lecture_, 1893. "A system which knows no God in the western sense; which denies a soul to man: which counts the belief in immortality a blunder and the hope of it a sin: which refuses any efficacy to prayer and sacrifice: which bids men look to nothing but their own efforts for salvation: which in its original purity knew nothing of vows of obedience and never sought the aid of the secular arm: yet spread over a considerable moiety of the old world with marvellous rapidity and is still with whatever base admixture of foreign superstitions the dominant creed of a large fraction of mankind." But some of this is too strongly phrased. Early Buddhism counted the desire for heaven as a hindrance to the highest spiritual life, but if a man had not attained to that plane and was bound to be reborn somewhere, it did not question that his natural desire to be reborn in heaven was right and proper.]

[Footnote 89: It may of course be denied that Buddhism is a religion. In this connection some remarks of Mr Bradley are interesting. "The doctrine that there cannot be a religion without a personal God is to my mind entirely false" (_Essays on Truth and Reality_, p. 432). "I cannot accept a personal God as the ultimate truth" (ib. 449). "There are few greater responsibilities which a man can take on himself than to have proclaimed or even hinted that without immortality all religion is a cheat, all morality a self-deception" (_Appearance and Reality_, p. 510).]

[Footnote 90: Mahâvamsa, xii. 29, xiv. 58 and 64. Dîpavamsa, xn. 84 and 85, xiii. 7 and 8.]

[Footnote 91: _Essays in Criticism_, Second Series, Amiel.]

[Footnote 92: This definition of orthodoxy is due to St Vincent of Lerins. _Quod ubique, quod semper, quod ab omnibus creditum est._]

[Footnote 93: I know that this statement may encounter objections, but I believe that few Indians would be surprised at the proposition that God is all things. Some might deny it, but as a familiar error.]

[Footnote 94: But orthodox Christianity really falls into the same difficulty. For if God planned the redemption of the world and we are saved by the death of Christ, then the Chief Priests, Judas, Pilate and the soldiers who crucified Christ are at least the instruments of salvation.]

[Footnote 95: Wm James, _Psychology_, pp. 203 and 216.]

[Footnote 96: I quote this epitome from Wildon Carr's Henri Bergson, _The Philosophy of Change_, because the phraseology is thoroughly Buddhist and appears to have the approval of M. Bergson himself.]

[Footnote 97: _Romanes Lecture_, 1893.]

[Footnote 98: _Appearance_, p. 298.]

[Footnote 99: Thus the Svetâsvatara Up. says that the whole world is filled with the parts or limbs of God and metaphors like sparks from a fire or threads from a spider seem an attempt to express the same idea. Br. Ar. Up. 2. 1. 20; Mund. Up. 2. 1. 1.]

[Footnote 100: _Appearance_, p. 244; _Essays on Truth_, p. 409; _Appearance_, p. 413. Though the above quotations are all from Mr Bradley I might have added others from Mr Bosanquet's _Gifford Lectures_ and from Mr McTaggart.]

[Footnote 101: "The plurality of souls in the Absolute is therefore appearance and their existence not genuine ... souls like their bodies, are as such nothing more than appearance--Neither (body and soul) is real in the end: each is merely phenomenal." _Appearance_, pp. 305-307.]

[Footnote 102: Since I wrote this I have read Mr Wells' book _God the Invisible King_. Mr Wells knows that he is indebted to oriental thought and thinks that European religion in the future may be so too, but I do not know if he realizes how nearly his God coincides with the Mahayanist conception of a Bodhisattva such as Avalokita or Mañjusri. These great beings have, as Bodhisattvas, a beginning: they are not the creators of the world but masters and conquerors of it and helpers of mankind: they have courage and eternal youth and Mañjusri "bears a sword, that clean discriminating weapon." Like most Asiatics, Mr Wells cannot allow his God to be crucified and he draws a distinction between God and the Veiled Being, very like that made by Indians between Îsvara and Brahman.]

[Footnote 103: The Malay countries are the only exception.]

[Footnote 104: Thus Motoori (quoted in Aston's _Shinto_, p. 9) says "Birds, beasts, plants and trees, seas and mountains and all other things whatsoever which deserve to be dreaded and revered for the extraordinary and pre-eminent powers which they possess are called _Kami_."]

[Footnote 105: This impersonality is perhaps a later characteristic. The original form of the Chinese character for T'ien Heaven represented a man. The old Finnish and Samoyede names for God--Ukko and Num--perhaps belong to this stage of thought.]

[Footnote 106: See the account of the Faunus message in this book.]

[Footnote 107: The chief exception in Sanskrit is the Râjataranginî, a chronicle of Kashmir composed in 1148 A.D. There are also a few panegyrics of contemporary monarchs, such as the Harshacarita of Bâna, and some of the Puranas (especially the Matsya and Vâyu) contain historical material. See Vincent Smith, _Early History of India_, chap. I, sect. II, and _Pargiter Dynasties of the Kali Age_. The Greek and Roman accounts of Ancient India have been collected by McCrindle in six volumes 1877-1901.]

[Footnote 108: The inscriptions of the Chola Kings however (c. 1000 A.D.) seem to boast of conquests to the East of India. See Coedès "Le royaume de Çrîvijaya" in _B.E.F.E.O._ 1918]

[Footnote 109: Very different opinions have been held as to whether this date should be approximately 1500 B.C. or 3000 B.C. The strong resemblance of the hymns of the Rig Veda to those of the Avesta is in favour of the less ancient date, but the date of the Gathas can hardly be regarded as certain.]

[Footnote 110: Linguistically there seems to be two distinct divisions, the Dravidians and the Munda (Kolarian).]

[Footnote 111: The affinity between the Dravidian and Ural-Altaic groups of languages has often been suggested but has met with scepticism. Any adequate treatment of this question demands a comparison of the earliest forms known in both groups and as to this I have no pretension to speak. But circumstances have led me to acquire at different times some practical acquaintance with Turkish and Finnish as well as a slight literary knowledge of Tamil and having these data I cannot help being struck by the general similarity shown in the structure both of words and of sentences (particularly the use of gerunds and the constructions which replace relative sentences) and by some resemblances in vocabulary. On the other hand the pronouns and consequently the conjugation of verbs show remarkable differences. But the curious Brahui language, which is classed as Dravidian, has negative forms in which _pa_ is inserted into the verb, as in Yakut Turkish, e.g. Yakut _bis-pa-ppin_, I do not cut; Brahui _khan-pa-ra_, I do not see. The plural of nouns in Brahui uses the suffixes _k_ and _t_ which are found in the Finnish group and in Hungarian.]

[Footnote 112: See the legend in the Sat. Brâh. I. 4. 1. 14 ff.]

[Footnote 113: This much seems sure but whereas European scholars were till recently agreed that he died about 487 B.C. it is now suggested that 543 may be nearer the true date. See Vincent Smith in _Oxford History of India_, 1920, p. 48.]

[Footnote 114: Pali Takkasila. Greek Taxila. It was near the modern Rawal Pindi and is frequently mentioned in the Jâtakas as an ancient and well-known place.]

[Footnote 115: Most of them are known by the title of Sâtakarni.]

[Footnote 116: But perhaps not in language. Recent research makes it probable that the Kushans or Yüeh-chih used an Iranian idiom.]

[Footnote 117: Fleet and Franke consider that Kanishka preceded the two Kadphises and began to reign about 58 B.C.]

[Footnote 118: He appears to have been defeated in these regions by the Chinese general Pan-Chao about 90 A.D. but to have been more successful about fifteen years later.]

[Footnote 119: Or Hephthalites. The original name seems to have been something like Haptal.]

[Footnote 120: Strabo XV. 4. 73.]

[Footnote 121: _Hist. Nat_. VI. 23. (26).]

[Footnote 122: For authorities see Vincent Smith, _Early History of India_, 1908, p. 401.]

[Footnote 123: The inscriptions of Asoka mention four kingdoms, Pândya, Keralaputra, Cola and Satiyaputra.]

[Footnote 124: Hinduism is often used as a name for the mediaeval and modern religion of India, and Brahmanism for the older pre-Buddhist religion. But one word is needed as a general designation for Indian religion and Hinduism seems the better of the two for this purpose.]

[Footnote 125: Excluding Burma the last Census gives over 300,000. These are partly inhabitants of frontier districts, which are Indian only in the political sense, and partly foreigners residing in India.]

[Footnote 126: Only tradition preserves the memory of an older and freer system, when warriors like Visvâmitra were able by their religious austerities to become Brahmans. See Muir's _Sanskrit texts_, vol. I. pp. 296-479 on the early contests between Warriors and Brahmans. We hear of Kings like Janaka of Videha and Ajâtasatru of Kâsi who were admitted to be more learned than Brahmans but also of Kings like Vena and Nahusha who withstood the priesthood "and perished through want of submissiveness." The legend of Parasurâma, an incarnation of Vishnu as a Brahman who destroyed the Kshatriya race, must surely have some historical foundation, though no other evidence is forthcoming of the events which it relates.]

[Footnote 127: In southern India and in Assam the superiors of monasteries sometimes exercise a quasi-episcopal authority.]

[Footnote 128: Sat. Brâhm. v. 3. 3. 12 and v. 4. 2. 3.]

[Footnote 129: The Mârkandeya Purâna discusses the question how Krishna could become a man.]

[Footnote 130: See for instance _The Holy Lives of the Azhvars_ by Alkondavilli Govindâcârya. Mysore, 1902, pp. 215-216. "The Dravida Vedas have thus as high a sanction and authority as the Girvana (i.e. Sanskrit) Vedas."]

[Footnote 131: I am inclined to believe that the Lingâyat doctrine really is that Lingâyats dying in the true faith do not transmigrate any more.]

[Footnote 132: E.g. Brih.-Âr. III. 2. 13 and IV. 4. 2-6.]

[Footnote 133: This is the accepted translation of _dukkha_ but perhaps it is too strong, and _uneasiness_, though inconvenient for literary reasons, gives the meaning better.]

[Footnote 134: The old Scandinavian literature with its gods who must die is equally full of this sense of impermanence, but the Viking temperament bade a man fight and face his fate.]

[Footnote 135: But see Rabindrannath Tagore: Sadhana, especially the Chapter on Realization.]

[Footnote 136: Cf. Shelley's lines in Hellas:--

"Worlds on worlds are rolling ever
From creation to decay,
Like the bubbles on a river
Sparkling, bursting, borne away."]

[Footnote 137: Nevertheless _deva_ is sometimes used in the Upanishads as a designation of the supreme spirit.]

[Footnote 138: E.g. Brih.-Âr. Up. IV. 3. 33 and the parallel passages in the Taittirîya and other Upanishads.]

[Footnote 139: The principal one is the date of Asoka, deducible from an inscription in which he names contemporary Seleucid monarchs.]

[Footnote 140: _E.g._ a learned Brahman is often described in the Sutta Pitaka as "a repeater (of the sacred words) knowing the mystic verses by heart, one who had mastered the three Vedas, with the indices, the ritual, the phonology, the exegesis and the legends as a fifth."]

[Footnote 141: There had been time for misunderstandings to arise. Thus the S^{.}atapatha Brâhmana sees in the well-known verse "who is the God to whom we shall offer our sacrifices" an address to a deity named Ka (Sanskrit for _who_) and it would seem that an old word, _uloka_, has been separated in several passages into two words, _u_ (a meaningless particle) and _loka_.]

[Footnote 142: Recent scholars are disposed to fix the appearance of Zoroaster between the middle of the seventh century and the earlier half of the sixth century B.C. But this date offers many difficulties. It makes it hard to explain the resemblances between the Gathas and the Rig Veda and how is it that respectable classical authorities of the fourth century B.C. quoted by Pliny attribute a high antiquity to Zoroaster?]

[Footnote 143: This applies chiefly to the three Samhitâs or collections of hymns and prayers. On the other hand there was no feeling against the composition of new Upanishads or the interpolation and amplification of the Epics.]

[Footnote 144: The Hotri recites prayers while other priests perform the act of sacrifice. But there are several poems in the Rig Veda for which even Indian ingenuity has not been able to find a liturgical use.]

[Footnote 145: Thus the Pali Pitakas speak of the Tevijjâ or threefold knowledge of the Brahmans.]

[Footnote 146: Or it may be that the ancestors of the Persians were also in the Panjab and retired westwards.]

[Footnote 147: R.V. v. 3. 1.]

[Footnote 148: See the Ganesâtharvasîrsha Upan. and Gopinatha Rao. _Hindu Iconography_, vol. I. pp. 35-67.]

[Footnote 149: See R.V. III. 34. 9. i. 130. 8; iv. 26. 2. vi. 18. 3; iv. 16. 13.]

[Footnote 150: In one singular hymn (R.V. x. 119) Indra describes his sensations after drinking freely, and in the Satapatha Brahmana (V. 5. 4. 9 and XII. 7. 1. 11) he seems to be represented as suffering from his excesses and having to be cured by a special ceremony.]

[Footnote 151: In some passages of the Upanishads he is identified with the âtman _(e.g._ Kaushitaki Up. III. 8), but then all persons, whether divine or human, are really the âtman if they only knew it.]

[Footnote 152: A.V. IV. 16. 2.]

[Footnote 153: The Indian alphabets are admittedly Semitic in origin.]

[Footnote 154: See Mahâbhâr. I. xvii-xviii and other accounts in the Râmâyana and Purânas.]

[Footnote 155: It has also been conjectured that Sk. Asura=Ashur, the God of Assyria, and that Sumeru or Sineru (Meru)=Sumer or Shinar, see _J.R.A.S._ 1916, pp. 364-5.]

[Footnote 156: Rig V. I. 164. 46.]

[Footnote 157: For instance chap. III. of the Chândogya Upanishad, which compares the solar system to a beehive in which the bees are Vedic hymns, is little less than stupendous, though singular and hard for European thought to follow.]

[Footnote 158: I presume that the strong opinion expressed in Caland and Henri's _Agnishloma_ p. 484 that the sacrifice is merely a _do ut des_ operation refers only to the earliest Vedic period and not to the time of the Brâhmanas.]

[Footnote 159: Thus both the Vedas and the Tantras devote considerable space to rites which have for object the formation of a new body for the sacrificer. Compare for instance the Aitareya Brâhmana (I. 18-21: II. 35-38: III. 2 and VI. 27-31) with Avalon's account of Nyâsa, in his introduction to the Mahânirvâna Tantra pages cvii-cxi.]

[Footnote 160: There is considerable doubt as to what was the plant originally known as Soma. That described in the Vedas and Brâhmanas is said to grow on the mountains and to have a yellow juice of a strong smell, fiery taste and intoxicating properties. The plants used as Haom (Hum) by the modern Parsis of Yezd and Kerman are said to be members of the family Asclepiadaceae (perhaps of the genus Sarcostemma) with fleshy stalks and milky juice, and the Soma tested by Dr Haug at Poona was probably made from another species of the same or an allied genus. He found it extremely nasty, though it had some intoxicating effect. (See his _Aitareya Brdh-mana_ n. p. 489.)]

[Footnote 161: An ordinary sacrifice was offered for a private person who had to be initiated and the priests were merely officiants acting on his behalf. In a Sattra the priests were regarded as the sacrificers and were initiated. It had some analogy to Buddhist and Christian monastic foundations for reading sûtras and saying masses.]

[Footnote 162: The political importance of the Asvamedha lay in the fact that the victim had to be let loose to roam freely for a year, so that only a king whose territories were sufficiently extensive to allow of its being followed and guarded during its wanderings could hope to sacrifice it at the end.]

[Footnote 163: R.V. x. 136 and x. 190.]

[Footnote 164: Even the Upanishads (_e.g._ Chând. III. 17, Mahânâr. 64) admit that a good life which includes _tapas_ is the equivalent of sacrifice. But this of course is teaching for the elect only. The Brih.-Âran. Up. (V. ii) contains the remarkable doctrine that sickness and pain, if regarded by the sufferer as _tapas_, bring the same reward.]

[Footnote 165: So too in the Taittirîya Upanishad _tapas_ is described as the means of attaining the knowledge of Brahman (III. 1-5).]

[Footnote 166: Any ritual without knowledge may be worse than useless. See Chând. Up. I. 10. 11.]

[Footnote 167: See the various narratives in the Chândogya, Br.-Âran. and Kaushîtaki Upanishads. The seventh chapter of the Chândogya relating how Nârada, the learned sage, was instructed by Sanatkumâra or Skanda, the god of war, seems to hint that the active military class may know the great truths of religion better than deeply read priests who may be hampered and blinded by their learning. For Skanda and Nârada in this connection see Bhagavad-gitâ x. 24, 26.]

[Footnote 168: For the necessity of a teacher see Kâth. Up. II. 8.]

[Footnote 169: See especially the bold passage at the end of Taitt. Upan. II. "He who knows the bliss of Brahman ... fears nothing. He does not torment himself by asking what good have I left undone, what evil have I done?"]

[Footnote 170: The word Upanishad probably means sitting down at the feet of a teacher to receive secret instruction: hence a secret conversation or doctrine.]

[Footnote 171: Some allusions in the older Upanishads point to this district rather than the Ganges Valley as the centre of Brahmanic philosophy. Thus the Brihad-Âranyaka speaks familiarly of Gândhâra.]

[Footnote 172: Cat. Adyar Library. The Rig and Sâma Vedas have two Upanishads each, the Yajur Veda seven. All the others are described as belonging to the Atharva Veda. They have no real connection with it, but it was possible to add to the literature of the Atharva whereas it was hardly possible to make similar additions to the older Vedas.]

[Footnote 173: Debendranath Tagore composed a work which he called the Brâhmî Upanishad in 1848. See Autobiography, p. 170. The sectarian Upanishads are of doubtful date, but many were written between 400 and 1200 A.D. and were due to the desire of new sects to connect their worship with the Veda. Several are Saktist (e.g. Kaula, Tripurâ, Devî) and many others show Saktist influence. They usually advocate the worship of a special deity such as Ganesa, Sûrya, Râma, Nri Simha.]

[Footnote 174: Br.-Âran. VI. 1, Ait. Âran. II. 4, Kaush. III. 3, Prasna, II. 3, Chând. V. 1. The apologue is curiously like in form to the classical fable of the belly and members.]

[Footnote 175: Br.-Âran. VI. 2, Chând. V. 3]

[Footnote 176: Br.-Âran. II. 1, Kaush. IV. 2.]

[Footnote 177: The composite structure of these works is illustrated very clearly by the Brihad-Âranyaka. It consists of three sections each concluding with a list of teachers, namely (_a_) adhyâyas 1 and 2, (_b_) adh. 3 and 4, (_c_) adh. 5 and 6. The lists are not quite the same, which indicates some slight difference between the sub-schools which composed the three parts, and a lengthy passage occurs twice in an almost identical form. The Upanishad is clearly composed of two separate collections with the addition of a third which still bears the title of _Khila_ or supplement. The whole work exists in two recensions.]

[Footnote 178: The Eleven translated in the _Sacred Books of the East_, vols. I and XV, include the oldest and most important.]

[Footnote 179: Thus the Aitareya Brâhmana is followed by the Aitareya Âranyaka and that by the Aitareya-Âranyaka-Upanishad.]

[Footnote 180: R.V. X. 121. The verses are also found in the Atharva Veda, the Vâjasaneyi, Taittirîya, Maitrâyani, and Kâthaka Samhitâs and elsewhere.]

[Footnote 181: R.V. X. 129.]

[Footnote 182: IV. 5. 5 and repeated almost verbally II. 4. 5 with some omissions. My quotation is somewhat abbreviated and repetitions are omitted.]

[Footnote 183: The sentiment is perhaps the same as that underlying the words attributed to Florence Nightingale: "I must strive to see only God in my friends and God in my cats."]

[Footnote 184: It will be observed that he had said previously that the Âtman must be seen, heard, perceived and known. This is an inconsistent use of language.]

[Footnote 185: Chândogya Upanishad VI.]

[Footnote 186: In the language of the Upanishads the Âtman is often called simply Tat or it.]

[Footnote 187: _I.e._ the difference between clay and pots, etc. made of clay.]

[Footnote 188: Yet the contrary proposition is maintained in this same Upanishad (III. 19. 1), in the Taittirîya Upanishad (II. 8) and elsewhere. The reason of these divergent statements is of course the difficulty of distinguishing pure Being without attributes from not Being.]

[Footnote 189: The word union is a convenient but not wholly accurate term which covers several theories. The Upanishads sometimes speak of the union of the soul with Brahman or its absorption in Brahman (_e.g._ Maitr. Up. VI. 22, _Sâyujyatvam_ and _asabde nidhanam eti_) but the soul is more frequently stated to be Brahman or a part of Brahman and its task is not to effect any act of union but simply to _know_ its own nature. This knowledge is in itself emancipation. The well-known simile which compares the soul to a river flowing into the sea is found in the Upanishads (Chând. VI. 10. 1, Mund. III. 2, Prasna, VI. 5) but Sankara (on Brahma S. I. iv. 21-22) evidently feels uneasy about it. From his point of view the soul is not so much a river as a bay which _is_ the sea, if the landscape can be seen properly.]

[Footnote 190: The Mândukya Up. calls the fourth state _ekâtmapratyayasâra_, founded solely on the certainty of its own self and Gaudapâda says that in it there awakes the eternal which neither dreams nor sleeps. (Kâr. I. 15. See also III. 34 and 36.)]

[Footnote 191: Br.-Âranyaka, IV. 3. 33.]

[Footnote 192: Cf. Bradley, _Appearance and Reality_, p. 244. "The perfect ... means the identity of idea and existence, attended also by pleasure."]

[Footnote 193: Tait. Up. II. 1-9. See too ib. III. 6.]

[Footnote 194: Br.-Âran. III. 8. 10. See too VI. 2.15, speaking of those who in the forest worship the truth with faith.]

[Footnote 195: Chândog. Up. IV. 10. 5.]

[Footnote 196: It occurs Katha. Up. II. v. 13, 15, also in the Svetâsvatara and Mundaka Upanishads and there are similar words in the Bhagavad-gîtâ. "This is that" means that the individual soul is the same as Brahman.]

[Footnote 197: The Nrisimhottaratapanîya Up. I. says that Îsvara is swallowed up in the Turîya.]

[Footnote 198: But still ancient and perhaps anterior to the Christian era.]

[Footnote 199: Svet. Up. VI. 7.]

[Footnote 200: Svet. Up. IV. 3. Max Müller's translation. The commentary attributed to Sankara explains nîlah patangah as bhramarah but Deussen seems to think it means a bird.]

[Footnote 201: Chând. Up. vi. 14. 1. Sat. Brâh. viii. 1. 4. 10.]

[Footnote 202: The Brahmans are even called low-born as compared with Kshatriyas and in the Ambattha Sutta (Dig. Nik. iii.) the Buddha demonstrates to a Brahman who boasts of his caste that the usages of Hindu society prove that "the Kshatriyas are higher and the Brahmans lower," seeing that the child of a mixed union between the castes is accepted by the Brahmans as one of themselves but not by the Kshatriyas, because he is not of pure descent.]

[Footnote 203: He had learnt the Veda and Upanishads. Brih.-Âr. iv. 2. 1.]

[Footnote 204: Chând. Up. v. 3. 7, Kaush. Up. iv., Brih.-Âr. Up. ii. 1. The Kshatriyas seem to have regarded the doctrine of the two paths which can be taken by the soul after death (_devayâna_ and _pitriyâna_, the latter involving return to earth and transmigration) as their special property.]

[Footnote 205: Literally set in front, præfectus.]

[Footnote 206: Sat. Brâh. ii. 4. 4. 5.]

[Footnote 207: Sat. Brâh. iv. 1. 4. 1-6.]

[Footnote 208: The legends of Vena, Parasurâma and others indicate the prevalence of considerable hostility between Brahmans and Kshatriyas at some period.]

[Footnote 209: Brahmacârin, Grihastha, Vanaprastha, Sannyâsin.]

[Footnote 210: Thus in the Brih.-Âran. Yajñavalkya retires to the forest. But even the theory of three stages was at this time only in the making, for the last section of the Chândogya Up. expressly authorizes a religious man to spend all his life as a householder after completing his studentship and the account given of the stages in Chând. ii. 21 is not very clear.]

[Footnote 211: Sat. Brâh. xi. 5. 6. 8. Cf. the lists in the Chândogya Upanishad vii. secs. 1, 2 and 7.]

[Footnote 212: In southern India at the present day it is the custom for Brahmans to live as Agnihotris and maintain the sacred fire for a few days after their marriage.]

[Footnote 213: See Thurston, _Castes and Tribes of Southern India_, vol. v. s.v.]

[Footnote 214: The Emperor Jehangir writing about 1616 implies that the Asramas, which he describes, were observed by the Brahmans of that time. See his _Memoirs_, edited by Beveridge, pp. 357-359.]

[Footnote 215: Sat. Brâh. I. 7. 2. 1. Cf. Tait. Brâh. VI. 3. 10. 5.]

[Footnote 216: Such as those built by Jânasruti Pautrâyana. See Chând. Up. IV. 1.]

[Footnote 217: Sat. Brâh. XI. 4. 1. 1.]

[Footnote 218: Sat. Brâh. ii. 2. 2. 6 and iv. 3. 4. 4.]

[Footnote 219: Sat. Brâh. iv. 3. 4. 2.]

[Footnote 220: Vishnu Pur. iii. 5.]

[Footnote 221: Sat. Brâh. iii. 8. 2. 24. Yâjñavalkya is the principal authority cited in books i-v and x-xiv of this Brâhmana, but not in books vi-ix, which perhaps represent an earlier treatise incorporated in the text.]

[Footnote 222: Or "in confidence." Sat. Brâh. xi. 3. 1. 4.]

[Footnote 223: Brih.-Âr. iii. 2. 13.]

[Footnote 224: In the Pali Pitaka the Buddha is represented as preaching in the land of the Kurus.]

[Footnote 225: These are the Pali forms. The Sanskrit equivalents are Parivrâjaka and Sramana.]

[Footnote 226: See for instance Mahâv. II. 1 and III. 1.]

[Footnote 227: Dig. Nik. 1.]

[Footnote 228: See O. Schrader, _Stand der indischen Philosophie zur Zeit Mahâvîras und Buddhas_, 1902.

See also Ang. Nik. vol. III. p. 276 and Rhys Davids' _Dialogues of the Buddha_, I. pp. 220 ff. But these passages give one an impression of the multitude of ascetic confraternities rather than a clear idea of their different views.]

[Footnote 229: It finds expression in two hymns of the Atharva Veda, XIX. 53 and 54. Cf. too Gaudap. Kâr. 8. Kâlât prasûtim bhutânâm manyante kâlacintakâh.]

[Footnote 230: Dîgha Nikâya II. The opinions of the six teachers are quoted as being answers to a question put to them by King Ajâtasattu, namely, What is gained by renouncing the world? Judged as such, they are irrelevant but they probably represent current statements as to the doctrine of each sect. The six teachers are also mentioned in several other passages of the Dîgha and Maj. Nikâyas and also in the Sutta-Nipâta. It is clear that at a very early period the list of their names had become the usual formula for summarizing the teaching prevalent in the time of Gotama which was neither Brahmanic nor Buddhist.]

[Footnote 231: Dig. Nik. I. 23-28.]

[Footnote 232: A rather defiant materialism preaching, "Let us eat and drink for to-morrow we die," crops up in India in various ages though never very prominent.]

[Footnote 233: But possibly the ascetics described by it were only Digambara Jains.]

[Footnote 234: See especially the article Âjîvikas by Hoernle, in Hastings' _Dictionary of Religion_. Also Hoernle, _Uvâsagadasao_, appendix, pp. 1-29. Rockhill, _Life of the Buddha_, pp. 249 ff. Schrader, _Stand der indischen Philosophie zur Zeit Mahâvíras und Buddhas_, p. 32. Sûtrakritânga II. 6.]

[Footnote 235: Makkhali lived some time with Mahâvira, but they quarrelled. But his followers, though they may not have been a united body so much as other sects, had definite characteristics.]

[Footnote 236: _E.g._ Sat. Brâh. v. 4. 4. 13. "He thus encloses the Vaisya and Sûdra on both sides by the priesthood and nobility and makes them submissive."]

[Footnote 237: See Sânkhâyana Âranyaka. Trans. Keith, pp. viii-xi, 78 85. Also Aitareya Âran. book v.]

[Footnote 238: Cf. the ritual for the Horse sacrifice. ['Sat]. Brâh, xiii. 2. 8, and Hillebrandt, _Vedische Opfer_., p. 152.]

[Footnote 239: Supplemented by the Kausika Sûtra, which, whatever its age may be, has preserved a record of very ancient usages.]

[Footnote 240: _E.g._ I. 10. This hymn, like many others, seems to combine several moral and intellectual stages, the level at which the combination was possible not being very high. On the one hand Varuna is the Lord of Law and of Truth who punishes moral offences with dropsy. On the other, the sorcerer "releases" the patient from Varuna by charms, without imposing any moral penance, and offers the god a thousand other men, provided that this particular victim is released.]

[Footnote 241: _E.g._ VII. 116, VI. 105, VI. 83.]

[Footnote 242: _E.g._ V. 7, XI. 9.]

[Footnote 243: _E.g._ V. 4, XIX. 39, IV. 37, II. 8, XIX. 34, VIII. 7.]

[Footnote 244: A. V XI. 6.]

[Footnote 245: See, for instance, Du Bose, _The Dragon, Image and Demon_, 1887, pp. 320-344.]

[Footnote 246: Atânâtiya and Mahâsamaya. Dig. Nik. XX. and XXXII.]

[Footnote 247: See Crooke's _Popular Religion of Northern India_, vol. II. chap. ii.]

[Footnote 248: In the Brahma-Jala and subsequent suttas of the Dîgha Nikâya.]

[Footnote 249: See Rhys Davids' _Dialogues of the Buddha_, vol. I. p. 7, note 4, and authorities there quoted.]

[Footnote 250: Krishna is perhaps mentioned in the Chând. Up. III. 17. 6, but in any case not as a deity.]

[Footnote 251: See, besides the translations mentioned below, Bühler, _Ueber die indische Secte der Jainas_ 1887; Hoernle, _Metaphysics and Ethics of the Jainas_ 1908; and Guérinot, _Essai de Bibliographie Jaina_ and _Répertoire d'Épigraphie Jaina_; Jagmanderlal Jaini, _Outlines of Jainism_; Jacobi's article Jainism in _E.R.E._. Much information may also be found in Mrs Stevenson's _Heart of Jainism_. Winternitz, _Geschichte d. Indischen Literatur_, vol. II. part II. (1920) treats of Jain literature but I have not been able to see it.]

[Footnote 252: In _J.R.A.S._ 1917, pp. 122-130 s.v. Venkatesvara argues that Vardhamâna died about 437 B.C. and that the Niganthas of the Pitakas were followers of Parsva. His arguments deserve consideration but he seems not to lay sufficient emphasis on the facts that _(a)_ according to the Buddhist scriptures the Buddha and Gosâla were contemporaries, while according to the Jain scriptures Gosâla and Vardhamâna were contemporaries, _(b)_ in the Buddhist scriptures Nâtaputta is the representative of the Niganthas, while according to the Jain scriptures Vardhamâna was of the Ñata clan.]

[Footnote 253: The atoms are either simple or compound and from their combinations are produced the four elements, earth, wind, fire and water, and the whole material universe. For a clear statement of the modern Jain doctrine about _dharma_ and _adharma_, see Jagmanderlal Jaini, l.c. pp. 22 ff.]

[Footnote 254: Jîva, ajîva, âsrava, bandha, samvara, nirjarâ, moksha. The principles are sometimes made nine by the addition of _punya_, merit, and _pâpa_, sin.]

[Footnote 255: Paudgalikam karma. It would seem that all these ideas about Karma should be taken in a literal and material sense. Karma, which is a specially subtle form of matter able to enter, stain and weigh down the soul, is of eight kinds (1 and 2) jñâna- and darsana-varanîya impede knowledge and faith, which the soul naturally possesses; (3) mohanîya causes delusion; (4) vedanîya brings pleasure and pain; (5) ayushka fixes the length of life; (6) nâma furnishes individual characteristics, and (7) gotra generic; (8) antarâya hinders the development of good qualities.]

[Footnote 256: Kevalam also called Jñâna, moksha, nirvâna. The nirvâna of the Jains is clearly not incompatible with the continuance of intelligence and knowledge.]

[Footnote 257: Uttarâdhyâyana XXXVI. 64-68 in _S.B.E._ XLV. pp. 212-213.]

[Footnote 258: _S.B.E._ XLV. p. xxvii. Bhandarkar Report for 1883-4, pp. 95 ff.]

[Footnote 259: Somewhat similar seems to be the relation of Jainism to the Vaiseshika philosophy. It accepted an early form of the atomic theory and this theory was subsequently elaborated in the philosophy whose founder Kanâda was according to the Jains a pupil of a Jain ascetic.]

[Footnote 260: _E.g._ see Acarânga S. I. 7. 6.]

[Footnote 261: They seem to have authority to formulate it in a form suitable to the needs of the age. Thus we are told that Parsva enjoined four vows but Mahâvîra five.]

[Footnote 262: When Gotama after attaining Buddhahood was on his way to Benares he met Upaka, a naked ascetic, to whom he declared that he was the Supreme Buddha. Then, said Upaka, you profess to be the Jina, and Gotama replied that he did, "Tasmâ 'ham Upakâ jinoti." (Mahâvag. I. 6. 10.)]

[Footnote 263: The exact period is 100 billion sâgaras of years. A sâgara is 100,000,000,000 palyas. A palya is the period in which a well a mile deep filled with fine hairs can be emptied if one hair is withdrawn every hundred years.]

[Footnote 264: See M. Bloomfield, _Life and Stories of Pârçvanâtha_ (1919).]

[Footnote 265: See the discussions between followers of Parsva and Mahâvîra given in Uttarâdhyâyana XXIV. and Sûtrakritânga II. 7.]

[Footnote 266: There are many references to the Niganthas in the Buddhist scriptures and the Buddha, while by no means accepting their views, treats them with tolerance. Thus he bade Siha, General of the Licchavis, who became his disciple after being an adherent of Nâtaputta to continue to give alms as before to Nigantha ascetics (Mahâvag. VI. 32).]

[Footnote 267: Especially among the Âjîvikas. Their leader Gosâla had a personal quarrel with Mahâvîra but his teaching was almost identical except that he was a fatalist.]

[Footnote 268: Uttarâdhyâyana. XXIII. 29.]

[Footnote 269: According to Svetâmbara tradition there was a great schism 609 years after Mahâvîra's death. The canon was not fixed until 904 (? 454 A.D.) of the same era. The Digambara traditions are different but appear to be later.]

[Footnote 270: See especially Guérinot, _Répertoire d'Éipigraphie Jaina_]

[Footnote 271: So Bühler, Pillar Edict no. VIII. Senart Inscrip. de Piyadasi II. 97 translates somewhat differently, but the reference to the Jains is not disputed.]

[Footnote 272: Rock Edict VI.]

[Footnote 273: Rice _(Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions_, 1909, p. 310) thinks that certain inscriptions at Sravana Belgola in Mysore establish that this tradition is true and also that the expedition was accompanied by King Candragupta who had abdicated and become a Jain ascetic. But this interpretation has been much criticised. It is probably true that a migration occurred and increased the differences which ultimately led to the division into Svetâmbaras and Digambaras.]

[Footnote 274: Guérinot, _Épig. Jaina_, no. 11.]

[Footnote 275: Rice, _Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions_, 1909, pp. 113-114, 207-208.]

[Footnote 276: Similar tolerance is attested by inscriptions (_e.g._ Guérinot, nos. 522 and 5776) recording donations to both Jain and Saiva temples.]

[Footnote 277: They also make a regular practice of collecting and rearing young animals which the owners throw away or wish to kill.]

[Footnote 278: Or Sthânakavâsi. See for them _Census of India_, 1911, 1. p. 127 and _Baroda_, p. 93. The sect waa founded about A.D. 1653.]

[Footnote 279: Their names are as follows in Jain Prakrit, the Sanskrit equivalent being given in bracketa:

1. *Âyârângasuttam (Âcârânga).
2. *Sûyagadangam (Sûtrakritângam).
3. Thânangam (Sthâ.).
4. Samavâyangam.
5. Viyâhapaññatti (Vyâkhyâprajnâpti). This work is commonly known
as the Bhagavatî.
6. Ñâyâdhammakahâo (Jñâtadharmakathâ).
7. *Uvâsagadasao (Upâsakadasâh).
8. *Antagadadasao (Antakritad.).
9. *Anuttarovavâidasâo (Anuttaraupapâtikad.).
10. Panhâvâgaranâim (Prasnavyakaranâni).
11. Vivâgasuyam (Vipâkasrutam).

The books marked with an asterisk have been translated by Jacobi (_S.B.E._ vols. XXII. and XIV.), Hoernle and Barnett. See too Weber, _Indischie Studien_, Bd. XVI. pp. 211-479 and Bd. XVIII. pp. 1-90.]

[Footnote 280: It is called Ârsha or Ardha-Mâgadhi and is the literary form of the vernacular of Berar in the early centuries of the Christian era. See H. Jacobi, Ausgewählte Erzählungen in _Maharashtri_, and introduction to edition of _Ayarânga-sutta_.]

[Footnote 281: The titles given in note 2 illustrate aome of its peculiarities.]

[Footnote 282: When I visited Sravana Belgola in 1910, the head of the Jains there, who professed to be a Digambara, though dressed in purple raiment, informed me that their sacred works were partly in Sanskrit and partly in Prakrit. He showed me a book called Trilokasâra.]

[Footnote 283: But see Jagmanderlal Jaini, l.c. appendix V.]

[Footnote 284: Compare for instance Uttarâdyayana X., XXIII. and XXV. with the Sutta-Nipâta and Dhammapada.]

[Footnote 285: I have only visited establishments in towns. Possibly Yatis who follow a severer rule may be found in the country, especially among Digambaras.]

[Footnote 286: In Gujarat they are called Cho-mukhji and it is said that when a Tîrthankara preached in the midst of his audience each side saw him facing them. In Burma the four figures are generally said to be the last four Buddhas.]

[Footnote 287: This seems clear from the presence in Burma of the curvilinear sikra and even of copies of Indian temples, _e.g._ of Bodh-Gaya at Pagan. Burmese pilgrims to Gaya might easily have visited Mt Parasnath on their way.]

[Footnote 288: I have this information from the Jain Guru at Sravana Belgola. He said that Gomatesvara (who seems unknown to the Svetâmbaras) waa a Kevalin but not a Tîrthankara.]

[Footnote 289: Two others, rather smaller, are known, one at Karkâl (dated 1431) and one at Yannur. These images are honoured at occasional festivals (one was held at Sravana Belgola in 1910) attended by a considerable concourse of Jains. The type of the statues is not Buddhist. They are nude and represent sages meditating in a standing position whereas Buddhists prescribe a sitting posture for meditation.]

[Footnote 290: The mountain of Satrunjaya rises above Palitâna, the capital of a native state in Gujarat. Other collections of temples are found on the hill of Parasnath in Bengal, at Sonâgir near Datiâ, and Muktagiri near Gâwîlgarh. There are also a good many on the hills above Rajgîr.]

[Footnote 291: The strength of Buddhism in Burma and Siam is no doubt largely due to the fact that custom obliges every one to spend part of his life--if only a few days--as a member of the order.]

[Footnote 292: One might perhaps add to this list the Skoptsy of Russia and the Armenian colonies in many European and Asiatic towns.]

[Footnote 293: Throughout this book I have not hesitated to make use of the many excellent translations of Pali works which have been published. Students of Indian religion need hardly be reminded how much our knowledge of Pali writings and of early Buddhism owes to the labours of Professor and Mrs Rhys Davids.]

[Footnote 294: Sanskrit Sûtra, Pali Sutta. But the use of the words is not quite the same in Buddhist and Brahmanic literature. A Buddhist sutta or sûtra is a discourse, whether in Pali or in Sanskrit; a Brahmanic sûtra is an aphorism. But the 227 divisions of the Pâtimokkha are called Suttas, so that the word may have been originally used in Pali to denote short statements of a single point. The longer Suttas are often called Suttanta.]

[Footnote 295: _E.g._ Maj. Nik. 123 about the marvels attending the birth of a Buddha.]

[Footnote 296: See some further remarks on this subject at the end of chap. XIII. (on the Canon).]

[Footnote 297: Also Sakya or Sakka. The Sanskrit form is Sâkya.]

[Footnote 298: See among other passages the Ambattha Sutta of the Dîgha Nikâya in which Ambattha relates how he saw the Sâkyas, old and young, sitting on grand seats in this hall.]

[Footnote 299: But in Cullavagga VII. 1 Bhaddiya, a cousin of the Buddha who is described as being the Râjâ at that time, says when thinking of renouncing the world "Wait whilst I hand over the kingdom to my sons and my brothers," which seems to imply that the kingdom was a family possession. Rajja perhaps means Consulship in the Roman sense rather than kingdom.]

[Footnote 300: E.g. the Sonadanda and Kûtadanta Suttas of the Dîgha Nikâya.]

[Footnote 301: Sanskrit Kapilavastu: red place or red earth.]

[Footnote 302: Tradition is unanimous that he died in his eightieth year and hitherto it has been generally supposed that this was about 487 B.C., so that he would have been born a little before 560. But Vincent Smith now thinks that he died about 543 B.C. See _J.R.A.S._ 1918, p. 547. He was certainly contemporary with kings Bimbisâra and Ajâtasattu, dying in the reign of the latter. His date therefore depends on the chronology of the Saisunâga and Nanda dynasties, for which new data are now available.]

[Footnote 303: It was some time before the word came to mean definitely the Buddha. In Udâna 1.5, which is not a very early work, a number of disciples including Devadatta are described as being all _Buddhâ_.]

[Footnote 304: The Chinese translators render this word by Ju-lai (he who has come thus). As they were in touch with the best Indian tradition, this translation seems to prove that Tathâgata is equivalent to Tathâ-âgata not to Tâtha-gata and the meaning must be, he who has come in the proper manner; a holy man who conforms to a type and is one in a series of Buddhas or Jinas.]

[Footnote 305: See the article on the neighbouring country of Magadha in Macdonell and Keith's _Vedic Index_.]

[Footnote 306: Cf. the Ratthapâla-sutta.]

[Footnote 307: Mahâv. I. 54. 1.]

[Footnote 308: Devadûtavagga. Ang. Nik. III. 35.]

[Footnote 309: But the story is found in the Mahâpadâna-sutta. See also Winternitz, _J.R.A.S._ 1911, p. 1146.]

[Footnote 310: He mentions that he had three palaces or houses, for the hot, cold and rainy seasons respectively, but this is not necessarily regal for the same words are used of Yasa, the son of a Treasurer (Mahâv. 1. 7. 1) and Anuruddha, a Sâkyan noble (Cullav. VII. 1. 1).]

[Footnote 311: In the Sonadanda-sutta and elsewhere.]

[Footnote 312: The Pabbajjâ-sutta.]

[Footnote 313: Maj. Nik. Ariyapariyesana-sutta. It is found in substantially the same form in the Mahâsaccaka-sutta and the Bodhirâjakumâra-sutta.]