Chapter XXVII: Revolt of the Cakchiquels (9)

[XXVI-45] 'Huuo poco despojo.' _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib.
v. cap. x. 'Poco oro y riquezas hallaron en este viage.'
_Ixtlilxochitl_, _Horribles Crueldades_, 70.

[XXVI-46] 'I supe de los Naturales como esta Tierra no tiene
cabo.' _Alvarado_, _Relacion_, i. 165.

[XXVI-47] 'Padecieron hartos trabajos, hambre y calamidades
los nuestros, y los españoles.' _Ixtlilxochitl_,
_Horribles Crueldades_, 70; also _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 232.

[XXVII-1] Alvarado's report of the campaign bears this date,
and as he mentions in it that on his return he founded
the 'Ciudad del Señor Santiago,' he must have arrived at
least several days previous to the above date. Brasseur de
Bourbourg, after pointing out a misconception of Fuentes,
exhibits some confusion in his own mind as to dates and time.
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, 667.

[XXVII-2] Vazquez observes, 'Llegó â _Vulvusya_ que oy llaman
Almolonga; y auiendo en la falda de su bolcan assentado el
Real a los 25 de Jullio de 1524, diò su primer ser a la Ciudad
de Guatemala, con Nõbre de Villa que le duró muy pocos dias.'
_Chronica de Gvat._, 7. Remesal also states that the city
was founded on the slopes of the Volcan de Agua, at a place
called Panchoy, which signifies Great Lagoon, the valley there
being surrounded by mountains. The material of which the first
houses were built consisted, he says, of forked posts for
the corner pillars, of canes and mud for the walls, while the
roofs were thatched with dry grass. By the aid of the Mexicans
they were rapidly thrown up. A sufficient number for the
accommodation of all the army being completed, they waited for
the day of the Apostle Santiago, in order to found the city
on that day and dedicate it to their patron saint. It fell on
Monday, the 25th of July, when the founding was consummated.
_Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 4. I have elsewhere shown that
Patinamit was the city which Alvarado called Guatemala. Now
there is positive evidence from his own despatch that he
founded the city of Santiago at or upon that same city of
Guatemala. 'Antes acorde me bolver à esta Ciudad de Guatemala,
... asi que Yo soi venido à esta Ciudad ... hice, i edifiquè,
en nombre de su Magestad, vna Ciudad de Españoles, que se
dice la Ciudad del Señor Santiago,' he writes. The use of
the expression 'esta Ciudad de Guatemala' in other portions
of the despatch proves that it was written at the capital
of the Cakchiquel king, while at the conclusion it is dated
thus: 'De esta ciudad de Santiago, à veinte i ocho de Julio
de mil i quinientos i veinte i quatro Años.' Thus it is clear
that the city of Guatemala and the city of Santiago were one,
and that Alvarado appropriated to himself Sinacam's capital.
_Alvarado_, _Relacion_, i. 161-2, 165-6. It may be here stated
that in direct opposition to Alvarado's application of the
term ciudad to the new settlement, both Vazquez and Remesal
assert that it was a villa, the latter adding that it retained
this title eighteen days, and was erected into a city on the
12th of August. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 4, 6. Pelaez says
the city was called 'Ciudad de Santiago de los caballeros,'
but not till November 22, 1527. Vazquez affirms, _Chronica de
Gvat._, 11, that it was so called on the 29th of July, 1524,
while Remesal gives August 12th of the same year. Pelaez, in
his introduction to vol. i., states that Guatemala took its
name from the expression of Guhatezmalhá, that is to say 'the
hill which throws out water.' From the acts of the cabildo
we know that it was called a city on the 29th of July, 1524.
_Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 8.

[XXVII-3] _Fuentes y Guzman_, _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 25;
_Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 7; Zabarrieta, according to
Remesal.

[XXVII-4] This right to appoint alcaldes and regidores was
maintained and exercised by Alvarado whenever he was present,
as is proved by the cabildos of 1525 and 1526. _Remesal_,
_Hist. Chyapa_, 4. _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 11-18.

[XXVII-5] The cabildo, as an assumption of its official
prerogatives, entered into session the same day, and arranged
legal prices for provisions. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_,
4. On July 27th we find that an act was passed regulating
the blacksmith's rates. Two dollars was to be his charge
for making 100 nails, the iron being furnished to him. The
charge for shoeing a horse one gold dollar, and the same
for bleeding. It is curious to observe that the price of
horseshoes in Alvarado's army in April, 1524, was $190 a
dozen, at which rate they were bought and sold in his camp.
_Alvarado_, _Relacion_, i. 160. Remesal says that operatives,
knowing the necessity of their services, charged what they
liked. The tailor charged a real a stitch, and shoemakers
worked only at such high wages that while soling other
people's shoes with leather they might have used silver for
their own; and the blacksmith could have made his tools of
gold had he wished. On the 12th of December, 1524, the cabildo
deemed it necessary to establish fixed rates for labor of
all kinds. The measures adopted were punctually carried out
by those in power. The regulations were modified as time
required, and every two years, at most, new rates were adapted
to the condition of affairs, with which even the lords of
estates were compelled to comply. The artisans, however, still
contrived to cause the other colonists much inconvenience
by refusing all payment for work except in gold coin, the
tailor otherwise retaining his customer's clothes, even on a
feast-day, and the shoemaker his shoes. This state of things
lasted till 1529, when the corporation on the 19th of February
made the aboriginal currency of the country, cacao, feathers,
and clothing, legal tender. _Hist. Chyapa_, 6; _Arévalo_,
_Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 8-67, passim. Another of the first acts
of this new corporation was the appointment of a town-crier,
his salary being fixed at $100 a year. _Id._, 7-8. With
regard to this office of crier, Remesal states that it had to
be accepted by the person selected to fill it under pain of
death. _Hist. Chyapa_, 4. On the present occasion the person
chosen was Diego Diaz, who strongly objected to the calling,
but was compelled to accept. Remesal, with his death penalty,
goes beyond the act of the corporation, which says 'so pena
de cient azotes.' _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 8. As an
instance of the dearness of provisions, we find an act passed
on the 6th of May, 1525, limiting the price of eggs to one
gold real apiece. _Id._, 12, 14.

[XXVII-6] _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 8. But Remesal, who
is continually at variance with the best authorities, says on
the 29th of July.

[XXVII-7] Vazquez says there were enrolled as settlers at the
founding less than 200 Spaniards, for, though very few had
fallen in battle, detachments had been left at Quezaltenango
and Patinamit. With regard to this latter place it must be
borne in mind that Vazquez believed the city to have been
founded on the Volcan de Agua. _Chronica de Gvat._, 10-11;
see also _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 8-19.

[XXVII-8] 'Cortes ... confirmo los repartimientos, y ayudo a
pedir aquella gouernacion.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 233; see
also _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.

[XXVII-9] It will be seen in the narrative that the Spaniards
were soon obliged to abandon Patinamit and locate elsewhere,
and that the city of Santiago had no permanent site until its
establishment in Panchoy in 1527.

[XXVII-10] 'Pedro de Alvarado les mando que dentro de cierto
termino le diesen mill hojas de oro de a quinze pesos cada
hoja.' _Ramirez_, _Proceso contra Alvarado_, 59. Brasseur de
Bourbourg states that the king and royal family were commanded
to bring vases filled with the precious metals, and to deliver
up even their crowns and personal ornaments. _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, iv. 673.

[XXVII-11] The Indians appear to have brought in pyrites not
unfrequently. Las Casas, speaking of the Cuzcatecs, says:
'Indiani igitur magnum hastarum ex orichalcho inaurato,
numerum, quæ aureæ esse videbantur ... congregarunt.
Capitaneus eas Lydio lapide probari jussit, cumque orichalcum
esse cerneret,' etc. _Regio. Ind. Devastat._, 38. 'Alvarado no
tomava syno oro fino e lo rescebia por el toque.' _Ramirez_,
_Proceso contra Alvarado_, 59.

[XXVII-12] See _Bancroft's Native Races_, ii. 732.

[XXVII-13] Brasseur de Bourbourg gives August 27, 1524, as
the date of this abandonment of Patinamit by the Cakchiquels.
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 676. This date would be about two
months earlier than that assigned to the event in Alvarado's
evidence for defence, where it is shown to have occurred six
or seven months after his seizure of Queen Suchil. _Ramirez_,
_Proceso contra Alvarado_, 100, 146-7, passim.

[XXVII-14] The high price of food during this war is evident
from an act of the cabildo, passed May 6, 1525, limiting the
charge for a hog weighing 120 pounds to twenty pesos de oro,
equivalent to nearly $300 of our day; while eggs were one
real de oro each, that is over $1.50. _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt.
Guat._, 13-14.

[XXVII-15] Las Casas tells a frightful story of reprisal,
wherein the Spaniards drove all their captives, man, woman,
or child, into these staked pits. _Regio. Ind. Devastat._, 36.

[XXVII-16] Brasseur de Bourbourg imagines this place to have
been situated in the Zutugil territory. _Hist. Nat. Civ._,
iv. 678.

[XXVII-17] Brasseur de Bourbourg takes the view that both the
later Zacatepec war and the capture of Mixco occurred during
the suppression of the Cakchiquel revolt. But he seems to
me somewhat inconsistent. He makes the subjugation of the
Cakchiquels last 'pendant plusieurs mois' after Alvarado's
return to Patinamit, and yet a little later he points out
that during the first months of the year 1525 Salvador was
reconquered and a Spanish town founded there. _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, iv. 680-1. It is scarcely to be supposed that a second
campaign into Salvador could have been undertaken while the
Cakchiquel war was going on. Moreover, according to his
interpretation of the Cakchiquel manuscript, the town of
Zumpango was one of many which submitted to the Spaniards
after the destruction of Mixco; and, as will be seen later,
the reduction of Zacatepec was owing to the hostile incursions
from that district against Zumpango while Alvarado was absent
on a campaign. The Cakchiquel manuscript is the production of
Francisco Ernandez Arana Xahila, and contains a brief history
of the Cakchiquel nation from the earliest times. The author
was the grandson of King Hunyg of the Ahpotzotzil line, and it
is written in his hand down to the year 1562, from which time
it is continued somewhat further by Francisco Gebuta Queh, of
the same family. Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Bib. Mex. Guat._, 13,
says that it was translated into French in 1856 at Rabinal in
Guatemala.

[XXVII-18] This city had been founded by the Pocoman Indians,
during their early wars with the Quichés and the Cakchiquels,
the site selected being on account of its natural strength.
_Native Races_, i. 787; _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 245. It was
situated in the valley of Xilotepec, on a ridge between the
Pixcayatl and the Rio Grande de Motagua, the former river
being a tributary of the latter, and meaning 'guardian
stream.' _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 350; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 680.

[XXVII-19] Juarros states that two defenders, by rolling
stones down the steep path from the heights above, could
prevent an army from entering. _Guat._, ii. 284.

[XXVII-20] Fuentes says 30 cavalry, serving on foot, and 200
Tlascaltecs. _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 14-5.

[XXVII-21] _Macario_, _Xecul MS._, 7; _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii.
285.

[XXVII-22] In this engagement, for the Indians were pursued
after Aguilar's rescue, more than 200 Chignautecs fell,
says Juarros. On the side of the Spaniards many Tlascaltecs
were slain, among whom were two illustrious chiefs, Juan
Xuchiatl and Gerónimo Carrillo—the Spanish name of this
Indian chief—while of the Spaniards themselves a considerable
proportion received severe wounds. _Guat._, ii. 285. Besides
Aguilar and the three captains, whose names are given in the
text, Fuentes mentions also Gutierre de Robles and Pedro de
Olmos as having greatly signalized themselves in this action.
_Recordacion Florida_, MS., 16.

[XXVII-23] Fuentes, who wrote between 1690 and 1700, gives
a partial description of a cavern, the entrance to which
was on a small ridge by the side of the ruins of Mixco.
The door-way was of clay, three feet wide and three high.
Thirty-six stone steps led down to a spacious chamber,
having at its end another flight of stairs, down which no
one had passed far, for the reason that the ground began
to tremble as the explorer proceeded. Eighteen steps had,
however, been descended, and an arched opening on the right
side discovered, leading by six steps into a long cavern.
No further explorations had been made. Ubi sup., cap. ii.;
_Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 350-1 _Native Races_, iv. 119-20.

[XXVII-24] The distance of the outlet from the camp must have
been considerable, as Fuentes states that a day was allowed
for the arrival of Loarca's force at the cave. _Fuentes y
Guzman_, _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 17.

[XXVII-25] The account given by Fuentes is somewhat confused.
From his version on page 17 the reader is led to suppose that
Loarca's party were to ascend by the cavernous passage, and
in the order given in the text, while on page 19 he states
that those who fled by the cave were attacked by the party
'stationed in ambush.'

[XXVII-26] Fuentes says that Lopez de Villanueva and two
others quickly took his place.

[XXVII-27] _Tezump_, _Quiché MS._, 7; _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii.
284-8; _Fuentes y Guzman_, _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 14-9.

[XXVII-28] The Mixco of to-day is distant from the present
city of Guatemala about two leagues, and nine or ten leagues
from the ruins of the Mixco destroyed by Alvarado. Its
destruction was followed by the submission of various towns,
among which, according to the Cakchiquel MS., were Xilotepec,
Yampuk, Papuluka, and Zumpango.

[XXVII-29] _Cakchiquel MS._, 5; _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 281;
_Fuentes y Guzman_, _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 12. Jimenez
makes a marginal note in the manuscript of Fuentes, stating
that 'this is false, because they had rebelled previous to the
arrival of the Spaniards and made their capital at Yampuk.'
_Fuentes y Guzman_, _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 12-3.

[XXVII-30] Fuentes asserts that they were wont to celebrate
their feasts, during which these victims were immolated, on
hills in full view of the Indians who were friendly to the
Spaniards, in order to provoke them.

[XXVII-31] Juarros assigns too early a date, January 1525,
for the events which follow, but he appears to be quite
unconscious of this first Cakchiquel revolt. _Guat._, ii. 281.
Jimenez has made a marginal note in the manuscript of Fuentes
as follows: 'This town,' meaning Xinaco, 'was founded some
time afterward—therefore this is false.'

[XXVII-32] Fuentes states that the Spaniards at this time were
engaged in the Atitlan war. _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 13.
This is a mistake. Atitlan was subdued in 1524, and Alvarado,
who gives a detailed account of the affair, would have
mentioned this war with the Zacatepecs had it occurred at that
time. Juarros says Alvarado was engaged in the Atitlan war or
that of the Pipiles. _Guat._, ii. 282. This latter conjecture
is doubtless right. There is evidence that Alvarado undertook
his second campaign along the coast against Salvador during
the early part of 1525, conquered the country, and founded
the city of San Salvador. No records of the events remain, but
from an act of the cabildo of Guatemala, dated the 6th of May,
1525, we learn that one Diego Holguin had previously left the
city to 'reside in the villa de San Salvador, of which he was
alcalde.' _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 13.

[XXVII-33] Fuentes, followed by Juarros, states that this
was done by the advice of an aged Indian named Choboloc. He
had observed that the Spaniards did not engage with all their
forces at once, but always kept a body of men in reserve, and
suggested to the chiefs of his nation the adoption of similar
tactics.

[XXVII-34] _Fuentes y Guzman_, _Recordacion Florida_, MS.,
12-14; _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 281-3.

[XXVII-35] This ruler, says Gonzalo de Alvarado, displayed in
his person the nobility of his blood and was about 40 years
of age. _Alvarado, Gonzalo de_, _Memoria_, MS.; _Juarros_,
_Guat._, ii. 319.

[XXVII-36] The Cakchiquels are said to have applied the
word Mem to the Maya-speaking tribes. This word, meaning
'stutterers,' was corrupted by the Spaniards into Mames. They
occupied that portion of the country which lay between the
Quiché territory and Chiapas, now the province of Totonicapan.
See _Native Races_, ii. 128, v., passim.

[XXVII-37] The Hondo, during the dry season, is but a small
shallow stream. In the wet season, however, it becomes a deep
and dangerous river, hence its name, El Rio Hondo, 'the deep
river.'

[XXVII-38] _Macario_, _Xecul MS._, 16; _Juarros_, _Guat._,
ii. 311. The town still exists.

[XXVII-39] _Quiché MS._, 10; _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 311-13.
A city which remains to the present day under the same name.

[XXVII-40] Like Utatlan and Mixco, this city was situated on
a plateau surrounded by ravines. The plateau was twelve miles
in circumference, and on it are still to be seen the ruins of
Zakuléu, known by the name of Las Cuevas, the caves, about
half a league from Huehuetenango. They are only a confused
heap of rubbish, overgrown with brushwood. Two pyramidal
structures of stone and mortar can, however, be made out.
Juarros calls the place Socoleo, which is the present name
of a village and stream in the locality. _Guat._, ii. 313-14;
_Native Races_, iv. 128-30.

[XXVII-41] The Spaniards lost in this engagement 40 Indians
and three horses, while eight soldiers were severely wounded,
among them Gonzalo de Alvarado. They collected from the bodies
of the slain a great quantity of gold medals. _Alvarado,
Gonzalo de_, _Memoria_, MS.; _Juarros_, _Guat._ ii. 315-16.

[XXVII-42] The present Socoleo, a tributary of the river
Selegua.

[XXVII-43] This guard consisted of 400 Indians and ten picked
Spaniards, under command of Antonio de Salazar. _Juarros_,
_Guat._, ii. 317.

[XXVII-44] During the battle, which was fought in full view
of Zakuléu, the Mames attempted a sally in support of the
mountaineers but were repelled by Salazar. _Juarros_, _Guat._,
ii. 317.

[XXVII-45] Juarros adds that Gonzalo did not adopt this plan
at first for the reason that he wanted to avail himself of
his cavalry in the assault. _Guat._, ii. 318.

[XXVII-46] _Alvarado, Gonzalo de_, _Memoria_, MS.; _Juarros_,
_Guat._, ii. 319. Gonzalo de Alvarado affirms that 1800 Mames
perished in the defence of Zakuléu. _Id._

[XXVII-47] Juarros states that a stone slab formed the door
of the fort, and that this was broken up.

[XXVII-48] The authorities that have been consulted for the
history of the conquest of Guatemala are the following:
_Cortés_, _Cartas_ [ed. Paris, 1866], 289-90, 304-5,
containing information down to the departure of Alvarado for
Guatemala; _Alvarado_, _Relacion_, in _Barcia_, _Hist. Prim._,
157-66, and in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x.,
107-50, taken as bases of that portion of the history which
includes the entrance into Guatemala territory and succeeding
events down to the founding of the city of Santiago; _Oviedo_,
iii. 448, 459-60, 475-87, wherein Cortés and Alvarado are
closely followed; _Peter Martyr_, dec. viii. cap. v., relating
mainly to the narrative of the messengers sent to Guatemala,
merely mentioning Alvarado's departure; _Gomara_, _Hist.
Mex._, 229-33; _Id._, _Hist. Ind._, 266-8, which affords but
little additional information to that supplied by Oviedo;
_Chimalpain_, _Hist. Conq._, ii. 100-5, 181-2; _Bernal
Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 77, 174-6; _Las Casas_, _Regio.
Ind. Devastat._, 35-40, and _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Horribles
Crueldades_, 66-71. The former of these two last authorities
is exceptionally severe against Alvarado, and enumerates
numbers of atrocities committed by him and his followers,
while the latter prominently brings forward the services of
the Mexican auxiliaries, and mentions the excessive hardships
and cruelties they suffered. _Id._, _Relaciones_, 431-3.
Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. viii.-xi., occasionally
differs from Alvarado's statements, but is generally reliable.
See also _Lorenzana_, _Viage_, in _Cortés_, _Hist. N. España_,
335-6, 369-70; _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, viii.
17; _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 7-15; _Ramirez_, _Proceso
contra Alvarado_, passim—which work throws much light upon
the doings of the conqueror, though contradictory evidence
renders it ofttimes difficult to decide on the merits of a
charge; _Ramusio_, _Viaggi_, iii. 296-8; _Atitlan_, _Requête
de plusieurs chefs_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, série i., tom. x.,
415-25; _Suchimilco_, _Carta de sus caciques_, in _Pacheco_
and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xii., 293-4; _Remesal_, _Hist.
Chyapa_, 2-7, an author unreliable so far as the conquest
of Guatemala goes when not supported by other authorities;
_Galvano's Discov._, 156-7; _Voyages, Selection of Curious,
Rare, and Early_, 31; _Fuentes y Guzman_, _Recordacion
Florida_, MS., 1-4, 12-19, 25-7, has many errors and is far
from reliable; _Vazquez_, _Chronica de Gvat._, 1-17, 68,
522-6; _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 139; _Juarros_,
_Guat._, i. 60, 64, 66-7, 79, 253; ii. 240-60, 277-88, 309-20;
_Id._ [ed. London, 1823], 10, 29-30, 124-6, 234-6, 378-404,
419-32, 456-69; _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, i. 44-7, 64-5,
compiled from various authors, and is inaccurate. _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 612-719; _Prescott's Mex._,
iii. 273-4; _Help's Span. Conq._, iii. 242-74; _Calle_, _Mem.
y Not._, 113-5; _Salazar y Olarte_, _Conq. Mex._, 124-33;
_Niebla_, _Mem. de Zapotitlan_, MS., 7-8; _Larrainzar_,
_Hist. Soconusco_, 1-14, 17-8; _Zamacois_, _Hist. Méj._, iv.
167-74, 182; _Squier's MSS._, xvi.; _Squier's States Cent.
Am._, 323-30; _Ogilby's Am._, 236; _Dunn's Guat._, 261-4;
_Laet_, _Nov. Orb._, 317-46; _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._,
9; _Larenaudière_, _Mex. and Guat._ [ed. Paris, 1843], 135,
277-85. Minor authorities also consulted are _Russell's Hist.
Am._, i. 389-91; _Robert's Narr. Voy._, xxi.; _Montanus_, _De
Nieuwe Weereld_, 273; _Crowe's Cent. Am._, 28-114; _Conder's
Mex. and Guat._, ii. 178, 183-9, 199, 297; _Drie Verscheyde
Togten_, 18-19, 25-34; _Haefkens_, _Cent. Am._, 5-19; _Holmes'
Annals Am._, i. 54; _North Am. Rev._, xxvi. 132-4; _Wagner_,
_Costa Rica_, 518-22; _Lardner's Hist. Discov._, ii. 61;
_Salvador_, _Diar. Ofic._, April, 1876; _Santos_, _Chronologia
Hospitalaria_, ii. 478; _Findlay's Directory_, i. 222;
_Modern Traveller_, _Mex. and Guat._, ii. 178-90; _Gac. Nic._,
June, 1865, 217; _Garcia_, _Reseña Geog._, 6-7; _Bussière_,
_L'Empire Hex._, 336-7; _Montúfar_, _Mem. Hist. Rev._, pp.
viii.-x.; _Pineda_, _Descripcion Geog._, 10; _Gordon's Anc.
Mex._, ii. 244; _Kerr's Col. Voy._, 221-34; _Vocabulario
Geog._, in _Cartas de Indias_, 674.