Chapter XVIII

OFFICERS IN CONFEDERATE PRISONS--HOUSTON--STATE PRISON--CAMP GROCE--CAMP FORD--EN-ROUTE HOME--AT HOME.

Soon after the enlisted men (Galveston prisoners of war) were paroled and left for the Federal lines, the officers retained at Houston were joined (January 25th) by one hundred and nine prisoners taken at Sabine Pass, officers and crews of the U. S. sailing vessels _Morning Light_ and _Velocity_. Among them were Acting Masters Dillingham, Fowler and Washburn, Masters-Mates Chambers and Rice, Acting Assistant-Surgeon J. W. Shrify, and Captain Hammond of the _Velocity_.

These two successful ventures (Galveston and Sabine Pass) elated the Texans, giving them a confidence in their prowess that expressed itself in constant jubilations. “We Texans are whales,” remarked by one of them to a prisoner, was but an index of opinions they all entertained.

The officers were allowed liberty of the city, on their parole-of-honor, for about a week or ten days after reaching Houston, when this privilege was withdrawn, and they were kept in close confinement. This freedom was not improved further than to purchase supplies. Union men had secretly cautioned them not to go out in the then excited state of feeling among the people, who thought hanging was good enough for Federal officers. A watch was upon every one who evinced a desire to show the Federals any attention. One man, who gave them a stove, was thrown into confinement. Another man, a storekeeper, had Colonel Burrell dine with him at home, but did not dare to visit the officers in their quarters. In conversation with the provost-marshal on this state of feeling, that official said they were safe from any trouble while under guard, for the army did not wish any harm to come to them, because there was no telling when they would find themselves in the same predicament; still the prisoners were chary of trust in either army or people, and at night barricaded their prison-apartment door with what chairs they had; each man armed himself with a stick of wood for defence, if an occasion arose.

There were men in Houston who secretly passed into the officers’ hands a sufficient amount of Confederate bills to supply their needful wants. Prominent in this good work was a Mr. H. W. Benchley, who was lieutenant-governor of Massachusetts in 1855. The money thus obtained was of the greatest benefit at the time, enabling many necessaries to be procured. The names of all these men are not known. Many were former citizens of Massachusetts, whose hearts were not alienated from the old Bay State. There was a slumbering affection for the United States Government, kept in abeyance from fear of the Confederate authorities, who, it has been proved beyond a question, were wont to treat with severity every man suspected of sympathy with the Federal Government.

The prisoners’ quarters would have been tolerable comfortable had any decent arrangements been made to take care of excrements, made by Confederate soldiers and Federal prisoners. The lower stories were occupied by troops, the upper story by prisoners, who had to stand all bad odor that ascended from below. Rations issued, while not what the prisoners would like, nor, in fact, such as Northern people would consider fit to eat, were quite as good as the authorities issued to their own troops, accustomed to that kind of food. To become accustomed to “corn-meal coffee” and coarse “corn-dodger” was hard work. Food was issued to last ten days at a time, and had to do so. Each man was expected to fare no better than his fellows. No trouble occurred until Stone and Dillingham helped themselves one day, out of meal hours, to ginger-bread laid aside. Some personal feeling was engendered when they were remonstrated with, and the Confederate provost-marshal issued an order that made Colonel Burrell commander of the Federal prisoners. An effort was made to draw up a code of regulations all would agree to be governed by, but no committee could be found to do this duty. Colonel Burrell was obliged to exercise a supervision over all matters material to their welfare until he left Houston.

_Ennui_ of confinement, in January, February and March, was somewhat abated by singing, card playing, drills in sword exercise, with sticks of wood for weapons, and gymnastic exercises. On and after February 12th they were allowed two hours a day, under guard, to stroll around the city and outskirts, generally to cross Buffalo Bayou and play ball upon the prairie land, free of annoyance from citizens. This privilege was granted on a medical certificate from Surgeon Cummings, stating such liberty was absolutely necessary, and consent obtained of General Magruder, through Surgeon Peples, medical director of the Department, with whom Cummings was on intimate terms.

The _Houston Telegraph_ was eagerly read every morning, and each item relating to exchange of prisoners or their parole was sought for and noted. They could get little satisfactory information from its columns concerning the situation of military affairs; according to its “pony express news,” victories were always with the Southern arms, and such victories! _Bombastes Furioso_ could not have done better than did the publisher of this newspaper.

Among the frequent visitors was Major Shannon, C. S. A., who did his best to make everything pleasant, also a Captain Chubb, formerly from Charlestown, Mass., then a resident of Texas. Chubb was captured early in the war by Federals, and confined in Fort Lafayette for over a year. He was much given to boasting, and could utter more oaths in one sentence than any man the prisoners ever heard. Notwithstanding his boasts, bluster, and intense fire-eating proclivities, he was always found to be pleasant, agreeable company, kind and generous at heart, ever ready to do the prisoners a favor. He did contribute money to the officers’ fund in a quiet way. Other visitors were a Mr. Whitcomb, formerly of Roxbury, Mass., and a Mr. Stearns, of Waltham, Mass., then an engineer on the Galveston and Houston Railroad.

Acting-Master Munroe, wounded upon the _Harriet Lane_, died January 30th, and was buried next day, the funeral being attended by all of the naval officers present. Corporal McIntosh, Company D, died February 10th, in hospital, at six P.M., and was buried next day in the afternoon. The officers made a neat head-board to mark his grave. March 26th Private O’Shaughnessy, Company D, made his first appearance, on crutches, since losing his leg at Galveston. April 6th Private Josselyn, Company D, wounded at Galveston, was discharged from hospital.

On the twenty-ninth of April an order came from General Magruder to send all commissioned officers to the State Penitentiary at Huntsville, there to be kept in close confinement until further orders. This order, so it was stated, came from Richmond, and was to place in confinement all captured officers that were in General Butler’s army, and was said to be in retaliation for a similar act of the Federal authorities. None of the officers came from Butler’s army; General Banks had superseded him, and the 42d Mass. was acting under Banks’ orders. Without any regular order from General Banks in his possession, Colonel Burrell was unable to make the authorities understand this fact, or more likely they chose not to understand it. All colored men in the captured crews of the _Harriet Lane_ and _Morning Light_ had previously been sent to this prison, to do convict duty. An intimation of some proceeding like this was given on the nineteenth.

Under escort of a cavalry detachment the officers proceeded to the Texas Central Railroad depot to take a special freight car, at nine o’clock A.M. Dinner was eaten at Cypress City, twenty-five miles from Houston, and at half-past four P.M. they reached Navasota, where quarters were provided for nineteen officers in one room eighteen feet square, at the Morning Star Hotel. Supper and breakfast cost them two dollars each. After breakfast next morning, and a friendly shake of the hand by General Sam. Houston, who promised to call at their new quarters and see them, at quarter-past six o’clock they took four wagons, with mule teams, provided to make the journey to their destination, forty-five miles distant, and arrived at the prison about noon May 1st, where the information was imparted that they were to be confined in separate cells. A protest was drawn up, signed by all, and Surgeon Cummings, with Frank Veazie, non-combatants, returned with the same to Houston. This was not a May-day festival for the prisoners.

In this old-fashioned prison, with none of the conveniences now in use, convicts were employed at the shop in manufacturing cotton cloth for the Confederate Government, a Mr. Chandler, from Massachusetts, acting as superintendent of the factory. Life was enjoyed somewhat after this routine: after the convicts had gone to work, the officers were released from their cells and allowed to do as they pleased in the yard until dinner hour, when they returned to their cells, to be released again after the convicts had eaten their dinner and returned to work. This rule was in force for nine days only, when Colonel Carruthers obtained a supply of lumber, had cots made in a room in the upper story of the prison building facing the street, and this room, on and after May 9th, was occupied by all of the officers for a sleeping apartment. Regular prison fare was provided on the first day, when Colonel Carruthers, in charge of the prison, a humane man, informed his military prisoners he would shoulder the responsibility and give them meals at his own table, although without authority to do so. After this no complaint could be made on that score. Confined a few nights in small, hot cells, afterwards in the large room, was the extent of their inconvenience until released from prison June 27th, nearly two months from the day they entered prison walls. General Houston, Mrs. Houston, their two daughters and son, Andrew Jackson Houston, frequently visited the officers and entertained them so far as lay in their power. Old Sam, seventy years old, straight as an arrow, was a very interesting entertainer, with enlivening conversation of his experience in the United States Senate.

The officers subjected to the indignity of a prison confinement by the Confederate officials were: Colonel Burrell, Captains Sherive, Proctor and Savage, Lieutenants Cowdin, White, Eddy, Newcomb, Bartlett and Stowell, 42d Mass. Vols.; Masters Hamilton and Hannum, Engineers Plunkett and Stone, of the _Harriet Lane_; Masters Dillingham, Fowler and Washburn, Masters-Mates Chambers and Rice, Purser’s Clerk Van Wycke, of the _Morning Light_; Captain Hammond, of the _Velocity_. The three last-named were not brought to prison until May 14th.

Engineers Plunkett and Stone were taken to court, held in Houston June 10th, to testify in the case of a man who was on trial for repairing the boilers of the _Harriet Lane_ while she lay in front of Galveston. Plunkett refused to testify and was placed in jail for contempt of court, but soon after released.

After Magruder sent these officers to Huntsville prison, with orders to have them treated as prisoners of war in confinement and not as felons, a controversy arose between the State and military authorities over the right of the latter to send prisoners of war to the penitentiary. The result was their transfer to a new camp established for war prisoners at Hempstead, called Camp Groce.

Leaving behind Colonel Burrell, sick with rheumatism, under care of Captain Sherive, the other officers left Huntsville June 27th for Camp Groce, under escort of a cavalry guard commanded by Captain Cundiff. Transportation back to Navasota was in wagons, with three extra wagons, hired at ten dollars a day from each man, to carry their baggage. Twelve miles were made on the first day, and sleeping accommodations found at night in an old school-house, having dinner and supper from rations provided by kind Mrs. Carruthers. Twenty-one miles were travelled the second day, at night bivouacking under trees in a splendid moonlight, and Navasota was reached on the twenty-ninth, about noon. There they remained until the thirtieth, when cars were taken for Camp Groce, which place was reached at eleven o’clock in the forenoon.

Until removed to Camp Groce the few enlisted men 42d Mass., left behind at Houston, were quartered in a large warehouse used for storage of general merchandise, in company with sailors composing the _Morning Light_ crew. These sailors were a motley crowd, comprising men from nearly every nation: Irish, English, Dutch, Spanish, Greek, Italian, and two South Sea Islanders. They did not mind captivity, apparently thought of nothing beyond amusement. Occasionally they got put in irons for some misdemeanor or violation of rules, but no sooner were the irons riveted upon their ankles than off they were filed by comrades, to be again put on when an officer of the day came around to call the roll. One night three of these rollicking sailors broke away from the building and went on a spree, with some of Captain Clipper’s men. While on a raid through the city, mounted on horses, they all rode into a bar-room and were captured by the provost-guard, brought back to quarters, and placed in irons that had no terrors for them.

Several prisoners recently captured in Louisiana were brought in June 1st, and three more June 9th, taken at Franklin, La. One of these new prisoners, Hugh Dolan, became a great favorite with the sailors immediately on arrival on account of his wonderful vocal abilities, so they thought, and light-hearted manner. One of his favorite songs was “Bowld Jack Donahoe,” and whenever he sang this song his nautical audience would listen with the most profound attention.

What the “boys” considered an affliction was the removal of their kind-hearted and friendly “old guard,” Captain Clipper’s company, ordered to Galveston June 9th. Another company, commanded by Captain Buster, had for some time assisted Captain Clipper in guarding the prisoners, and remained to do that duty. The men of this company were not liked very much by any of their charge; none of that cordial feeling existed as had been the case with the “old guard.” They were a despicable set of fellows. Captain Buster, a mild, pleasant man, lacked energy and was too indolent to pay much attention to the discipline of his men. His first-lieutenant, Morgan, was a bombastic and disagreeable man, who paid little attention to his prisoners. This guard remained on duty until September 18th, when militia relieved them.

Floating rumors in regard to removal up country were verified on the thirteenth of June, when all prisoners in Houston were taken by railroad to Camp Groce, enjoying an all-day ride upon platform freight cars, without shelter from a hot sun. Their new home was a long, narrow frame barrack, leaky in rainy weather, divided into three compartments, situated about three hundred yards from the railroad, in the centre of a dry, sandy clearing, with a few trees left for shade. This clearing was surrounded by a belt of woods on all sides but one, and near by was a sluggish body of swamp water bordered by cypress trees. The place was supplied with bad water from two deep wells. Another row of barracks, occupied by the guard, ran almost parallel to those occupied by prisoners, at about two hundred yards distance. A few frame buildings between these barracks and the railroad served as quarters for Confederate officers.

The location of Camp Groce was decidedly unhealthy, and had been abandoned by Confederate troops as a camp of instruction for this reason. Arrangement of sinks was bad, not at all conducive to health. Sickness prevailed to such an extent there were not enough men able to watch and properly attend their sick companions. When a person stops to think of what has to be done in cases where patients are too weak to move themselves, with primitive utensils at hand to perform necessary acts, it is a wonder how prisoners in this hospital camp managed to exist. Each sick man remained with his mess for care and attention. Hospital accommodations were not provided, except what was in the town reserved for exclusive use of Confederates.

All through August, September, October and part of November, the dull monotony of prison life wore on unattended by any hopeful news or enlivening sensations. Communications were forwarded to General Banks, the Secretary of War, and General Meredith, Federal Commissioner for the exchange of prisoners, on the subject of being paroled or exchanged. None of the prisoners then understood why the Federal Government did not do something in their behalf. They were informed by Colonel Sayles, who formerly commanded at Camp Groce, that repeated efforts had been made by the Confederate authorities to induce the Federal Government to exchange them, but the Federal authorities repeatedly refused to listen to any propositions towards that end, also stating that the Confederates were as anxious to get rid of their prisoners as they were to go, and placed the responsibility for their continued captivity on the Federal Government. This misstatement of facts naturally caused some animosity of feeling among the prisoners towards their own Government, losing strength each day, with sickness and death constantly staring them in the face. They were not aware of the obstruction existing to interrupt an exchange of prisoners; that the Government was fighting with the enemy for a principle, the placing of negro soldiers on a par with white troops, entitled to the common usages of war when taken prisoners.

On the eighteenth of October a strict search was made through the barracks, for what purpose the prisoners were not informed, but surmised it was to ascertain if any parties in the State, Houston in particular, had compromised themselves by writing them. News of the arrest of Union men, especially in Houston, was often heard. In this search all money was taken away under a promise of return, and a receipt given. Writings, diaries and letters were seized, never to be seen again.

A stockade was built in October completely encircling the camp, made so high escape by climbing would be impossible, and the prisoners became down-hearted at this indication of a possible lengthy stay, when, on the sixteenth of November, after most of the men had retired for the night, Colonel Burrell entered the barracks with news that all were to be paroled as soon as the papers could be made out. Wild excitement prevailed on the announcement of these joyous tidings, and the night was passed without sleep, amid cheers, yells, and frantic demonstrations of delight.

All hands commenced to get ready, by disposing of “traps” they could spare to purchasers easily found among the guard and citizens. Parole papers were signed by the enlisted men November 20th, and the march for three hundred miles to Shreveport, La., commenced December 9th. On December 11th the officers were removed to Camp Ford, Tyler, Smith County, Texas, well understanding they must keep up courage until the new year came in, and manage in some way to get through approaching winter, ill-prepared as they were to stand cold weather, from having disposed of many necessary articles of clothing to obtain money to purchase food while on their way to the Federal lines, when they expected to go with the enlisted men.

The following record of sundry events at Camp Groce was culled from several diaries:

“July 4th--Celebrated in the best manner possible under the circumstances, and was dull enough. The day was not recognized by the Confederates. July 11th--A battalion of conscripts arrived in camp; most of them Germans and Mexicans. July 30th--Barracks look like a hospital. Six officers sick abed, and out of one hundred men sixty are in the same condition. Not a man is in good health; all are ailing, though those not in bed have to keep up and about to attend the others. Impossible to procure suitable medicines even with money collected among the prisoners to obtain medical supplies; none furnished by the authorities. August 1st--Colonel Nott, Lieutenant-Colonel Duganne and Lieutenant Sherman, 176th N. Y.; Captain Van Tyne, 131st N. Y.; Lieutenants Bassett and Wilson, 48th Mass.; Lieutenant Humble, 4th Mass.; and seven civilians, captured at Brashear City and on the La-Fourche, arrived in camp. After these arrivals Sunday services were held, Colonels Nott or Duganne officiating. August 6th--Colonel Burrell and Captain Sherive arrived from Huntsville State Prison. September 14th--Two hundred and twenty prisoners arrived in camp, taken at Sabine Pass on the tenth instant. The wounded arrived September 30th. Particulars of this engagement, furnished by the captives, caused everybody to feel sorrowful and chagrined. September 26th--A sailor was fired on while playing ball, because he went too near the picket line; he was not hit. October 5th--Twenty officers attached to the U. S. gunboats _Clifton_ and _Sachem_ arrived in camp from Sabine Pass and were confined in separate quarters, not allowed to hold any conversation or communication with other prisoners for some time. October 27th--Four prisoners arrived, captured in Louisiana.

A total of four officers and eighteen men died at Camp Groce; ten or twelve were sailors. Ship Carpenter Morris, of the _Harriet Lane_, sixty years old, died July 19th. Lieutenant Ramsey, 175th N. Y., died October 11th; he was sick with consumption, but dysentery was the immediate cause of death. Lieutenant Hayes, 175th N. Y., was found dead in his bunk October 16th.

The following officers and men of the 42d died at Camp Groce, viz.:

August 1st--Private Dennis Dailey, Company D. He was a great favorite with sailors of the _Morning Light_, with whom he generally associated.

August 22d--Lieutenant Bartlett, Company I, at one o’clock A.M., of dysentery, after a short illness.

September 3d--Private E. F. Josselyn, Company D, in the afternoon, of dysentery, after a long illness.

September 9th--Surgeon Cummings, in the afternoon. He was in failing health for a month, and was unconscious for some days previous to his death. The burial took place next day with Masonic rites, attended by Federal and Confederate Freemasons. Lieutenant-Colonel Duganne conducted the ceremonies.

Private Parker, Company G, was left sick in Hempstead Hospital. He died December 14th, 1863.

The guard over the officers who marched from Camp Groce to Camp Ford was commanded by Captain Davis, who marched them sixteen to seventeen miles a day over the sandy and hilly roads. The march usually commenced at seven A.M. and ended for the day between two and three o’clock P.M. The weather was pleasant and cool nearly every day, but cold at night. They got caught in two rain-storms, and wet through. The officers arrived at Camp Ford about two o’clock P.M., December 22d, after a twelve days’ tramp.

At Camp Ford the prisoners already there, mostly Western men, had built log cabins and were quite comfortable under the circumstances. The so-called 42d mansion was built in a few days, with help and aid from two officers of the 19th Iowa who understood the way to construct log cabins. Within this cabin, before a roaring log fire, while rain, snow and hail reigned without, were passed the closing days of 1863. Snow blew into the cabin, wetting blankets through, and fell an inch deep upon the ground outside.

The first three months of 1864 were wearisome, with constant and conflicting rumors of parole or exchange, and occasional news of officers who had been exchanged, a subject of all-absorbing interest to everybody. No description of the life they led can afford an adequate idea of the torments to mind and body, their hopes and fears for the future, and constant struggle to make the best of their situation until a change came. Northern papers frequently found their way inside the stockade to be greedily devoured for news, as they were passed around from one to another. A newspaper from home was like a visiting angel. Southern papers were in camp every week. A tolerable correct idea of what was going on in the outside world, political and military, was sifted from these papers, aided by information obtained from Confederate officers.

To kill time the prisoners occupied themselves in repairs and improvements on quarters for business, and visits to brother officers, singing and dancing, for recreation. A violin, purchased by subscription for one hundred and ten dollars Confederate money, Captain May, 23d Conn., as violinist, and a banjo made in camp and played by Engineer R. W. Mars, of the gunboat _Diana_, accompanied by a flute manipulated by Captain Thomason, 176th N. Y., and a fife by E. J. Collins, made a select orchestra to furnish appropriate music for the dances. Gardens were started early in February, when corn, mustard, lettuce, watermelons, squashes, onions and cotton was planted. Corn and onions showed above ground early in March. A system of barter and exchange in various articles was carried on among the prisoners, affording a means to keep their wits at work if no money was made out of the transactions. A newspaper was published, _The Old Flag_, edited and printed by Captain May, the printing done with a pen. Editions were issued February 17th, March 1st and 13th, that afforded great interest to the camp. Only one copy was issued of each number, to be passed around, read and returned to the captain. It has yet to be recorded at what post, where Confederate prisoners were confined, did they show so much versatility in amusing themselves as was shown by Federal prisoners in all parts of the South.

The birthday of Washington, February 22d, was duly celebrated. All expenses were met by a subscription among the officers in confinement. Lieutenant-Colonel J. B. Leake, 20th Iowa, delivered an oration, followed by an original poem, written in camp by Lieutenant-Colonel Duganne. In the afternoon an election was held for Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, and Inspector of Insane Asylums of Camp Ford, to carry on a species of fun concocted at the expense of half-witted Sam Morton, a Kansas soldier. Sam was elected Governor, and then taken in a chair through the camp with great _eclat_. Fine singing by a glee club and a grand ball in the evening closed the celebration.

Pending the result of efforts constantly made to obtain a parole or exchange, attempts to escape were made at various times. Two officers of the 26th Indiana, Lieutenants Greene and Switzer, were missed at roll-call January 12th, and a pursuit made. The escape of these two officers, some two weeks before this, was known to a few comrades, who concealed their absence from roll-calls by answering for them. At last it was decided to let their escape become known. At roll-call their names were not answered, when a Confederate officer innocently asked: “Does any one know where Greene and Switzer are?” An answer was given, with a laugh, “Guess they have gone for a pair of shoes.” The two officers were afterwards heard from as having arrived in New Orleans after a walk of some three hundred miles, done in a month and two days. They gave newspaper men, for publication, a detailed account of their tramp, with names of parties who had helped them along. This published account came into Confederate hands, and was used as an excuse for persecuting those Union friends.

On a rainy night, March 24th, Colonel Rose and fourteen other officers escaped early in the evening, by sliding aside a stockade post. From a neglect to replace the post discovery of the escape soon followed, and an alarm at once sounded. Mounted men, with bloodhounds, were immediately on their track. Four men were brought back next day, recaptured after they had walked twenty miles, and nine more were retaken on the twenty-seventh. One man succeeded in making good his bold dash for liberty. This attempt to escape was contemplated for some time; those in the plot secretly prepared parched meal and dry beef to carry for food. Another attempt was in progress, suggested by reading in a paper of an escape by officers from Libby Prison, Richmond, Va., by the tunnel process. From the 42d cabin, it was calculated a tunnel fifty feet long would carry them outside of the stockade. It was a double cabin, one-half occupied by Captain May’s mess, also the editor’s _sanctum_ of the _Old Flag_. A commencement was made March 21st, the earth taken out secreted underneath bunks and carried outside when an opportunity offered; the opening was covered by a bunk when work was suspended. Men in this plot had worked a hole twenty-one feet under ground March 24th, when the original stockade line was removed to enlarge the camp, and an order was received by Colonel Allen, the commandant, to shoot at sight any prisoner caught in attempting escape. These two facts caused the attempt to be abandoned.

Colonel Allen was an old engineer officer in the United States Army, and like all regular army officers disposed to treat his prisoners as men. This disposition to do all in his power to ameliorate their sufferings probably caused his removal May 27th, a Colonel Anderson assuming command of the post. The policy pursued by Anderson, or rather a drunken lieutenant-colonel under him who took charge of all matters appertaining to the prisoners, was in an opposite direction.

Camp Ford was blessed with good water and situated upon high ground, an improvement over Camp Groce. Yet the stockade interior was filthy, without any system of sinks or police of grounds. This was the fault of the prisoners, a lazy, careless, motley crowd, not disposed to take hold of such work. Colonel Allen left such matters to those inside the stockade. Officers who saw the necessity of a system in hygienic matters soon gave up in disgust the attempt to force an organization for this purpose. As is usual in such a collection of men, refusing to recognize any superior authority except their guards, it was each man for himself and the devil take the hindmost.

Among the imprisoned officers were several lieutenant-colonels and majors. Colonel Burrell was one of the three officers of his rank. As a matter of pride, to uphold the dignity of his commission, what many officers signally failed to do, Colonel Burrell was always scrupulously polite to Colonel Allen, never visited him except in full uniform, transacting all business with that officer in a business manner, and so gained his esteem and regard. Burrell maintained that the rules in force should be respected and obeyed--he would insist on their obeyance were he in command of such a camp--and by maintaining dignified relations with the commandant was enabled several times to secure a rescission of harsh orders issued by Colonel Allen, in consequence of foolish speeches and acts done by brainless fools in the stockade.

No medicines, no special accommodations nor post surgeon were provided at Camp Ford. Surgeons Sherfy, 1st Indiana, and Hershy, U. S. Colored Volunteers, did all in their power for the sick, and that could not be much. An old surgeon in the Confederate service, formerly of the U. S. regulars, would occasionally visit the stockade and render some service. To him Colonel Burrell owes his life, when threatened with an attack of typhoid fever.

The commandant’s wife, Mrs. Allen, was a visitor to the officers’ quarters at various times, frequently accompanied by other ladies. The good impression this lady made by her visits resulted in a poem, written by Lieutenant-Colonel Duganne, published in _The Old Flag_, issue No. 3, March 18th, 1864.

The arrival of captured prisoners to increase the inhabitants of this stockade town, taken from various soldiers’ diaries, were: January 22d--Captains Coulter and Torrey, 20th Iowa, captured at Arkansas Bay, Texas, December 19th, 1863. March 5th--Six enlisted men captured at Powder Horn, January 22d. March 30th--Between six and seven hundred prisoners arrived from Shreveport, where they were awaiting exchange. They were a hard-looking lot of human beings, many without shirts or shoes, with trousers torn, ragged, or hanging in shreds. Among them were Privates Morrill, O’Shaughnessy and McLaughlin, of the 42d. They left Shreveport March 26th. Frank Veazie was sick in a Shreveport hospital. He died the following May.

About sixteen hundred prisoners, captured at Pleasant Hill, La., arrived April 16th, 17th, 18th and 20th. To accommodate these hungry men all hands had to keep their cooking apparatus at work on corn meal until they were fed. The appearance these prisoners made could not have been equalled in Falstaff’s time. Confederate soldiers robbed them of clothing, sometimes with threats of violence if property wanted by these greedy men was not handed over for the asking. The prisoners did not seem to mind it, and laughingly said they would square accounts whenever the Confederates fell into their hands as prisoners of war. They thought it rather rough to be placed in a pen like a flock of sheep, without food or shelter. Still, nothing better could be expected, because the Confederates had no other safe place to guard their prisoners. When arrangements could be completed, they were made as comfortable as the limited means at hand would allow.

During May about eighteen hundred prisoners came in, thirteen hundred captured in Arkansas; June 6th, one hundred; and July 6th, another batch of one hundred and eighty prisoners from Banks’ army were brought in. The old prisoners commenced to think, from the continued arrivals of officers and men of the 19th Army Corps, perhaps the entire corps would eventually be captured.

Through May, June, and up to July 9th, it cannot be said the death rate was large, received as the men were in all conditions of health and sickness. Six privates died in May, and one was killed by a sentry; five died in June; five died July 1st.

With the prisoners were Chaplains Robb, 46th Indiana Vols., Hare, --th Iowa Vols., and McCulloch, 19th Kentucky Vols., who labored hard among the men to excite a religious sentiment, holding frequent prayer meetings, and administered the rites of baptism to several, among them Lieutenant Brown P. Stowell, 42d Mass., on May 22d. These religious services met with the approval of Colonel Allen, who was a devout Free Will Baptist.

Some talk was made about overpowering the guard, nearly one thousand men, composed of poor material. An insurmountable difficulty was to provide a store of food, for use when free, and a sufficient supply of arms and ammunition, for they were nearly three hundred miles from any safe place. Nothing was done, as it was useless to try it. Next to parole or exchange the idea of escape occupied the most attention. Naturally officers in command of guards were always on the lookout for anything tending towards preparations in that direction. In February about one hundred officers were drilled in the sabre exercise by Major Anthony, 2d R. I. Cavalry, for instruction and pleasure, using sticks in lieu of swords, but the post-commander summarily put a stop to it within a few days after these drills commenced.

Attempts to escape commenced again with fresh arrivals; five men got away at night June 9th, to be recaptured and returned next day. Several officers succeeded in making a break for freedom at night, July 2d, but were discovered and fired on by the guard. Nearly all of them were recaptured next day. Captain Reed, Missouri Vols., was made to stand bare-headed upon a stump near the guard-house for several hours in the hot sun, as punishment for his attempted escape.

Early in June rumors of parole and exchange again began to be circulated within the stockade. Confederate officers from Shreveport visited the prison camp more frequently than they had heretofore done, to make out lists and rolls of prisoners and time of capture. News brought by Colonel Allen and the tenor of letters received from surgeons, gone forward for exchange, raised a hope within the breasts of those long confined that there would not be a disappointment this time. When the chaplains, surgeons, and citizens not connected with the army, were paroled and started for Shreveport June 19th, hope grew into certainty. On the fifth of July, after what was termed a glorious Fourth-of-July celebration, the joyful news was brought in the stockade, by Colonel Burrell, that a paroling officer had arrived, and their day of deliverance was at hand.

Through this captivity letters from home came at long intervals, with news they were anxious to receive. Dates when letters were received by the 42d officers are as follows: March 12th, July 29th and August 26th, 1863; March 18th, June 10th, 13th and 23d, 1864. Letters received June 10th were for Captain Savage and Lieutenant Newcomb, dated February 28th and March 4th. Captain Proctor had letters from his father and wife dated May 12th and 23d, 1863, over a year old, as they were not delivered to him until June 13th, 1864. After men arrived from Banks’ army, men who belonged in Boston and vicinity made themselves known to Colonel Burrell and brother officers, some of whom had within a few months arrived from home and could give them tolerably late news from that section.

Clothing was furnished once by Confederate officers, at Hempstead, October 17th, 1863; from that time onward what the prisoners wore had to stand the wear and tear of time and use. Previous to July, in anticipation another winter would not be passed as prisoners, whoever had overcoats and extra clothing sold the garments for high prices in Confederate money, and thus obtained means to purchase extra supplies for their messes.

One thing should not be forgotten in connection with this long, tedious imprisonment: the love of country existing in every manly heart, despite his feeling at times the Government did neglect him. This patriotism was not the kind flaunted before audiences by spread-eagle political orators, all froth and no substance, but an honest, earnest, deep-seated love, ready to suffer for her cause at all times, resenting any flings or insults to its flag, giving voice to sentiments within them by singing national songs and celebrations of important days in her history.

July 7th and 8th were devoted to baking hard bread, for use on the march, and at last the prisoners, who were up at three o’clock in the morning preparing breakfast and getting their few “traps” ready, left the stockade to march for Shreveport, homeward bound. There were nine hundred and thirty officers and men, divided into one column of officers and two columns of enlisted men, with a kind and considerate Confederate cavalry guard, commanded by Major Smith and Captain Tucker. Guard and prisoners fared alike in food and slept in the open air at night: tents were not carried with them. Extreme hot weather prevailed, yet the prisoners managed to cover a respectable number of miles each day, crossing the Sabine River on the first day and sleeping upon its banks at night, with a record of twenty-one miles. The marching column reached Shreveport about noon on the thirteenth, without the loss of a man by death, having made nineteen miles July 10th, twenty-three miles on the eleventh, twenty-four miles on the twelfth, and sixteen miles on the thirteenth. Sick and worn-out men were sent by the Marshall and Shreveport Railroad on the twelfth, and this railroad also transported a portion of the prisoners on the thirteenth. About twenty officers hired a six-mule team for five hundred Confederate dollars, to carry them on the last day’s journey, and rode into camp in great style. Each morning the men were up between three and four o’clock, commenced the march within an hour after, plodding steadily along until eleven, when a rest was taken until two o’clock, then the march again resumed until evening.

At Mugginsville, one mile from Shreveport, the prisoners remained until July 16th, when they were sent on board steamers _Osceola_, _General Hodges_ and _B. L. Hodge_, bound for Alexandria, where they arrived at dusk July 18th, above the dam built by Federals to save their naval vessels in April and May, 1864, and were disembarked to camp in woods by the river side until the twenty-first, when steamers were ready below the dam to carry them on to the journey’s end. Three men died July 18th, and were buried near a spot upon the banks where lay the remains of several Federal sailors.

All hands were up at daylight July 21st. At seven o’clock they marched two miles to Alexandria, crossed Red River on a pontoon bridge and embarked upon steamers _Champion No. 3_ and _Relf_, bound for the mouth of Red River. An extract from a diary, kept by an officer of the 42d Mass., is here given:

“July 22d, 1864--We started about noon yesterday, and ran all night; arrived at the mouth of Red River as the sun was about one and one-half hours high, and were brought to a stop by a shot from one of our gunboats on blockading service. None of our transports were there, and we began to have some misgivings. All eyes were turned down the Mississippi, with anxiety depicted on many faces. About one o’clock smoke was seen coming up river, indicating a river steamer was on her way, and the prisoners began to cheer. Soon, sure enough, there was our flag flying within hailing distance, but we are still prisoners; perhaps no exchange after all, but be turned back to the tender care of “Johnny Reb” again. But no, it proves to be the _Nebraska_ with rebel prisoners on board. We landed and went aboard the _Nebraska_ as soon as we could, and gave six rousing cheers for the ‘Old Flag.’ Stop and look at the comparison of the two squads of prisoners. Those coming from our lines for the Confederacy are loaded down with clothing, boots and trunks. Our men are bare-footed, shirtless and hatless; but I thank God I am once more a free man. None but those that have been placed in like circumstances can appreciate the change. We were given a feast on the _Nebraska_. We had plenty of coffee, real ‘Lincoln’ coffee, no parched rye; and butter! real butter, and bakers’ bread! Well! I have had some good dinners before and since then, but that feast took the cake. Good-by to corn-dodger and bull-beef. It all seemed like a dream. The boys were up until about three o’clock next morning, singing and enjoying themselves.”

The exchanged officers of the 42d Regiment arrived in New Orleans at midnight July 23d, where they remained until the thirty-first, receiving two months’ pay from a paymaster to meet their immediate wants. None of the officers got back their swords they were entitled to retain by the terms of surrender. The swords were taken from them by a provost-marshal at Houston, properly marked with each man’s name, with an understanding they would be given up when each officer was paroled or exchanged. It is needless to say they were soon appropriated by any Confederate officer who was in need of one.

Taking passage upon the steamer _Matanzas_, July 31st, bound for New York, after a pleasant run of seven days they were once more within easy communication with families and friends, who met them on arrival in Boston, August 9th, _via_ the Fall River route from New York. All were in tolerable fair health except Lieutenant Stowell, who was in bad condition, and Lieutenant Cowdin, sick with chronic diarrhœa. An escort in waiting, with music, consisting of past and present officers and men of the 42d Regiment and the Boston Independent Fusileers, escorted their guests to the American House, where breakfast was served and a cordial welcome tendered by His Honor Mayor Lincoln and the military committee of the City Government.

Governor Andrew could not be present, and sent the following letter:

“COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS,
“EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT,
“BOSTON, August 9th, 1864.
“COLONEL W. W. CLAPP, JR., &c., &c.:

“_My dear Colonel_,--I have this moment received your note of invitation to attend the breakfast at ten o’clock this morning, given in welcome of Colonel Burrell and his associates. The long captivity of those brave and patriotic men has earned for them every consideration, even if their qualities as soldiers had been less conspicuous than they are. In all respects, however, deserving gratitude and honor, and deserving all the sympathy of true and manly hearts for what they have suffered in our common cause, I shall, though absent in person, unite in heart with your expressions of grateful applause and welcome for these honored guests. My return to headquarters yesterday, after a valuable work of service elsewhere, leaves me, for the present, not an hour which during the daytime I can withdraw from the accumulated work which brooks no delay.

“I am faithfully your friend and servant,
“JOHN A. ANDREW.”

With repeated disasters attending expeditions to Western Louisiana and Texas, that are a part of history, and failures attending every attempt to permanently occupy such territory, the following remarks at this breakfast, made by Colonel Burrell, are not without reason. He said: “I hardly know what to say. I thank your Honor for your kind expression of welcome. We have suffered long, but I do not know as we have done more than our duty. I can hardly be expected to make a speech, for I have been living a half-civilized life among half-civilized people for nearly the last two years. I know our friends at home were doing all in their power to obtain our release, but fate has seemed to be always against us. For my soldiers and officers I can say that they have behaved with courage and cheerfulness; their fortitude has been worthy of men of Massachusetts. They have behaved with credit to their state and to their country. I come home prouder than ever of my native city. As soon as we are somewhat recovered from our fatigues and sufferings, we will be ready to put on the harness and return to the field again.

“I have enjoyed much opportunity of communication with men from all parts of the Southern Confederacy, and I believe that you entertain an erroneous opinion of them. You believe that there exists among the masses an extended Union sentiment. It is not so. They go into this war with all their heart and soul. The little Union feeling among the class of poor whites amounts to nothing. They are opposed to us, man, woman and child. They are fighting with the spirit of ’76, for their rights, homes, liberties. They put up with every privation to sustain their army--and every man is in the army. The quicker we understand this the better for us. I do not think we shall accomplish much until we take hold of the work in earnest.

“In the section where I have been the enemy is three times stronger than they were two years ago. Now an army of 40,000 men cannot penetrate the country one hundred miles. They have an army of 40,000 men. They carry no equipage--they sling their blankets with a bit of cotton rope, and are all ready for an expedition. We must take our blankets on our shoulders--we cannot fight with army trains. I repeat, in order to carry on this war to a successful termination, we must fight them on their own ground and fight them in earnest.”

After this breakfast Colonel Burrell and his officers were escorted to Roxbury by the Roxbury Artillery Association, where another reception was given them by their townspeople.

August 10th the officers met at the Parker House, proceeded to the State House and reported to Adjutant-General Schouler, then to Major Clarke, U. S. Army, to receive their final pay, then to Major McCafferty, U. S. mustering-officer, and were mustered out of service, after being in “Uncle Sam’s” employ about twenty-one months--eighteen months and twenty-one days of the time as prisoners of war.