Chapter XV: Mythology in Hinduism and Buddhism (3)

[Footnote 314: The teaching of Alâra Kâlâma led to rebirth in the sphere called akiñcañ-ñâyatanam or the sphere in which nothing at all is specially present to the mind and that of Uddaka Râmaputta to rebirth in the sphere where neither any idea nor the absence of any idea is specially present to the mind. These expressions occur elsewhere (_e.g._ in the Mahâparinibbâna-sutta) as names of stages in meditation or of incorporeal worlds (arûpabrahmâloka) where those states prevail. Some mysterious utterances of Uddaka are preserved in Sam. Nik. XXXV. 103.]

[Footnote 315: Underhill, _Introd. to Mysticism_, p. 387.]

[Footnote 316: Sam. Nik. XXXVI. 19.]

[Footnote 317: The Lalita Vistara says Alâra lived at Vesâlî and Uddaka in Magadha.]

[Footnote 318: The following account is based on Maj. Nik. suttas 85 and 26. Compare the beginning of the Mahâvagga of the Vinaya.]

[Footnote 319: Maj. Nik. 12. See too Dig. Nik. 8.]

[Footnote 320: If this discourse is regarded as giving in substance Gotama's own version of his experiences, it need not be supposed to mean much more than that his good angel (in European language) bade him not take his own life. But the argument represented as appealing to him was that if spirits sustained him with supernatural nourishment, entire abstinence from food would be a useless pretence.]

[Footnote 321: The remarkable figures known as "fasting Buddhas" in Lahore Museum and elsewhere represent Gotama in this condition and show very plainly the falling in of the belly.]

[Footnote 322: Âsava. The word appears to mean literally an intoxicating essence. See _e.g._ Vinaya, vol. IV. p. 110 (Rhys Davids and Oldenburg's ed.). Cf. the use of the word in Sanskrit.]

[Footnote 323: Nâparam itthattâyâti. Itthattam is a substantive formed from ittham thus. It was at this time too that he thought out the chain of causation.]

[Footnote 324: Tradition states that it was on this occasion that he uttered the well-known stanzas now found in the Dhammapada 154-5 (cf. Theragâthâ 183) in which he exults in having, after long search in repeated births, found the maker of the house. "Now, O maker of the house thou art seen: no more shalt thou make a house." The lines which follow are hard to translate. The ridge-pole of the house has been destroyed (visankhitam more literally de-com-posed) and so the mind passes beyond the sankhâras (visankhâragatam). The play of words in visankhitam and visankhâra can hardly be rendered in English.]

[Footnote 325: As Rhys Davids observes, this expression means "to found the Kingdom of Righteousness" but the metaphor is to make the wheels of the chariot of righteousness move unopposed over all the Earth.]

[Footnote 326: At the modern Sarnath.]

[Footnote 327: It is from this point that he begins to use this title in speaking of himself.]

[Footnote 328: Similar heavenly messages were often received by Christian mystics and were probably true as subjective experiences. Thus Suso was visited one Whitsunday by a heavenly messenger who bade him cease his mortifications.]

[Footnote 329: It is the Pipal tree or Ficus religiosa, as is mentioned in the Dîgha Nikâya, XIV. 30, not the Banyan. Its leaves have long points and tremble continually. Popular fancy says this is in memory of the tremendous struggle which they witnessed.]

[Footnote 330: Such are the Padhâna-sutta of the Sutta-Nipâta which has an air of antiquity and the tales in the Mahâvagga of the Samyutta-Nikâya. The Mahâvagga of the Vinaya (I. 11 and 13) mentions such an encounter but places it considerably later after the conversion of the five monks and of Yasa.]

[Footnote 331: The text is also found in the Samyutta-Nikâya.]

[Footnote 332: Concisely stated as suffering, the cause of suffering, the suppression of suffering and the method of effecting that suppression.]

[Footnote 333: Writers on Buddhism use this word in various forms, arhat, arahat and arahant. Perhaps it is best to use the Sanskrit form arhat just as karma and nirvana are commonly used instead of the Pali equivalents.]

[Footnote 334: I.15-20.]

[Footnote 335: Brahmayoni. I make this suggestion about grass fires because I have myself watched them from this point.]

[Footnote 336: This meal, the only solid one in the day, was taken a little before midday.]

[Footnote 337: I. 53-54.]

[Footnote 338: His father.]

[Footnote 339: _I.e._ the Buddha's former wife.]

[Footnote 340: Half brother of the Buddha and Suddhodana'a son by Mahâprajâpatî.]

[Footnote 341: Jâtaka, 356.]

[Footnote 342: Mahâvag. III. 1.]

[Footnote 343: Thus we hear how Dasama of Atthakam (Maj. Nik. 52) built one for fifteen hundred monks, and Ghotamukha another in Pataliputta, which bore his name.]

[Footnote 344: Maj. Nik. 53.]

[Footnote 345: Cullavag. VI. 4.]

[Footnote 346: Probably sheds consisting of a roof set on posts, but without walls.]

[Footnote 347: Translated by Rhys Davids, _American Lectures_, pp. 108 ff.]

[Footnote 348: _E.g._ Maj. Nik. 62.]

[Footnote 349: But in Maj. Nik. II. 5 he says he is not bound by rules as to eating.]

[Footnote 350: Maj. Nik. 147.]

[Footnote 351: In an exceedingly curious passage (Dig. Nik. IV.) the Brahman Sonadanda, while accepting the Buddha's teaching, asks to be excused from showing the Buddha such extreme marks of respect as rising from his seat or dismounting from his chariot, on the ground that his reputation would suffer. He proposes and apparently is allowed to substitute less demonstrative salutations.]

[Footnote 352: Cullavagga V. 21 and Maj. Nik. 85.]

[Footnote 353: Visâkhâ, a lady of noted piety. It was probably a raised garden planted with trees.]

[Footnote 354: Maj. Nik. 110.]

[Footnote 355: Dig. Nik. No. 2. Compare Jâtaka 150, which shows how much variation was permitted in the words ascribed to the Buddha.]

[Footnote 356: Sam. Nik. XLII. 7.]

[Footnote 357: Mahâparinib-sutta, 6. 20. The monk Subhadda, in whose mouth these words are put, was apparently not the person of the same name who was the last convert made by the Buddha when dying.]

[Footnote 358: His personal name was Upatissa.]

[Footnote 359: This position was also held, previously no doubt, by Sagata.]

[Footnote 360: Mahavâg. X. 2. Compare the singular anecdote in VI. 22 where the Buddha quite unjustifiably suspects a Doctor of making an indelicate joke. The story seems to admit that the Buddha might be wrong and also that he was sometimes treated with want of respect.]

[Footnote 361: VII. 2 ff.]

[Footnote 362: The introductions to Jâtakas 26 and 150 say that Ajâtasattu built a great monastery for him at Gayâsîsa.]

[Footnote 363: The Buddha says so himself (Dig. Nik. II.) but does not mention the method.]

[Footnote 364: The Dhamma-sangani defines courtesy as being of two kinds: hospitality and considerateness in matters of doctrine.]

[Footnote 365: Maj. Nik. 75.]

[Footnote 366: Mahav. vi. 31. 11.]

[Footnote 367: Cullavag. x. 1. 3.]

[Footnote 368: Mahâparinib. V. 23. Perhaps the Buddha was supposed to be giving Ânanda last warnings about his besetting weakness.]

[Footnote 369: Udâna 1. 8.]

[Footnote 370: Compare too the language of Angela of Foligno (1248-1309) "By God's will there died my mother who was a great hindrance unto me in following the way of God: my husband died likewise and all my children. And because I had commenced to follow the aforesaid way and had prayed God that he would rid me of them, I had great consolation of their deaths, although I did also feel some grief." Beatae Angelae de Fulginio Visionum et Instructionum Liber. Cap. ix.]

[Footnote 371: No account of this event has yet been found in the earliest texts but it is no doubt historical. The versions found in the Jâtaka and Commentaries trace it back to a quarrel about a marriage, but the story is not very clear or consistent and the real motive was probably that indicated above.]

[Footnote 372: See Rhys Davids, _Dialogues_, II. p. 70 and Przyluski's articles (in _J.A_. 1918 ff.) Le Parinirvana et les funérailles du Bouddha where the Pali texts are compared with the Mûlasarvâstivâdin Vinaya and with other accounts.]

[Footnote 373: This was probably written after Pâtaliputra had become a great city but we do not know when its rise commenced.]

[Footnote 374: She was a noted character in Vesâlî. In Mahâvag. viii. 1, people are represented as saying that it was through her the place was so flourishing and that it would be a good thing if there were some one like her in Râjagaha.]

[Footnote 375: The whole passage is interesting as displaying even in the Pali Canon the germs of the idea that the Buddha is an eternal spirit only partially manifested in the limits of human life. In the Mahâparinib.-sutta Gotama is only voluntarily subject to natural death.]

[Footnote 376: The phrase occurs again in the Sutta-Nipâta. Its meaning is not clear to me.]

[Footnote 377: The text seems to represent him as crossing first a streamlet and then the river.]

[Footnote 378: It is not said how much time elapsed between the meal at Cunda's and the arrival at Kusinârâ but since it was his last meal, he probably arrived the same afternoon.]

[Footnote 379: Cf. Lyall's poem, on a Rajput Chief of the Old School, who when nearing his end has to leave his pleasure garden in order that he may die in the ancestral castle.]

[Footnote 380: Dig. Nik. 17 and Jâtaka 95.]

[Footnote 381: It is said that this discipline was efficacious and that Channa became an Arhat.]

[Footnote 382: It is difficult to find a translation of these words which is both accurate and natural in the mouth of a dying man. The Pali text _vayadhammâ sankhârâ_ (transitory-by-nature are the Sankhâras) is brief and simple but any correct and adequate rendering sounds metaphysical and is dramatically inappropriate. Perhaps the rendering "All compound things must decompose" expresses the Buddha's meaning best. But the verbal antithesis between compound and decomposing is not in the original and though sankhâra is etymologically the equivalent of confection or synthesis it hardly means what we call a compound thing as opposed to a simple thing.]

[Footnote 383: The Buddha before his death had explained that the corpse of a Buddha should be treated like the corpse of a universal monarch. It should be wrapped in layers of new cloth and laid in an iron vessel of oil. Then it should be burnt and a Dagoba should be erected at four cross roads.]

[Footnote 384: The Mallas had two capitals, Kusinârâ and Pâvâ, corresponding to two subdivisions of the tribe.]

[Footnote 385: Theragâthâ 557 ff. Water to refresh tired and dusty feet is commonly offered to anyone who comes from a distance.]

[Footnote 386: Mahâvag. VIII. 26.]

[Footnote 387: _E.g._ Therîgâthâ 133 ff. It should also be remembered that orientals, particularly Chinese and Japanese, find Christ's behaviour to his mother as related in the gospels very strange.]

[Footnote 388: _E.g._ Roja, the Malta, in Mahâvag. VI. 36 and the account of the interview with the Five Monks in the Nidânakathâ (Rhys Davids, _Budd. Birth Stories_, p. 112).]

[Footnote 389: _E.g._ Maj. Nik. 36.]

[Footnote 390: Dig. Nik. XVII. and V.]

[Footnote 391: Maj. Nik. 57.]

[Footnote 392: Mahâparib. Sutta, I. 61.]

[Footnote 393: The earliest sources for these legends are the Mahâvastu, the Sanskrit Vinayas (preserved in Chinese translations), the Lalita Vistara, the Introduction to the Jâtaka and the Buddha-carita. For Burmese, Sinhalese, Tibetan and Chinese lives of the Buddha, see the works of Bigandet, Hardy, Rockhill and Schiefner, Wieger and Beal. See also Foucher, _Liste indienne des actes du Buddha_ and Hackin, _Scènes de la Vie du Buddha d'après des peintures tibétaines_.]

[Footnote 394: It was the full moon of the month Vaisâkha.]

[Footnote 395: The best known of the later biographies of the Buddha, such as the Lalita Vistara and the Buddha-carita of Asvaghosha stop short after the Enlightenment.]

[Footnote 396: There are some curious coincidences of detail between the Buddha and Confucius. Both disliked talking about prodigies (Analects. V11. 20) Confucius concealed nothing from his disciples (ib. 23), just as the Buddha had no "closed fist," but he would not discuss the condition of the dead (Anal. xi. 11), just as the Buddha held it unprofitable to discuss the fate of the saint after death. Neither had any great opinion of the spirits worshipped in their respective countries.]

[Footnote 397: Maj. Nik. 143.]

[Footnote 398: The miraculous cure of Suppiyâ (Mahâvag. VI. 23) is no exception. She was ill not because of the effects of Karma but because, according to the legend, she had cut off a piece of her flesh to cure a sick monk who required meat broth. The Buddha healed her.]

[Footnote 399: The most human and kindly portrait of the Buddha is that furnished by the Commentary on the Thera- and Therî-gâthâ. See Thera-gâthâ xxx, xxxi and Mrs Rhys Davids' trans. of _Therî-gâthâ_, pp. 71, 79.]

[Footnote 400: John xvii. 9. But he prayed for his executioners.]

[Footnote 401: John vii. 19-20.]

[Footnote 402: See chap. VIII. of this book.]

[Footnote 403: Cullavag, IX, I. IV.]

[Footnote 404: Sam. Nik. LVI. 31.]

[Footnote 405: Udâna VI. 4. The story is that a king bade a number of blind men examine an elephant and describe its shape. Some touched the legs, some the tusks, some the tail and so on and gave descriptions accordingly, but none had any idea of the general shape.]

[Footnote 406: Or "determined."]

[Footnote 407: Or form: _rûpa_.]

[Footnote 408: The word Jiva, sometimes translated _soul_, is not equivalent to _âtman_. It seems to be a general expression for all the immaterial side of a human being. It is laid down (Dig. Nik. VI. and VII.) that it is fruitless to speculate whether the Jiva is distinct from the body or not.]

[Footnote 409: Saññâ like many technical Buddhist terms is difficult to render adequately, because it does not cover the same ground as any one English word. Its essential meaning is recognition by a mark. When we perceive a blue thing we recognize it as blue and as like other blue things that we have marked. See Mrs Rhys Davids, Dhamma-Sangani, p. 8.]

[Footnote 410: The Samyutta-Nikâya XXII. 79. 8 states that the Sankhâras are so-called because they compose what is compound (sankhatam).]

[Footnote 411: Maj. Nik. 44.]

[Footnote 412: In this sense Sankhâra has also some affinity to the Sanskrit use of Samskâra to mean a sacramental rite. It is the essential nature of such a rite to produce a special effect. So too the Sankhâras present in one existence inevitably produce their effect in the next existence. For Sankhâra see also the long note by S.Z. Aung at the end of the _Compendium of Philosophy_ (P.T.S. 1910).]

[Footnote 413: The use of this word for Viññâna is, I believe, due to Mrs Rhys Davids.]

[Footnote 414: See especially Maj. Nik. 38.]

[Footnote 415: Pali, Khanda. But it has become the custom to use the Sanskrit term. Cf. Karma, nirvâna.]

[Footnote 416: See Sam. Nik. XII. 62. For parallels to this view in modern times see William James, _Text Book of Psychology_, especially pp. 203, 215, 216.]

[Footnote 417: Cf. Milinda Panha II. 1. 1 and also the dialogue between the king of Sauvîra and the Brahman in Vishnu Pur. II. XIII.]

[Footnote 418: Vis. Mag. chap. XVI. quoted by Warren, _Buddhism in Translations_, p. 146. Also it is admitted that viññâna cannot be disentangled and sharply distinguished from feeling and sensation. See passages quoted in Mrs Rhys Davids, _Buddhist Psychology,_ pp. 52-54.]

[Footnote 419: Sam. Nik. XXII. 22. 1.]

[Footnote 420: With reference to a teacher dhamma is the doctrine which he preaches. With reference to a disciple, it may often be equivalent to duty. Cf. the Sanskrit expressions: sva-dharma, one's own duty; para-dharma, the duty of another person or caste.]

[Footnote 421: Dhamma-s. 1044-5.]

[Footnote 422: II. 3. 8.]

[Footnote 423: Dig. Nik. XI. 85.]

[Footnote 424: Name and form is the Buddhist equivalent for subject and object or mind and body.]

[Footnote 425: Mrs Rhys Davids, _Buddhist Psychology_, p. 39.]

[Footnote 426: Sam. Nik. xxxv. 93.]

[Footnote 427: The same formula is repeated for the other senses.]

[Footnote 428: See Maj. Nik. 36 for his own experiences and Dig. Nik. 2. 93-96.]

[Footnote 429: In Dig. Nik. xxiii. Pâyâsi maintains the thesis, regarded as most unusual (sec. 5), that there is no world but this and no such things as rebirth and karma. He is confuted not by the Buddha but by Kassapa. His arguments are that dead friends whom he has asked to bring him news of the next world have not done so and that experiments performed on criminals do not support the idea that a soul leaves the body at death. Kassapa's reply is chiefly based on analogies of doubtful value but also on the affirmation that those who have cultivated their spiritual faculties have intuitive knowledge of rebirth and other worlds. But Pâyâsi did not draw any distinction between rebirth and immortality as understood in Europe. He was a simple materialist.]

[Footnote 430: The more mythological parts of the Pitakas make it plain that the early Buddhists were not materialists in the modern sense. It is also said that there are formless worlds in which there is thought, but no form or matter.]

[Footnote 431: See too the story of Godhika's death. Sam. Nik. I. iv. 3 and Buddhaghosa on Dhammap. 57.]

[Footnote 432: No. 38 called the Mahâtanhâsankhaya-suttam.]

[Footnote 433: See too Dig. Nik. n. 63, "If Viññâna did not descend into the womb, would body and mind be constituted there?" and Sam. Nik. xii. 12. 3, "Viññâna food is the condition for bringing about rebirth in the future."]

[Footnote 434: Uppajjati is the usual word.]

[Footnote 435: Ariyasaccâni. Rhys Davids translates the phrase as Aryan truths and the word Ariya in old Pali appears not to have lost its national or tribal sense, _e.g._ Dig. Nik. n. 87 Ariyam âyatanam the Aryan sphere (of influence). But was a religious teacher preaching a doctrine of salvation open to all men likely to describe its most fundamental and universal truths by an adjective implying pride of race?]

[Footnote 436: In Maj. Nik. 44 the word dukkha is replaced by sakkâya, individuality, which is apparently regarded as equivalent in meaning. So for instance the Noble Eightfold path is described as sakkâya-nirodha-gâminî patipadâ.]

[Footnote 437: Theragâthâ 487-493, and Puggala Pañ. iv. 1.]

[Footnote 438: But it has not been proved so far as I know.]

[Footnote 439: Sam. Nik. XV. 3.]

[Footnote 440: Buddhist works sometimes insist on the impurity of human physical life in a way which seems morbid and disagreeable. But this view is not exclusively Buddhist or Asiatic. It is found in Marcus Aurelius and perhaps finds its strongest expression in the De Contemptu Mundi of Pope Innocent III (in Pat. Lat. ccxvii. cols. 701-746).]

[Footnote 441: As a general rule suicide is strictly forbidden (see the third Pârâjika and Milinda, iv. 13 and 14) for in most cases it is not a passionless renunciation of the world but rather a passionate and irritable protest against difficulties which simply lays up bad karma in the next life. Yet cases such as that of Godhika (see Buddhaghosa on the Dhammapada, 57) seem to imply that it is unobjectionable if performed not out of irritation but by one who having already obtained mental release is troubled by disease.]

[Footnote 442: Pali Paticca-samuppâda. Sanskrit Pratîtya-samutpâda.]

[Footnote 443: Sam. Nik. xii. 10.]

[Footnote 444: Dig. Nik. XV.]

[Footnote 445: "Contact comes from consciousness: sensation from contact: craving from sensation: the sankhâras from craving: consciousness from the sankhâras: contact from consciousness" and so on _ad infinitum_. See Mil. Pan. 51.]

[Footnote 446: Dig. Nik. XV.]

[Footnote 447: Sam. Nik. XII. 53. Cf. too the previous sutta 51. In the Abhidhamma Pitaka and later scholastic works we find as a development of the law of causation the theory of relations (paccaya) or system of correlation (patthâna-nayo). According to this theory phenomena are not thought of merely in the simple relation of cause and effect. One phenomenon can be the assistant agency (upakâraka) of another phenomenon in 24 modes. See Mrs Rhys Davids' article Relations in _E.R.E._]

[Footnote 448: Mrs Rhys Davids, Dhamma-sangani, pref. p. lii. "The sensory process is analysed in each case into (_a_) an apparatus capable of reaching to an impact not itself: (_b_) an impinging form (rûpam): (_c_) contact between (_a_) and (_b_): (_d_) resultant modification of the mental continuum, viz. first, contact of a specific sort, then hedonistic result or intellectual result or presumably both."]

[Footnote 449: See _e.g._ Maj. Nik. 38.]

[Footnote 450: This does not mean that the same name-and-form plus consciousness which dies in one existence reappears in another.]

[Footnote 451: Maj. Nik. 120 Sankhâruppatti sutta.]

[Footnote 452: He should make it a continual mental exercise to think of the rebirth which he desires.]

[Footnote 453: So too in the Sânkhya philosophy the samskâras are said to pass from one human existence to another. They may also remain dormant for several existences and then become active.]

[Footnote 454: Maj. Nik. 9 Sammâditthi sutta.]

[Footnote 455: Sam. Nik. xxii. 126.]

[Footnote 456: Mahâvag. i. 23. 4 and 5:]

Ye dhammâ hetuppabhavâ tesam hetum Tathâgato Âha tesañca yo nirodho evamvâdi Mahâsamano ti.

The passage is remarkable because it insists that this is the principal and essential doctrine of Gotama. Compare too the definition of the Dhamma put in the Buddha's own mouth in Majjhima, 79: Dhammam te desessâmi: imasmim sati, idam hoti: imass' uppâdâ idam upajjhati, etc.]

[Footnote 457: The Sânkhya might be described as teaching a law of evolution, but that is not the way it is described in its own manuals.]

[Footnote 458: Take among hundreds of instances the account of the Buddha's funeral.]

[Footnote 459: The Anguttara Nikâya, book iv. chap. 77, forbids speculation on four subjects as likely to bring madness and trouble. Two of the four are kamma-vipâko and loka-cintâ. An attempt to make the chain of causation into a cosmic law would involve just this sort of speculation.]

[Footnote 460: The Pitakas insist that causation applies to mental as well as physical phenomena.]

[Footnote 461: Sam. Nik. xii. 35.]

[Footnote 462: Vis. Mag. xvii. Warren, p. 175.]

[Footnote 463: See Waddell, _J.R.A.S._ 1894, pp. 367-384: Rhys Davids, _Amer. Lectures,_ pp. 155-160.]

[Footnote 464: Sam. Nik. XII. 61. See too Theragâthâ, verses 125 and 1111, and for other illustrative quotations Mrs Rhys Davids, _Buddhist Psychology_, pp. 34, 35.]

[Footnote 465: But see Maj. Nik. 79, for the idea that there is something beyond happiness.]

[Footnote 466: Dig. Nik. 22.]

[Footnote 467: Sutta-Nipâta, 787.]

[Footnote 468: Padhânam. But in later Buddhism we also find the idea that nirvana is something which comes only when we do not struggle for it.]

[Footnote 469: Mettâ, corresponding exactly to the Greek [Greek: agapei] of the New Testament.]

[Footnote 470: III. 7. The translation is abbreviated.]

[Footnote 471: More literally, "All the occasions which can be used for doing good works."]

[Footnote 472: Sutta-Nipâta, 1-8, _S.B.E._ vol. X. p. 25 and see also Ang. Nik. IV. 190 which says that love leads to rebirth in the higher heavens and Sam. Nik. XX. 4 to the effect that a little love is better than great gifts. Also _Questions of Milinda_, 4. 4. 16.]

[Footnote 473: Ang. Nik. 1. 2. 4.]

[Footnote 474: Cf. too Mahâvag. VIII. 22 where a monk is not blamed for giving the property of the order to his parents.]

[Footnote 475: Sati is the Sanskrit Smriti.]

[Footnote 476: Dhammap. 160.]

[Footnote 477: Bhag-gîtâ, 3. 27.]

[Footnote 478: Vishnu Pur. II. 13. The ancient Egyptians also, though for quite different reasons, did not accept our ideas of personality. For them man was not an individual unity but a compound consisting of the body and of several immaterial parts called for want of a better word souls, the _ka_, the _ba_, the _sekhem_, etc., which after death continue to exist independently.]

[Footnote 479: _Ueber den Stand der indischen Philosophie zur Zeit Mahâvîras und Buddhas_, 1902. And On the problem of Nirvana in _Journal of Pali Text Society_, 1905. See too Sam. Nik. XXII. 15-17.]

[Footnote 480: Maj. Nik. 22.]

[Footnote 481: Compare also the sermon on the burden and the bearer and Sam Nik. XXII. 15-17. It is admitted that Nirvana is not dukkha and not aniccam and it seems to be implied it is not anattam.]

[Footnote 482: See the argument with Yamaka in Sam. Nik. XXII. 85.]

[Footnote 483: See Sam. Nik. III., XXII. 97.]

[Footnote 484: Also paññâkkhandha or vijjâ.]

[Footnote 485: Dig. Nik. II.]

[Footnote 486: These exercises are hardly possible for the laity.]

[Footnote 487: See chap. XIV. for details.]

[Footnote 488: Sanskrit Nirvâna: Pali Nibbâna.]

[Footnote 489: Maj. Nik. 26.]

[Footnote 490: _E.g_. the words addressed to Buddha, nibbutâ nûna sâ narî yassâyam îdiso pati. Happy is the woman who has such a husband. In the Anguttara Nikâya, III. 55 the Brahman Jânussoni asks Buddha what is meant by Sanditthikam nibbânam, that is nirvâna which is visible or belongs to this world. The reply is that it is effected by the destruction of lust, hatred and stupidity and it is described as _akâlikam, ehipassikam opanayikam, paccattam veditabbam viññûhi_--difficult words which occur elsewhere as epithets of Dhamma and apparently mean immediate, inviting (it says "come and see"), leading to salvation, to be known by all who can understand. For some views as to the derivation of nibbana, nibbuto, etc. see _J.P.T.S._ 1919, pp. 53 ff. But the word nirvâna occurs frequently in the Mahâbhârata and was probably borrowed by the Buddhists from the Brahmans.]

[Footnote 491: Or sa-upâdi.]

[Footnote 492: But parinirvâna is not always rigidly distinguished from nirvâna, _e.g._ Sutta Nipâta, 358. And in Cullavag. VI. 4. 4 the Buddha describes himself as Brâhmano parinibbuto. Parinibbuto is even used of a horse in Maj. Nik. 65 _ad fin_.]

[Footnote 493: Sam. Nik. XXII. 1. 18.]

[Footnote 494: Vimuttisukham and brahmacariyogadham sukham.]

[Footnote 495: Maj. Nik. 139, cf. also Ang. Nik. II. 7 where various kinds of sukham or happiness are enumerated, and we hear of nekkhammasukham nirupadhis, upekkhâs, arûparamanam sukham, etc.]

[Footnote 496: _E.g._ Maj. Nik. 9 Ditthe dhamme dukkhass' antakaro hoti.]

[Footnote 497: Ang. Nik. V. xxxii.]

[Footnote 498: Maj. Nik. 79.]

[Footnote 499: Asankhatadhâtu, cf. the expression asankhâraparinibbâyî. Pugg. Pan. l. 44.]

[Footnote 500: Tabulated in Mrs Rhys Davids' translation, pp. 367-9.]

[Footnote 501: Such a phrase as _Nibbânassa sacchikiriyâya_ "for the attainment or realization of Nirvana" would be hardly possible if Nirvana were annihilation.]

[Footnote 502: Udâna VII. near beginning.]

[Footnote 503: These are the formless stages of meditation. In Nirvana there is neither any ordinary form of existence nor even the forms of existence with which we become acquainted in trances.]

[Footnote 504: This negative form of expression is very congenial to Hindus. Thus many centuries later Kabir sung "With God is no rainy season, no ocean, no sunshine, no shade: no creation and no destruction: no life nor death: no sorrow nor joy is felt .... There is no water, wind, nor fire. The True Guru is there contained."]

[Footnote 505: IV. 7. 13 ff.]

[Footnote 506: See also Book VII. of the Milinda containing a long list of similes illustrating the qualities necessary for the attainment of arhatship. Thirty qualities of arhatship are mentioned in Book VI. of the same work. See also Mahâparinib. Sut. III. 65-60 and Rhys Davids' note.]

[Footnote 507: _E.g._ Dig. Nik. xvi. ii. 7, Cullavag. ix. 1. 4.]

[Footnote 508: _E.g._ Pugg. Pan. 1. 39. The ten fetters are (1) sakkâyaditthi, belief in the existence of the self, (2) vicikicchâ, doubt, (3) silabbataparamâso, trust in ceremonies of good works, (4) kâmarâgo, lust, (5) patigho, anger, (6) rûparâgo, desire for rebirth in worlds of form, (7) arûparâgo, desire for rebirth in formless worlds, (8) mano, pride, (9) uddhaccam, self-righteousness, (10) avijjâ, ignorance.]

[Footnote 509: There is some diversity of doctrine about the Sakadâgâmin. Some hold that he has two births, because he _comes back_ to the world of men after having been born once meanwhile in a heaven, others that he has only one birth either on earth or in a devaloka.]

[Footnote 510: Avyâkatani. The Buddha, being omniscient, _sabaññu_, must have known the answer but did not declare it, perhaps because language was incapable of expressing it]

[Footnote 511: Jiva not attâ. ]

[Footnote 512: Maj. Nik. 63.]

[Footnote 513: Sam. Nik. xvii. 85.]

[Footnote 514: Maj. Nik. 72.]

[Footnote 515: Which is said not to grow up again.]

[Footnote 516: It may be that the Buddha had in his mind the idea that a flame which goes out returns to the primitive invisible state of fire. This view is advocated by Schrader (_Jour. Pali Text Soc_. 1905, p. 167). The passages which he cites seem to me to show that there was supposed to be such an invisible store from which fire is born but to be less conclusive as proving that fire which goes out is supposed to return to that store, though the quotation from the Maitreyi Up. points in this direction. For the metaphor of the flame see also Sutta-Nipâta, verses 1074-6.]

[Footnote 517: XLIV. 1.]

[Footnote 518: Maj. Nik. 9, ad init. Asmîti ditthim ânânusayam samûhanitvâ.]

[Footnote 519: See especially Sutta-Nipâta, 1076 Atthan gatassa na pamânam atthi, etc.]

[Footnote 520: Sam. Nik. XXII. 85.]

[Footnote 521: Maj. Nik. 22, Alagaddûpama-suttam.]

[Footnote 522: Later in the same Sutta: Kevalo paripûro bâladhammo.]

[Footnote 523: Four emphatic synonyms in the original.]

[Footnote 524: Dig. Nik. I. 73 uccinna-bhava-nettiko.]

[Footnote 525: I recommend the reader to consider carefully the passage at the end of Book IV. of Schopenhauer's _Die Welt als Wille und Vorstellung_ (Haldane and Kemp's translation, vol. I. pp. 529-530). Though he evidently misunderstood what he calls "the Nirvana of the Buddhists" yet his own thought throws much light on it.]

[Footnote 526: Sk. _Bhikshu_, beggar or mendicant, because they live on alms. _Bhikshâcaryam_ occurs in Brihad-Âr. Up. III. 5. I.]

[Footnote 527: Mahâvag. I. 49, cf. ib. I. 39.]

[Footnote 528: Dig. Nik. VIII.]

[Footnote 529: Cullavag. I. 1. 3.]

[Footnote 530: Sam. Nik. XIV. 15. 12, Ang. Nik. I. xiv.]

[Footnote 531: Mahâvag. III. 12.]

[Footnote 532: Or the opinion of single persons, e.g. Visâkhâ in Mahâvag. III. 13.]

[Footnote 533: Acârângasut, II. 2. 2.]

[Footnote 534: Mahâv. I. 42.]

[Footnote 535: But converted robbers were occasionally admitted, e.g. Angulimâla.]

[Footnote 536: Sam. Nik. IV. XXXV., Maj. Nik. 8 ad fin. On the value attached by mystics in all countries to trees and flowers, see Underhill, _Mysticism_, p. 231.]

[Footnote 537: They are abstinence from (1) destroying life, (2) stealing, (3) impurity, (4) lying, (5) intoxicants, (6) eating at forbidden times, (7) dancing, music and theatres, (8) garlands, perfumes, ornaments, (9) high or large beds, (10) accepting gold or silver.]

[Footnote 538: These are practically equivalent to Sundays, being the new moon, full moon and the eighth days from the new and full moon. In Tibet however the 14th, 15th, 29th and 30th of each month are observed.]

[Footnote 539: Mahâvag. II. 1-2.]

[Footnote 540: Chap. VIII. Sec. 3.]

[Footnote 541: Required not so much to purify water as to prevent the accidental destruction of insects.]

[Footnote 542: It might begin either the day after the full moon of Asâlha (June-July) or a month later. In either case the period was three months. Mahâvag. III. 2.]

[Footnote 543: Cullavag. X. 1.]

[Footnote 544: See the papers by Mrs Bode in _J.R.A.S._ 1893, pp. 517-66 and 763-98, and Mrs Rhys Davids in _Ninth Congress of Orientalists_, vol. I. p. 344.]

[Footnote 545: Feminine Upâsikâ.]

[Footnote 546: Sutta-Nipâta, 289.]

[Footnote 547: _E.g._ Mahâmangala and Dhammika-Sutta in Sut. Nip. II. 4 and 14.]

[Footnote 548: Dig. Nik. 31.]

[Footnote 549: It may seem superfluous to insist on this, yet Warren in his _Buddhism in Translations_ uniformly renders Bhikkhu by priest.]

[Footnote 550: The same idea occurs in the Upanishads, _e.g._ Brih.-Âr. Up. IV. 4. 23, "he becomes a true Brahman."]

[Footnote 551: Especially in R.O. Franke's article in the _J.P.T.S._ 1908. To demonstrate the "literary dependence" of chapters XI., XII. of the Cullavagga does not seem to me equivalent to demonstrating that the narratives contained in those chapters are "air-bubbles."]

[Footnote 552: The mantras of the Brahmans were hardly a sacred book analogous to the Bible or Koran and, besides, the early Buddhists would not have wished to imitate them.]

[Footnote 553: _E.g._ Dig. Nik. XVI.]

[Footnote 554: Cullav. XI. i. 11.]

[Footnote 555: Especially in Chinese works.]

[Footnote 556: Upâli, Dasaka, Sonaka, Siggava (with whom the name of Candravajji is sometimes coupled) and Tissa Moggaliputta. This is the list given in the Dîpavamsa.]

[Footnote 557: Sam. Nik. XVI. 11. The whole section is called Kassapa Samyutta.]

[Footnote 558: They are to be found chiefly in Cullavagga, XII., Dîpavamsa, IV. and V. and Mahâvamsa, IV.]

[Footnote 559: The Dîpavamsa adds that all the principal monks present had seen the Buddha. They must therefore all have been considerably over a hundred years old so that the chronology is open to grave doubt. It would be easier if we could suppose the meeting was held a hundred years after the enlightenment.]

[Footnote 560: They are said to have rejected the Parivâra, the Patisambhidâ, the Niddesa and parts of the Jâtaka. These are all later parts of the Canon and if the word rejection were taken literally it would imply that the Mahâsangîti was late too. But perhaps all that is meant is that the books were not found in their Canon. Chinese sources (_e.g._ Fa Hsien, tr. Legge, p. 99) state that they had an Abhidhamma of their own.]

[Footnote 561: _Buddhist Records of the Western World_, vol. II. pp. 164-5; Watters, _Yüan Chwang_, pp. 159-161.]

[Footnote 562: Cap. XXXVI. Legge, p. 98.]

[Footnote 563: See I-tsing's _Records of the Buddhist Religion_, trans. by Takakusu, p. XX. and Nanjio's _Catalogue of the Buddhist Tripitaka_, nos. 1199, 1105 and 1159.]

[Footnote 564: An exception ought perhaps to be made for the Japanese sects.]

[Footnote 565: The names are not quite the same in the various lists and it seems useless to discuss them in detail. See Dîpavamsa, V. 39-48, Mahâvamsa, V. ad in., Rhys Davids, _J.R.A.S._ 1891, p. 411, Rockhill, _Life of the Buddha_, chap, VI., Geiger, _Trans. of Mahâvamsa_, App. B.]

[Footnote 566: The Hemavatikas, Râjagirikas, Siddhattas, Pubbaselikas, Aparaselikas and Apararâjagirikas.]

[Footnote 567: Published in the _J.P.T.S._ 1889. Trans, by S.Z. Aung and Mrs Rhys Davids, 1915. The text mentions doctrines only. The names of the sects supposed to hold them are supplied by the commentary.]

[Footnote 568: They must not be confused with the four philosophic schools Vaibhâshika, Sautrântika, Yogâcâra and Mâdhyamika. These came into existence later.]

[Footnote 569: But the Vetulyakas were important in Ceylon.]

[Footnote 570: See Paramârtha's _Life of Vasabandhu_, Toung Pao, 1904, p. 290.]

[Footnote 571: See Rhys Davids in _J.R.A.S._ 1892, pp. 8-9. The name is variously spelt. The P.T.S. print Sammitiya, but the Sanskrit text of the Madhyamakavritti (in _Bibl. Buddh._) has Sâmmitîya. Sanskrit dictionaries give Sammatîya. The Abhidharma section of the Chinese Tripitaka (Nanjio, 1272) contains a sâstra belonging to this school. Nanjio, 1139 is apparently their Vinaya.]

[Footnote 572: Kern (_Versl. en Med. der K. Akad. van Wetenschappen Letterk._ 4. R.D. VIII. 1907, pp. 312-319, cf. _J.R.A.S._ 1907, p. 432) suggested on the authority of Kashgarian MSS. that the expression Vailpulya sûtra is a misreading for Vaitulya sûtra, a sûtra of the Vetulyakas. Ânanda was sometimes identified with the phantom who represented the Buddha.]

[Footnote 573: It is remarkable that this view, though condemned by the Kathâ-vatthu, is countenanced by the Khuddaka-pâtha.]

[Footnote 574: The Kathâ-vatthu constantly cites the Nikâyas.]

[Footnote 575: Pali Sabbatthivâdins.]

[Footnote 576: Cf. the doctrine of the Sânkhya. For more about the Sarvâstivâdins see below, Book IV. chap. XXII.]

[Footnote 577: See especially Le Nord-Ouest de L'Inde dans le Vinaya des Mûlasarvâstivâdins by Przyluski in _J.A._ 1914, II. pp. 492 ff.]

[Footnote 578: See articles by Fleet in _J.R.A.S._ of 1903, 1904, 1908-1911 and 1914: Hultzsch in _J.R.A.S._ 1910-11: Thomas in _J.A._ 1910: S. Lévi, _J.A._ 1911.]

[Footnote 579: Asoka's statement is confirmed (if it needs confirmation) by the Chinese pilgrim I-ching who saw in India statues of him in monastic costume.]

[Footnote 580: For a bibliography of the literature about these inscriptions see Vincent Smith, _Early History of India_, 3rd ed. 1914, pp. 172-4.]

[Footnote 581: The dialect is not strictly speaking the same in all the inscriptions.]

[Footnote 582: Piyadassi, Sanskrit Priyadarsin. The Dîpavamsa, VI. 1 and 14, calls Asoka Piyadassi and Piyadassana. The name Asoka has hitherto only been found in one edict discovered at Hyderabad, _J.R.A.S._ 1916, p. 573.]

[Footnote 583: The principal single edicts are (1) that known as Minor Rock Edict I. found in four recensions, (2) The Bhâbrû (or Bhâbrâ) Edict of great importance for the Buddhist scriptures, (3) Two Kalinga Edicts, (4) Edicts about schism, found at Sarnath and elsewhere, (4) Commemorative inscriptions in the Terâi, (5) Dedications of caves.]

[Footnote 584: Asoka came to the throne about 270 B.C. (268 or 272 according to various authorities) but was not crowned until four years later. Events are generally dated by the year after his coronation (abhisheka), not after his accession.]

[Footnote 585: I must confess that Law of Piety (Vincent Smith) does not seem to me very idiomatic.]

[Footnote 586: See Senart, _Inscrip. de Piyadassi_, II. pp. 314 ff.]

[Footnote 587: The Second Minor Rock Edict.]

[Footnote 588: Râjûka and pradesika.]

[Footnote 589: I.e. Syria, Egypt, Macedonia, Cyrene and Epirus.]

[Footnote 590: Kingdoms in the south of India.]

[Footnote 591: The inhabitants of the extreme north-west of India, not necessarily Greeks by race.]

[Footnote 592: Possibly Tibet.]

[Footnote 593: Or Nâbhapamtis. In any case unknown.]

[Footnote 594: All these appear to have been tribes of Central India.]

[Footnote 595: Dîpav. VIII.; Mahâv. XII.]

[Footnote 596: Pillar Edict VI.]

[Footnote 597: Perhaps meant to be equivalent to 251 B.C. Vincent Smith rejects this date and thinks that the Council met in the last ten years of Asoka's reign. But the Sinhalese account is reasonable. Asoka was very pious but very tolerant. Ten years of this regime may well have led to the abuse complained of.]

[Footnote 598: Jâtaka, no. 472.]

[Footnote 599: See for instance the _Life of Hsüan Chuang_; Beal, p. 39; Julien, p. 50.]

[Footnote 600: I consider it possible, though by no means proved, that the Abhidhamma was put together in Ceylon.]

[Footnote 601: For the Burmese Canon see chap. XXVI. Even if the Burmese had Pali scriptures which did not come from Ceylon, they sought to harmonize them with the texts known there.]

[Footnote 602: Pali Tipitaka.]

[Footnote 603: So in Maj. Nik. xxi. a man who proposes to excavate comes Kuddalapitakam âdâya, "With spade and basket."]

[Footnote 604: The list of the Vinaya books is:

Pârâjikam } together constituting the Sutta-vibhanga.
Pacittiyam}

Mahâvagga } together constituting the Khandakas.
Cullavagga}

Parivâra-pâtha: a supplement and index. This book was rejected by some
schools.

Something is known of the Vinaya of the Sarvâstivâdins existing in a Chinese translation and in fragments of the Sanskrit original found in Central Asia. It also consists of the Pâtimokkha embedded in a commentary called Vibhâga and of two treatises describing the foundation of the order and its statutes. They are called Kshudrakavastu and Vinayavastu. In these works the narrative and anecdotal element is larger than in the Pali Vinaya. See also my remarks on the Mahâvastu under the Mahayanist Canon. For some details about the Dharmagupta Vinaya, see _J.A._ 1916, ii. p. 20: for a longish extract from the Mülasarv. Vinaya, _J.A._ 1914, ii. pp. 493-522.]

[Footnote 605: I find it hard to accept Francke's view that the Dîgha should be regarded as the Book of the Tathâgata, deliberately composed to expound the doctrine of Buddhahood. Many of the suttas do not deal with the Tathâgata.]

[Footnote 606: The Samyutta quotes by name a passage from the Dîgha as "spoken by the Lord": compare Sam. Nik. XXII. 4 with Dig. Nik. 21. Both the Anguttara and Samyutta quote the last two cantos of the Sutta-Nipâta.]

[Footnote 607: It appears that the canonical book of the Jâtaka consists only of verses and does not include explanatory prose matter. Something similar to these collections of verses which are not fully intelligible without a commentary explaining the occasions on which they were uttered may be seen in Chândogya Up. VI. The father's answers are given but the son's questions which render them intelligible are not found in the text but are supplied in the commentary.]

[Footnote 608: The following ia a table of the Sutta Pitaka:

I. Dîgha-Nikâya }
II. Majjhima-Nikâya } Collections of discourses mostly attributed
III. Samyutta-Nikâya } to the Buddha.
IV. Anguttara-Nikâya }

V. Khuddaka-Nikâya: a collection of comparatively short treatises,
mostly in poetry, namely:
1. Dhammapada.
2. Udâna } Utterances of the Buddha with explanations
3. Itivuttakam } af the attendant circumstances.
4. Khuddaka-pâtha: a short anthology.
5. Sutta-nipâta: a collection of suttas mostly in verse.
*6. Thera-gâthâ: poems by monks.
*7. Therî-gâthâ: poems by nuns.
8. Niddesa: an old commentary on the latter half of the Sutta-nipâta,
ascribed to Sâriputta.
*9. The Jâtaka verses.
10. Patisambhidâ.
*11. Apadâna.
*12. Buddha-vamsa.
*13. Vimâna-vatthu.
*14. Peta-vatthu.
*15. Cariyâ-pitaka.

The works marked * are not found in the Siamese edition of the Tripitaka but the Burmese editions include four other texts, the Milinda-pañha, Petakopadesa, Suttassanigaha, and Nettipakarana.

The Khuddaka-Nikâya seems to have been wanting in the Pitaka of the Sarvâstivâdins or whatever sect supplied the originals from which the Chinese Canon was translated, for this Canon classes the Dhammapada as a miscellaneous work outside the Sutta Pitaka. Fragments of the Sutta-nipâta have been found in Turkestan but it is not clear to what Pitaka it was considered to belong. For mentions of the Khuddaka-Nikâya in Chinese see _J.A._ 1916, pp. 32-3.]

[Footnote 609: See _J.R.A.S._ 1891, p. 560. See too _Journal P.T.S._ 1919, p. 44. Lexicographical notes.]

[Footnote 610: Mrs Rhys Davids' _Translations of the Dhamma-sangani_ give a good idea of these books.]

[Footnote 611: The works comprised in this Pitaka are:

1. Dhamma-sangani.
2. Vibhanga.
3. Kathâ-vatthu.
4. Puggala-paññatti.
5. Dhâtu-kathâ.
6. Yamaka.
7. Patthâna.

The Abhidhamma of the Sarvâstivâdins was entirely different. It seems probable that the Abhidhamma books of all schools consisted almost entirely of explanatory matter and added very little to the doctrine laid down in the suttas. It would appear that the only new topic introduced in the Pali Abhidhamma is the theory of relations (paccaya).]

[Footnote 612: Maj. Nik. XXII. and Angut. Nik. IV. 6.]

[Footnote 613: Pali means primarily a line or row and then a text as distinguished from the commentary. Thus Pâlimattam means the text without the commentary and Palibhâsâ is the language of the text or what we call Pali. See _Pali and Sanskrit_, R.O. Franke, 1902. Windisch, "Ueber den sprachlichen Character des Pali," in _Actes du XIV'me Congrès des Orientalistes_, 1905. Grierson, "Home of Pali" in _Bhandarkar Commemorative Essays_, 1917.]

[Footnote 614: It is not easy to say how late or to what extent Pali was used in India. The Milinda-Pañha (or at least books II. and III.) was probably composed in North Western India about the time of our era. Dharmapâla wrote his commentaries (c. 500 A.D.) in the extreme south, probably at Conjeevaram. Pali inscriptions of the second or third century A.D. have been discovered at Sarnath but contain mistakes which show that the engraver did not understand the language (_Epig. Ind_. 1908, p. 391). Bendall found Pali MSS. in Nepal, _J.R.A.S._ 1899, p. 422.]

[Footnote 615: Magadha of course was not his birth-place and the dialect of Kosala must have been his native language. But it is not hinted that he had any difficulty in making himself understood in Magadha and elsewhere.]

[Footnote 616: E.g. nominatives singular in _e_. For the possible existence of scriptures anterior to the Pali version and in another dialect, see S. Lévi, _J.A._ 1912, II. p. 495.]

[Footnote 617: Cullavag. V. 33, chandaso âropema.]

[Footnote 618: Although Pali became a sacred language in the South, yet in China, Tibet and Central Asia the scriptures were translated into the idioms of the various countries which accepted Buddhism.]

[Footnote 619: Mahâparinibbâna-sutta, II. 26. Another expressive compound is Dhûmakâ-likam (Cullav. XI. 1. 9) literally smoke-timed. The disciples were afraid that the discipline of the Buddha might last only as long as the smoke of his funeral pyre.]

[Footnote 620: Winternitz has acutely remarked that the Pali Pitaka resembles the Upanishads in style. See also Keith, _Ait. Ar_. p. 55. For repetitions in the Upanishads, see Chând. v. 3. 4 ff., v. 12 ff. and much in VII. and VIII., Brihad. Âr. III. ix. 9 ff., VI. iii. 2, etc. This Upanishad relates the incident of Yâjñavalkya and Maîtreyî twice. So far as style goes, I see no reason why the earliest parts of the Vinaya and Sutta Pitaka should not have been composed immediately after the Buddha's death.]

[Footnote 621: E.g. Mahâv. 1. 49, Dig. Nik. I. 14, Sut. Vib. Bhikkhunî, LXIX., Sut. Vib. Pârâj. III. 4. 4.]

[Footnote 622: Cullav. IV. 15. 4.]

[Footnote 623: Ang. Nik. IV. 100. 5, ib. v. lxxiv. 5.]

[Footnote 624: See Bühler in _Epigraphia Indica_, vol. II. p. 93.]

[Footnote 625: Even at the time of Fa Hsien's visit to India (c. 400 A.D.) the Vinaya of the Sarvâstivâdin school was preserved orally and not written. See Legge's trans, p. 99.]

[Footnote 626: Ang. Nik. IV. 160. 5, Bhikkhû bahussutâ ... mâtikâdhârâ monks who carry in memory the indices.]

[Footnote 627: Cullavag. XI., XII. ]

[Footnote 628: Dig. Nik. 1.]

[Footnote 629: It is remarkable that this account contemplates five Nikâyas (of which the fifth is believed to be late) but only two Pitakas, the Abhidhamma not being mentioned.]

[Footnote 630: It refers to a king Pingalaka, said to have reigned two hundred years after the Buddha's time.]

[Footnote 631: Mahâv XI. 3.]

[Footnote 632: Mahâv. II. 17.]

[Footnote 633: Cullav. IX. 5.]

[Footnote 634: The passages are:

1. The Vinaya-Samukasa. Perhaps the sermon at Benares with
introductory matter found at the beginning of the Mahâvagga.
See Edmunds, in _J.R.A.S._ 1913, p. 385.
2. The Alia-Vâsâni (Pali Ariya-Vâsâni) = the Samgîti-sutta of the
Dîgha Nikâya.
3. The Anâgata-bhayâni = Anguttara-Nikâya, V. 77-80, or part of it.
4. The Munigâtha=Sutta-Nipâta, 206-220.
5. The Moneyasute=Moneyya-sutta in the Itivuttakam, 67: see
also Ang. Nik. III. 120.
6. The Upatisapasine. The question of Upatissa: not identified.
7. The Lâghulovâde musâvâdam adhigicya. The addresses to Râhula
beginning with subject of lying=Maj. Nik. 61.]

[Footnote 635: See _J.A._ 1916, II. pp. 20,38.]

[Footnote 636: For the date see the chapter on Ceylon.]

[Footnote 637: S. Lévi gives reasons for thinking that the prohibitions against singing sacred texts (ayataka gîtassara, Cullavag. V. 3) go back to the period when the Vedic accent was a living reality. See _J.A._ 1915, I. pp. 401 ff.]

[Footnote 638: _Muséon_, 1905, p. 23. Anesaki thinks the text used by Gunabhadra was in Pali but the Abhayagiri, which had Mahayanist proclivities, may have used Sanskrit texts.]

[Footnote 639: Nikâya-Sangrahawa, Fernando, _Govt. Record Office_, Colombo, 1918.]

[Footnote 640: See Mahâyâna-sûtrâlatikâra, xvi. 22 and 75, with Lévi's notes.]

[Footnote 641: Cullav. VII. 3.]

[Footnote 642: In the first book of the Mahâvagga. ]

[Footnote 643: Ang. Nik. V. 201 and VI. 40.]

[Footnote 644: It may be objected that some Suttas are put into the mouths of the Buddha's disciples and that their words are very like those of the Master. But as a rule they spoke on behalf of him and the object was to make their language as much like his as possible.]

[Footnote 645: The Pali anthology known by this name was only one of several called Dhammapada or Udâna which are preserved in the Chinese and Tibetan Canons.]

[Footnote 646: The work might also be analyzed as consisting of three old documents (the tract on morality, an account of ancient heresies, and a discourse on spiritual progress) put together with a little connecting matter, and provided with a prologue and epilogue.]

[Footnote 647: But in Ceylon there was a decided tendency to rewrite Sinhalese treatises in Pali.]

[Footnote 648: Cf. Divyâv. ed. Cowell, p. 37 and Sam. Nik. _P.T.S._ edition, vol. IV. p. 60.]

[Footnote 649: See Takakusu on the Abhidharma literature of the Sarvâstivâdins in the _Journ. of the Pali Text Society_, 1905, pp. 67-147.]

[Footnote 650: But not always. See S. Lévi, _J.A._ 1910, p. 436.]

[Footnote 651: See Lüders, _Bruchstücke Buddhistischer Dramen_, 1911 and ib. _Das Sâri putra-prakarana_, 1911.]

[Footnote 652: Inscriptions from Swat written in an alphabet supposed to date from 50 B.C. to 50 A.D. contain Sanskrit verses from the Dharmapada and Mahâparinirvânasûtra. See _Epig. Indica_, vol. IV. p. 133.]

[Footnote 653: E.g. The Sanskrit version of the Sutta-Nipâta. See _J.R.A.S._ 1916, pp. 719-732.]

[Footnote 654: See the remarks on the Samyuktâgama in _J.A._ 1916, II. p. 272.]

[Footnote 655: In the same spirit, the Chinese version of the Ekottara (sec. 42) makes the dying Buddha order his bed to be made with the head to the north, because northern India will be the home of the Law. See _J.A._ Nov., Dec. 1918, p. 435.]

[Footnote 656: See for the whole question, Péri, Les Femmes de Çâkya Muni, _B.E.F.E.O._ 1918, No. 2.]

[Footnote 657: Those of the Dharmaguptas, Mahâsânghikas and Mahîsâsakas.]

[Footnote 658: See _J.A.O.S._ Dec. 1910, p. 24.]

[Footnote 659: Jacobi considers the Yoga Sûtras later than 450 A.D. but if we adopt Péri's view that Vasubandhu, Asanga's brother, lived from about 280-360, the fact that they imply a knowledge of the Vijnânavâda need not make them much later than 300 A.D. It is noticeable that both Asanga and the Yoga Sûtras employ the word _dharma-megha_.]

[Footnote 660: Called Citta in the Yoga philosophy.]

[Footnote 661: See Tylor, _Primitive Culture_, vol. II. pp. 410 ff. Savages often supplement fasting by the use of drugs and the Yoga Sûtras (IV. 1) mention that supernatural powers can be obtained by the use of herbs.]

[Footnote 662: Klesa: Kilesa in Pali.]

[Footnote 663: The practices systematized in the Yoga Sûtras are mentioned even in the older Upanishads such as the Maitrâyana, Svetâsvatara and Chândogya.]

[Footnote 664: An extreme development of the idea that physical processes can produce spiritual results is found in Rasesvara Darsana or the Mercurial System described in the Sarva-Darsana-Sangraha chap. IX. _Marco Polo_ (Yule's Edition, vol. II. pp. 365, 369) had also heard of it.]

[Footnote 665: It seems to me analogous to the _introversion_ of European mystics. See Underhill, _Mysticism_, chaps, VI. and VII.]

[Footnote 666: Jhâna in Pali.]

[Footnote 667: Samprajñâta and Asamprajñâta, called also sa- and nirbija, with and without seed.]

[Footnote 668: Savitarka and Savicâra, in which there is investigation concerned with gross and subtle objects respectively: Sânanda, in which there is a feeling of joy: Sasmitâ, in which there is only self-consciousness. The corresponding stages in Buddhism are described as phases of Jhâna not of Samâdhi.]

[Footnote 669: It is not easy to translate. _Megha_ is cloud and _dharma_ may be rendered by righteousness but has many other meanings. For the metaphor of the cloud compare the title of the English mystical treatise _The Cloud of Unknowing_.]

[Footnote 670: Siddhi, vibhûti, aisvarya. A belief in these powers is found even in the Rig Veda where it is said (X. 136) that munis can fly through the air and associate with gods.]

[Footnote 671: So too European mystics "are all but unanimous in their refusal to attribute importance to any kind of visionary experience" (Underhill, _Mysticism_, p. 335). St John of the Cross, Madame Guyon and Walter Hilton are cited as severe critics of such experience.]

[Footnote 672: Cf. Underbill's remarks about contemplation (_Mysticism_, p. 394). "Its results feed every aspect of the personality: minister to its instinct for the Good, the Beautiful and the True. Psychologically it is an induced state in which the field of consciousness is greatly contracted: the whole of the self, its conative power, being sharply focussed, concentrated upon one thing. We pour ourselvea out or, as it sometimes seems to us, _in_ towards this overpowering interest: seem to ourselves to reach it and be merged with it. Whatever the thing may be, in this act we _know_ it, as we cannot know it by any ordinary devices of thought."]

[Footnote 673: See instances quoted in W. James, _Varieties of Religious Experience_, pp. 251-3.]

[Footnote 674: This curious idea is also countenanced, though not much emphasized, by the Brahma Sûtras, IV. 4. 15. The object of producing such bodies is to work off Karma. The Yogi acquires no new Karma but he may have to get rid of accumulated Karma inherited from previous births, which must bear fruit. By "making himself many" he can work it off in one lifetime.]

[Footnote 675: _World as Will and Idea_, Book III. p. 254 (Haldane and Kemp's translation).]

[Footnote 676: E.g. Dig. Nik. II. 95, etc.]

[Footnote 677: St Theresa, St Catharine of Siena and Rudman Merawin. Cf. 1 John ii. 20, 27. "Ye know all things."]

[Footnote 678: Chândog. Up. VIII. 15.]

[Footnote 679: As also to the Samhitâs of the Vaishnavas and the Âgamic literature of the Saivas. The six cakras are: (1) Mûladhâra at the base of the spinal cord, (2) Svâdhishthâna below the navel, (3) Manipûra near the navel, (4) Anâhata in the heart, (5) Visuddha at the lower end of the throat, (6) Âjñâ between the eyebrows. See Avalon, _Tantric Texts_, II. Shatcakranirûpana. Ib. _Tantra of Great Liberation_, pp. lvii ff., cxxxii ff. Ib. _Principles of Tantra_, pp. cvii ff. Gopinatha Ras, _Indian Iconography_, pp. 328 ff. See also "Manual of a Mystic" (_Pali Text Soc._) for something apparently similar, though not very intelligible, in Hinayanist Buddhism.]