Chapter V: deals with the term of Gomez Perez Dasmariñas and the (4)

Farewell, Doctor! farewell! Our Lord, not regarding my sins, has, in His mercy, been pleased to make me one of a band of twenty-four [sic] servants of God, who are about to die for love of Him. Six of us are friars of St. Francis, and eighteen are native Japanese. With hopes that many more will follow in the same path, may your Grace receive the last farewell and the last embraces of all this company, for we all acknowledge the support which you have manifested toward the affairs of this conversion. And now, in taking leave, we beg of you--and I especially--to make the protection of this field of Christendom the object of your special care. Since you are a father, and look with favor upon all things which may concern the mission of the religious in this conversion, so may your Grace find one who will protect and intercede for you before God in time of need. Farewell sir! Will your Grace give my last adieu to Doña Juana. May our Lord preserve, etc. From the road to execution, January twenty-eight, one thousand five hundred and ninety-seven.

This king's greed has been much whetted by what he stole from the "San Felipe." It is said that next year he will go to Luzon, and that he does not go this year because of being busy with the Coreans. In order to gain his end, he intends to take the islands of Lequios [92] and Hermosa, throw forces from them into Cagayan, and thence to fall upon Manila, if God does not first put a stop to his advance. Your Graces will attend to what is fitting and necessary. [93]

FRAY MARTIN DE LA ASCENCION

The bodies of the martyrs, although watched for many days by the Japanese, were removed by bits (especially those of the monks) from the crosses as relics by the Christians of the place, who very reverently distributed them around. Together with the staples and the wood of the crosses they are now scattered throughout Christendom.

Two other religious of the same band, who were out of the house at the time of the arrest, did not suffer this martyrdom. One, called Fray Geronimo de Jesus, [94] hid himself and went inland, in order not to leave the country; the other, called Fray Agustin Rodriguez, was sheltered by the fathers of the Society, who sent him away by way of Macan. General Don Mathia and the Spaniards of the ship, naked and stripped, left Japon. They embarked at Nangasaqui and went to Manila in various ships which make that voyage for the Japanese and Portuguese. The first news of this event was learned from them in the month of May of ninety-seven. Great grief and sadness was caused by the news, in the death of the holy religious, and in the disturbances which were expected to take place in future dealings between Japon and the Filipinas; as well as in the loss of the galleon and its cargo en route to Nueva España. The value of the vessel was over one million [pesos?], and caused great poverty among the Spaniards. After considering the advisable measures to take under the circumstances, it was ultimately decided that, in order not to allow the matter to pass, a circumspect man should be sent to Japon with letters from the governor to Taicosama. The letters were to set forth the governor's anger at the taking of the ship and merchandise from the Spaniards, and at the killing of the religious; and were also to request Taicosama to make all the reparation possible, by restoring and returning the merchandise to the Spaniards, and the artillery, tackle, and spoils of the vessel that were left, as well as the bodies of the religious whom he had crucified; and Taicosama was so to arrange matters thenceforth, that Spaniards should not be so treated in his kingdom.

The governor sent Don Luis Navarrete [95] Fajardo as bearer of this message, and a present of some gold and silver ornaments, swords, and valuable cloth for Taicosama. He also sent him an elephant well caparisoned and covered with silk, and with its naires [i.e., elephant keepers] in the same livery, a thing never before seen in Xapon. According to the custom of that kingdom, Don Luis was to make the present to Taico when he presented his embassy, for the Japanese are wont to give or receive embassies in no other manner. When Don Luys de Navarrete reached Nangasaqui, Taicosama readily sent from the court for the ambassador and for the present which had been sent him from Luzon, for he was anxious to see the gifts, especially the elephant, with which he was greatly delighted. He heard the embassy and replied with much ostentation and display, exculpating himself from the death of the religious upon whom he laid the blame, saying that after he had forbidden them to christianize, or teach their religion, they had disregarded his orders in his own court. Likewise, the seizure of the ship and its merchandise, which entered the port of Hurando in the province of Toza, had been a justifiable procedure, according to the laws of Japon, because all ships lost on its coast belong to the king, with their merchandise. Nevertheless, he added that he was sorry for all that had happened, and that he would return the merchandise had it not been distributed. As to the religious, there was no remedy for it. But he begged the governor of Manila not to send such persons to Xapon, for he had again passed laws forbidding the making of Christians under pain of death. He would deliver whatever had remained of the bodies of the religious and would be glad to have peace and friendship with the Luzon Islands and the Spaniards, and for his part, would endeavor to secure it. He said that if any other vessel came to his kingdom from Manila, he would give orders that it be well received and well treated. With this reply and a letter of the same purport for the governor, Don Luys Navarrete was dismissed. He was given a present for the governor consisting of lances, armor, and catans, considered rare and valuable by the Japanese. The ambassador thereupon left Miaco and went to Nangasaqui, whence by the first ship sailing to Manila, he sent word to Governor Don Francisco concerning his negotiations. But the message itself was taken later to Manila by another person, on account of the illness and death of Don Luis in Nangasaqui. Taicosama rejoiced over his answer to the ambassador, for he had practically done nothing of what was asked of him. His reply was more a display of dissembling and compliments than a desire for friendship with the Spaniards. He boasted and published arrogantly, and his favorites said in the same manner, that the Spaniards had sent him that present and embassy through fear, and as an acknowledgment of tribute and seigniory, so that he might not destroy them as he had threatened them at other times in the past, when Gomez Perez Dasmariñas was governor. And even then the Spaniards had sent him a message and a present by Fray Juan Cobo, the Dominican, and Captain Llanos.

The Japanese Faranda Quiemon sought war with Manila, and the favorites who aided him did not neglect to beg Taico not to lose the opportunity of conquering that city. They said that it would be easy, since there were but few Spaniards there; that a fleet could be sent there quickly, which Faranda would accompany. The latter assured Taico of success, as one who knew the country and its resources. They urged him so continually that Taico entrusted Faranda with the enterprise, and gave him some supplies and other assistance toward it. Faranda began to prepare ships and Chinese for the expedition, which he was never able to carry out; for, being a man naturally low and poor, he possessed neither the ability nor the means sufficient for the enterprise. His protectors themselves did not choose to assist him, and so his preparations were prolonged until the enterprise was abandoned at the death of Taico, and his own death, as will be stated later.

Meanwhile news was constantly reaching Manila that a fleet was being equipped in Japon, completely under the supervision of Faranda, and it naturally caused some anxiety among the people in spite of their courage and determination to resist him, for the enemy was arrogant and powerful. Although the city was thoroughly resolved and determined to resist him, yet the governor and city would never show openly that they were aware of the change which Taico was about to make, in order not to precipitate the war or give the other side any reason for hastening it. Trusting to time for the remedy, they so disposed affairs in the city, that they might be ready for any future emergency. They sent the Japanese who had settled in Manila--and they were not few--back to Xapon, and made those who came in merchant ships give up their weapons until their return, which they endeavored to hasten as much as possible; but in all other respects, they treated them hospitably. And because it was heard that Taico intended to take possession of the island of Hermosa, a well-provisioned island off the Chinese coast, very near Luzon, and on the way to Xapon, in order to make it serve as a way-station for his fleet, and thus carry on more easily the war with Manila, the governor sent two ships of the fleet under command of Don Juan de Çamuzio, to reconnoiter that island and all its ports, and the nature of the place, in order to be the first to take possession of it. At least, if means and time should fail him, he was to advise China, and the viceroys of the provinces of Canton and Chincheo, so that, since the latter were old-time enemies of Xapon, they might prevent the Japanese from entering the island, which would prove so harmful to all of them. In these measures and precautions several days were spent in the matter. However, nothing was accomplished by this expedition to Hermosa Island beyond advising Great China of Xapon's designs.

Several days after the imprisonment of Father Alonso Ximenez in Cochinchina where Captain and Sargento-mayor Juan Xuarez Gallinato had left him, the kings of Tunquin and Sinua permitted him to return to Manila. He took passage for Macan in a Portuguese vessel. Not only did he arrive unwearied by his voyages, hardships, and imprisonment, but with renewed energy and spirits proposed to set on foot again the expedition to Camboja. Although little was known of the state of affairs in that kingdom, and of the restoration of Prauncar to his throne, he together with other religious of his order, persuaded Don Luys Dasmariñas, upon whom he exercised great influence, and who was then living in Manila, taking no part in government affairs, and inclined him to broach the subject of making this expedition anew and in person and at his own expense, from which would ensue good results for the service of God and of his Majesty. Don Luys discussed the matter with Governor Don Francisco Tello, and offered to bear all the expense of the expedition. But a final decision was postponed until the receipt of news from Camboja, for their only information was that Blas Ruyz and Diego Belloso, leaving Captain Gallinato and his ships in Cochinchina, had gone to Lao.

At the departure of Don Juan Ronquillo and his camp from Mindanao River, the people of Tampacan were so disheartened, and the spirit of those of Buhahayen so increased that, in spite of the friendship that they had made, and the homage that they had rendered, they became declared enemies [to the former]. Matters returned to their former state, so that, not only did the inhabitants of Buhahayen not dismantle their forts, as they had promised to do, but they repaired them and committed other excesses against their neighbors of Tampacan. They would have altogether broken into open war, had they not feared that the Spaniards would return better prepared and in larger number, as they had left the garrison at La Caldera with that intention. Thus they let matters stand, neither declaring themselves fully as rebels, nor observing the laws of friendship toward the men of Tampacan and other allies of the Spaniards.

Near the island of Mindanao lies an island called Joló, not very large, but thickly populated with natives, all Mahometans. They number about three thousand men, and have their own lord and king. When Governor Francisco de Sande was returning from his expedition to Borneo, he sent Captain Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa to Joló. He entered the island and reduced the natives to his Majesty's rule as above related. The natives were apportioned to Captain Pedro de Osseguera for his lifetime, and after his death, to his son and successor, Don Pedro de Osseguera. He asked and collected for several years what tribute they chose to give him, which was but slight, without urging more, in order not to make a general disturbance. While Don Juan Ronquillo was with his camp in Mindanao, the men of Joló, seeing Spanish affairs flourishing, were willing to enjoy peace and pay their tribute; but at the departure of the Spaniards, they became lukewarm again. Captain Juan Pacho, who commanded the presidio of La Caldera in Don Juan Ronquillo's absence, having sent some soldiers to barter for wax, the Joloans maltreated them and killed two of them. Juan Pacho, with the intention of punishing this excess of the Joloans, went there in person with several boats and thirty soldiers. As he landed, a considerable body of Joloans descended from their king's town, which is situated on a high and strongly-fortified hill, and attacked the Spaniards. Through the number of the natives and the Spaniards' inability to make use of their arquebuses, on account of a heavy shower, the latter were routed, and Captain Juan Pacho and twenty of his followers killed. The rest wounded and in flight took to their boats and returned to La Caldera.

This event caused great grief in Manila, especially because of the reputation lost by it, both among the Joloans, and their neighbors, the people of Mindanao. Although it was considered necessary to punish the Joloans in order to erase this disgrace, yet as this should be done signally and just then there was not sufficient preparation, it was deferred until a better opportunity. Only Captain Villagra was sent immediately as commander of the presidio of La Caldera, with some soldiers. Having arrived there, they spent their time in pleasure, until their provisions were consumed, and the garrison suffering. They were maintained and supported because of the slight protection that the people of Tampacan felt, knowing that there were Spaniards on the island, and hoped for the arrival of more Spaniards, as Don Juan had promised them, and for punishment and vengeance upon the men of Jolo.

While affairs in the Filipinas were in this condition, ships from Nueva España arrived at Manila, in the month of May, one thousand five hundred and ninety-eight. These ships brought despatches ordering the reëstablishment of the royal Audiencia, which had been suppressed in the Filipinas some years before. Don Francisco Tello, who was governing the country, was named and appointed its president; Doctor Antonio de Morga and Licentiates Christoval Telles Almaçan and Alvaro Rodriguez Zambrano, auditors; and Licentiate Geronymo de Salazar, fiscal; and other officials of the Audiencia were also appointed. By the same ships arrived the archbishop, Fray Ignacio de Sanctivañes, who enjoyed the archbishopric only for a short time, for he died of dysentery in, the month of August of the same year. The bishop of Sebu, Fray Pedro de Agurto came also. On the eighth of May of this year-five hundred and ninety-eight, the royal seal of the Audiencia was received. It was taken from the monastery of San Agustin to the cathedral upon a horse caparisoned with cloth of gold and crimson, and under a canopy of the same material. The staves of the canopy were carried by the regidors of the city, who were clad in robes of crimson velvet lined with white silver cloth, and in breeches and doublets of the same material. The horse that carried the seal in a box of cloth of gold covered with brocade was led on the right by him who held the office of alguacil-mayor, who was clad in cloth of gold and wore no cloak. Surrounding the horse walked the president and auditors, all afoot and bareheaded. In front walked a throng of citizens clad in costly gala dress; behind followed the whole camp and the soldiers, with their drums and banners, and their arms in hand, and the captains and officers at their posts, with the master-of-camp preceding them, staff in hand. The streets and windows were richly adorned with quantities of tapestry and finery, and many triumphal arches, and there was music from flutes, trumpets, and other instruments. When the seal was taken to the door of the cathedral of Manila, the archbishop in pontifical robes came out with the cross, accompanied by the chapter and clergy of the church to receive it. Having lifted the box containing the seal from the horse under the canopy, the archbishop placed it in the hands of the president. Then the auditors went into the church with him, while the band of singers intoned the Te Deum laudamus. They reached the main altar, upon the steps of which stood a stool covered with brocade. Upon this they placed the box with the seal. All knelt and the archbishop chanted certain prayers to the Holy Spirit for the health and good government of the king, our sovereign. Then the president took the box with the seal, and with the same order and music with which it had been brought into the church it was carried out and replaced upon the horse. The archbishop and clergy remained at the door of the church, while the cortége proceeded to the royal buildings. The said box containing the royal seal was placed and left in a beautifully-adorned apartment, with a covering of cloth of gold and crimson, on a table covered with brocade and cushions of the same material, which stood under a canopy of crimson velvet embroidered with the royal arms. Then the royal order for the establishment of the Audiencia was publicly read there, and the nominations for president, auditors, and fiscal. Homage was done them and the usual oath administered. The president proceeded to the Audiencia hall, where the court rooms were well arranged and contained a canopy for the royal arms. There the president, auditors, and fiscal took their seats and received the ministers and officials of the Audiencia. Then the ordinances of the Audiencia were read in the presence of as many citizens as could find room in the hall. This completed the establishment of the Audiencia on that day. Thenceforth it has exercised its functions, and has had charge and disposition in all cases, both civil and criminal, of its district. The latter includes the Filipinas Islands and all the mainland, of China discovered or to be discovered. In charge of the president who acts as governor of the land, were all government affairs according to royal laws, ordinances, and special orders, which were acted on and brought before the Audiencia.

A few days after the Chancillería of the Filipinas had been established in Manila, news arrived of events in the kingdom of Camboja after the arrival of Prauncar--son and successor of Prauncar Langara, who died in Laos--together with Diego Belloso and Blas Ruyz de Hernan Gonzalez, and of his victories and restoration to the throne, as has already been related. [The news came] in letters from King Prauncar to Governor Don Francisco Tello and Doctor Antonio de Morga. They were signed by the king's hand and seal in red ink. The letters were written in Castilian so that they might be better understood. Since they were alike in essence, I thought it proper to reproduce here the letter written by King Prauncar to Doctor Antonio de Morga, which reads word for word as follows.

Prauncar, King of Camboja, to Doctor Antonio de Morga, greeting; to whom I send this letter with great love and joy.

I, Prauncar, King of the rich land of Camboja, I, sole lord of it, the great, cherish an ardent love for Doctor Antonio de Morga, whom I am unable to keep from my thoughts, because I have learned through Captain Chofa Don Blas, the Castilian, that he, from the kindness of his heart, took an active part and has assisted the governor of Luzon to send to this country Captain Chofa Don Blas, the Castilian, and Captain Chofa Don Diego, the Portuguese, with soldiers to find King Prauncar my father. Having searched for him in vain, the two chofas and the soldiers killed Anacaparan, who was reigning as sole great lord. Then they went with their ships to Cochinchina, whence the two chofas went to Lao, to find the king of this land. They brought me back to my kingdom, and I am here now through their aid. The two chofas and other Spaniards who have come, have helped me to pacify what I now hold. I understand that all this has come to me because the doctor loves this country. Hence I shall act so that Doctor Antonio de Morga may always love me as he did my father Prauncar, and assist me now by sending fathers for the two chofas and the other Spaniards and Christians who dwell in my kingdom. I shall build them churches and permit them to christianize whatever Cambodians choose to become Christians. I shall provide them with servants and I shall protect them as did formerly King Prauncar my father. I shall provide Doctor Antonio de Morga with whatever will be useful to him from this country. The two chofas have received the lands which I promised them. To Captain Don Blas, the Castilian, I gave the province of Tran, and to Captain Chofa Don Diego, the Portuguese, the province of Bapano. These provinces I grant and bestow upon them for the services which they have rendered me and in payment for the property they have spent in my service, so that they may possess and enjoy them as their own, and do what they will with them while in my service. [96]

Together with the king's letter Blas Ruis de Hernan Gonzalez wrote another detailed letter to Doctor Morga, informing him of all the events of his expeditions. The letter reads as follows.

To Doctor Antonio de Morga, Lieutenant-governor of the Filipinas Islands of Luzon, in the city of Manila, whom may our Lord preserve.

From Camboja: Your Grace must have already heard of events in this kingdom of Camboja, from my arrival until the captain withdrew the fleet. These accounts will undoubtedly vary according to what each man thought fit to say in order to gild his own affairs: some according to their bent and opinion, and others according to their passion. Although the matter has been witnessed and thoroughly known by many persons, I am about to relate it as well as possible to your Grace, as to a person who can weld all the facts together and give to each circumstance the weight which it may possess and deserve. I shall also give an account among other things of all that happened to Captain Diego Belloso and myself on the journey to Lao, and the vicissitudes and wars in this kingdom, from our arrival until the condition of affairs now in force. Since Spaniards have taken part in all these events it will please your Grace to know the manner and retirement with which I have lived in this kingdom ever since my arrival here from Manila, sustaining the soldiers and other men whom I brought in my ship at my own expense, keeping them in a state of discipline and honor, and never allowing them to abandon themselves to sensual pleasures; although I had no credentials for this, for Gallinato had those which the governor was to give me. I shall not discuss the why and wherefore of most of the Chinese matters, because Fray Alonso Ximenez and Fray Diego [97] witnessed some of the events and heard of others and will have informed your Grace of everything, including the war against the usurper, and Gallinato's abandonment of this kingdom when affairs had practically been settled. Had he continued to follow up matters, half of the kingdom would today justly belong to his Majesty, and the whole of it would be in the power and under the rule of the Spaniards; and perhaps the king himself with most of his people would have embraced Christianity. As to Chinese matters which require most explanation I only ask your Grace to consider the kingdom which we came to help, that the Chinese had no more right there than we had, and that we had to try to gain reputation, not to lose it. Since we came with a warlike attitude, and it was the first time that an armed Spanish force set foot on the mainland, was it right for us to endure insults, abuse, contempt, and open affronts from a so vile race as they are, and before all these pagans? [Was it right to endure] the further action of their arguments before the usurping king, to induce him to kill us; their many evil and infamous reports to him concerning us, in order to induce him to grant their request; and above all their impudence in killing and disarming Spaniards and going out in the streets to spear them? All this I endured very patiently in order not to disturb the land by breaking with them, until one day when they actually tried to kill some of our men in their Parián, and the numbers being very unequal, they had already wounded and maltreated them. We came out at the noise and the Chinese drew up in battle array, armed with many warlike instruments, challenging us to battle, with insults and expressions of contempt. At this juncture, what would have become of our reputation had we retired when the advantage was on their side? Then, too, after attacking and killing many of them what security had we in this tyrannical kingdom, which showed itself not at all friendly to us, with only one ship, [98] which was at the time aground, and with the artillery and provisions ashore; while they had six ships and many rowboats all provided with one or two culverins and many men, both in the ships and those living in the port? [99] Would it have been right, after war had broken out, to have them with all their resources while we had none? Had they taken our lives, what reputation would the Spaniards have left in these kingdoms? For this reason I thought it better for us to overpower them, rather than to be at their mercy, or at that of the king. Accordingly, in order to assure our lives we were obliged to seize their ships and to strengthen ourselves by means of them, since the Chinese began the war. After this, father Fray Alonso Ximenez and we thought that, by making an embassy with presents to the king, and by exculpating ourselves in this matter, before him, everything would turn out well; and that if we had peace with him, and our persons in safety in a fort, or under his word and safe-conduct, we would give the Chinese their ship and property. All this was written out and signed by us. In order to carry this out, a letter was written in the name of the governor of that city [i.e., Manila], and we went to deliver it nine leguas away at the residence of the king, leaving the vessels guarded. But when he found us there, the king deprived us of the boats in which we had gone, and refused to receive the letter, which went under form of embassy, or to hear us unless we first restored the ships. Then he immediately began to prepare arms and to assemble many men, with the intention, unless we restored the ships, of killing us, or reducing us by force to such straits as to compel us to restore them; and after their restoration, of making an end of us all without trouble or risk to his own men. For he trusted us in nothing, since we were going in search of, and bringing help to, him whom he had dispossessed. All this was told us by some Christians among them, especially by a young mestizo from Malaca who lived among them and knew their language. Therefore considering that we were already separated from our companions, and that, if we restored the ships, they could easily take ours by means of them and kill the men left in them, and then us who were in that place; also that if we waited for them to collect and attack us, they could very easily kill us: we decided to seek the remedy by first attacking them instead of waiting to be attacked; and try to rejoin our men and assure our lives or end them by fighting. Accordingly we attacked them, and such was our good fortune that we killed the king in the fight. Then we retired to our ships with great difficulty, without the loss of a single Spaniard. We did not allow the king's house to be sacked, so that it might not be said that we had done this to rob him. At this juncture, the captain and sargento-mayor, our leader, arrived. He belittled and censured what we had done, and ridiculed our statement and that of some of the Cambodians, namely, that we had killed the usurper. All that he did was simply to collect whatever silver and gold certain soldiers seized during these troubles, and everything valuable in the ships, and then to burn the latter. Then he drew up a report against us and dispossessed us of our ships and command, thus formulating suspicion and distrust. After that he gave orders for the departure from the kingdom, paying no heed to many Cambodians who came to speak to us when we went ashore, and told us that we might build a fortress there, for they had a legitimate king before, but that he who was their king lately had driven him to Lao, and thus they had no king; that they would gather wherever the most protection could be found; and that we should continue the war. Nor did the captain accept any of our suggestions, when we told him that the usurper had imprisoned a kinsman of the lawful king; that we should go to his rescue; that the latter would raise men in favor of the legitimate king; and that with his support we would take possession of the kingdom, and then go to get the king. But he was deaf to all this and accordingly abandoned the kingdom, and this great opportunity was lost. The only thing that we could obtain from him by great entreaty after putting to sea, was to go to Cochinchina to inquire about the galley, since they had intended to send from Manila for that purpose. I also offered to go to Lao by land at my own expense, in search of the king of Camboja, for I knew that that way led thither. Accordingly, as soon as we arrived in Cochinchina, the captain sent Diego Belloso and myself to Lao, and Captain Gregorio de Vargas to Tunquin. Meanwhile he held an auction among the soldiers of everything valuable from the Chinese ships, and of what else he had taken from the soldiers; but the men were all without a real, and so he had everything bought for himself, at whatever price he was pleased to give. The king of Sinoa, a province of Cochinchina, equipped us for the voyage with a good outfit, by giving us an embassy for that country, and men to accompany us on the road. Thus we made the entire journey well provided and always highly honored and feared and much looked at, as the like had never before been seen in those kingdoms.