Chapter XIX: Book I: Chap. I (14)

The letter and brief had not reached Germany, and Luther was still fearing that he would be obliged to appear at Rome, when a happy event gave comfort to his heart. He needed a friend to whom he could unbosom his sorrows, and whose faithful love would solace him in his hours of depression. All this God gave him in Melancthon.

On the 14th February 1497, George Schwarzerd, a skilful armour-master of Bretten, a small town in the Palatinate, had a son born to him, who was named Philip, and who afterwards distinguished himself under the name of Melancthon. Patronised by the Palatine princes, and those of Bavaria and Saxony, George was a man of unimpeachable integrity. He often refused the price which purchasers offered him, and on learning that they were poor, insisted on returning their money. He rose regularly at midnight, and on his knees offered up a prayer. If on any occasion morning arrived without his having done it, he felt dissatisfied with himself the whole day. Barbara, Schwarzerd's wife, was daughter of an honourable magistrate named John Reuter. She was of a gentle temper, somewhat inclined to superstition, but otherwise remarkable for wisdom and prudence. From her we have the old well-known German rhymes--

The giving of alms impoverisheth not;
Attendance at Church impedeth not;
Greasing the wheel retardeth not;
Ill-gotten gear enricheth not;
The Book of God deceiveth not.

And again--

Those who are pleased more to expend
Than their fields can render,
Must come to ruin in the end,
It may be to a halter.[506]

[506] "Almosen geben armt nicht, etc. Wer mehr will verzehren, etc.
(Müller's Reliquien.)

Young Philip was not eleven when his father died. Two days before, George called his son to his bed-side, and exhorted him to have the thought of God always present. "I foresee," said the dying armourer, "that dreadful storms are coming to shake the world. I have seen great things, but greater are in preparation. May God guide and direct you!" Philip, after receiving his father's blessing, was sent to Spires, that he might not be present at his death. He departed crying bitterly.

The young boy's grandfather, the worthy bailie Reuter, who had also a son, acted as a father to him, and took him, together with his brother, George, under his own roof. Shortly after he gave the three boys for tutor John Hungarus, an excellent man, who afterwards, and at a very advanced age, became a powerful preacher of the gospel. He let nothing pass in the young man, punishing him for every fault, yet with discretion. "In this way," says Melancthon in 1554, "he made me a grammarian. He loved me as a son, I loved him as a father, and we will meet, I trust, in eternal life."[507]

[507] "Dilixit me ut filium, et ego eum ut patrem; et conveniemus,
spero, in vita æterna." (Melancth. Explicat. Evang.)

Philip was remarkable for the excellence of his understanding, and for his facility in learning, and expounding what he had learned. He could not endure idleness, and always sought out some one with whom he might discuss what he had heard.[508] It often happened that educated strangers passed through Bretten, and visited Reuter. The bailie's grandson instantly accosted them, entered into conversation with them, and so pressed them in discussion as to excite the wonder of those present. To a powerful genius he joined great sweetness of temper, and was hence a general favourite. He had a stammer, but, like the celebrated orator of the Greeks, made such exertions to overcome it, that it afterwards completely disappeared.

[508] "Quiescere non poterat, sed quærebat ubique aliquem cum quo de
auditis disputaret." (Camerarius, Vita Melancth. p. 7.)

His grandfather having died, Philip was sent with his brother and his young uncle, John, to the school of Pforzheim. The boys resided with one of their relatives, the sister of the famous Reuchlin. Eager for knowledge, Philip, under the tuition of George Simler, made rapid progress in science, and especially in the study of Greek, for which he had a real passion. Reuchlin often came to Pforzheim, and having become acquainted with his sister's young boarders, was soon struck with Philip's answers, and gave him a Greek grammar and a Bible. These two books were to be the study of his whole life.

When Reuchlin returned from his second journey into Italy, his young relative, then twelve years of age, with some friends, performed a Latin comedy of his own composition before him, in honour of his arrival. Reuchlin, in raptures with the talents of the youth, embraced him tenderly, called him his dear son, and jocularly gave him the red bonnet which he had received on being made doctor. It was at this time Reuchlin changed his name of Schwarzerd into that of Melancthon. Both words, the one German, and the other Greek, mean _black earth_. It was a general custom with the learned thus to change their names into Greek or Latin.

Melancthon, at twelve, repaired to the university of Heidelberg, and began to gratify his eager thirst for knowledge. He was admitted Bachelor at fourteen. In 1512 Reuchlin invited him to Tubingen, which contained a great number of distinguished literary men. Here he attended at the same time lectures on theology, medicine, and jurisprudence. There was no branch of knowledge which he did not think it his duty to study. His object was not praise, but the possession of science and the benefits of it.

The Holy Scriptures particularly occupied him. Those who frequented the church of Tubingen had often observed a book in his hands, which he studied between the services. This unknown volume seemed larger than the common prayer-books, and the report spread that Philip when in church read profane books. It turned out that the object of their suspicion was a copy of the Holy Scriptures, printed a short time before at Bâsle by John Frobenius. This volume he studied through life with unwearied application. He had it always with him, carrying it to all the public meetings to which he was invited.[509] Rejecting the vain system of the schoolmen, he devoted himself to the simple word of the Gospel. Erasmus at this time wrote to Œcolampadius, "Of Melancthon I have the highest opinion, and the highest hopes. Jesus grant that this young man may have a long life! He will completely eclipse Erasmus."[510] Melancthon, nevertheless, shared in the errors of his age. "I shudder," says he, in advanced life, "when I think of the honour which I paid to images when I was still in the papacy."[511]

[509] Camerar. Vita Philip Melancth. p. 16.

[510] "Ille prorsus obscurabit Erasmum." (Er. Ep. i, p. 405.)

[511] "Cohorresco quando cogito quomodo ipse accesserim ad statuas in
papatu." (Explicat Evangel.)

In 1514, he was made doctor in philosophy, and began to teach. His age was seventeen. The grace and attractiveness which he gave to his lectures formed a striking contrast to the insipid method which the doctors, and especially the monks, had hitherto pursued. He took an active part in the combat in which Reuchlin was engaged with the _Obscurants_ of his age. His agreeable conversation, his gentle and elegant manners, gaining him the love of all who knew him, he soon acquired great authority, and a solid reputation in the world.

At this time, the Elector Frederick having conceived the idea of inviting some distinguished professor of ancient languages to his university of Wittemberg, applied to Reuchlin who suggested Melancthon. Frederick saw all the lustre which this young Hellenist might shed on an institution which was so dear to him; and Reuchlin, delighted at seeing so fine a field opened to his young friend, addressed him in the words of Jehovah to Abraham,--"_Come out from thy country, and thy kindred, and thy father's house, and I will render thy name great, and thou shalt be blessed._" "Yes," continues the old man, "I hope it will be so with thee, my dear Philip, my work and my comfort."[512] In this invitation, Melancthon saw a call from God. The university was grieved to part with him, and yet he was not without envious rivals and enemies. He left his native country, exclaiming, "The will of the Lord be done." He was then twenty-one years of age.

[512] "Meum opus et meum solatium." (Corp. Ref., i, 33.)

Melancthon made the journey on horseback, in company with some Saxon merchants, in the same way in which caravans travel in the desert; for, says Reuchlin, he knew neither the towns nor the roads.[513] At Augsburg he did homage to the Elector, who happened to be there. At Nuremberg he saw the excellent Pirckheimer, whom he already knew, and at Leipsic formed an intimacy with the learned Hellenist, Mosellanus. In this last town the university gave a fete in honour of him. It was a truly academic repast. The dishes were numerous, and as each made its appearance, a professor rose and addressed Melancthon in a Latin discourse previously prepared. He immediately gave an _extempore_ reply. At length, worn out with so much eloquence, "Most illustrious friends," said he, "allow me to reply once for all to your addresses; for not being prepared, I cannot put as much variety into my replies as you into your addresses." Thereafter the dishes arrived without the accompaniment of a discourse.[514]

[513] "Des Wegs un der Orte unbekannt." (Corp. Ref., i, 30.)

[514] Camer. Vita Melancth., 26.

Reuchlin's young relative arrived at Wittemberg, 25th August, 1518, two days after Leo X had signed the brief addressed to Cajetan, and the letter to the Elector.

The professors of Wittemberg did not receive Melancthon with so much favour as those of Leipsic had done. The first impression which he made upon them did not correspond to their expectations. They saw a young man, who seemed still younger than he really was, of small stature, and a feeble, timid air. Is this the illustrious doctor whom the greatest men of the age, Erasmus and Reuchlin, extol so loudly?... Neither Luther, with whom he first was made acquainted, nor his colleagues, conceived high hopes of him, when they saw his youth, his embarrassment, and whole appearance.

Four days after his arrival (29th August) he delivered his inaugural address. The whole university was assembled. The boy, as Luther calls him,[515] spoke such elegant Latin, and displayed so much knowledge, a mind so cultivated, and a judgment so sound, that all his hearers were filled with admiration.

[515] "Puer et adolescentulus, si ætatem consideres." (Luth. Ep. i,
141.) A boy, and mere youth, if you consider his age.

At the termination of the address, all pressed forward to congratulate him, but none felt more joy than Luther, who hastened to communicate to his friends the feelings with which his heart was overflowing. Writing Spalatin, 31st August, he says, "Melancthon, four days after his arrival, delivered an address so beautiful and so learned, that it was listened to with universal approbation and astonishment. We have soon got the better of the prejudices which his stature and personal appearance had produced. We praise and admire his eloquence; we thank the prince and you for the service you have done us. I ask no other Greek master. But I fear that his delicate body will not be able to digest our food, and that, on account of the smallness of his salary, we shall not keep him long. I hear that the Leipsic folks are already boasting of being able to carry him off from us. Oh, my dear Spalatin, beware of despising his age and personal appearance. He is a man worthy of all honour.[516]

[516] Luth. Ep. i, 135.

Melancthon immediately began to explain Homer, and St. Paul's Epistle to Titus. He was full of ardour. "I will do my utmost," wrote he to Spalatin, "to bring Wittemberg into favour with all who love literature and virtue."[517] Four days after the inauguration, Luther again wrote to Spalatin, "I recommend to you most particularly the very learned and very amiable Greek, Philip. His class-room is always full. All the theologians in particular attend him. He sets all classes from the highest to the lowest, to the learning of Greek."[518]

[517] "Ut Wittembergam literatis ac bonis omnibus conciliem." (Corp.
Ref., i, 51.)

[518] "Summos cum mediis et infimis, studiosos facit Græcitatis."
(Luth., Ep. i, 140.)

Melancthon was able to return the affection of Luther, in whom he soon discovered a goodness of heart, a strength of intellect, a courage and a wisdom, which he had not previously found in any man. He venerated and loved him. "If there is any one," said he, "whom I love strongly, and whom my whole soul embraces, it is Martin Luther."[519]

[519] "Martinum, si omnino in rebus humanis quidquam vehementissime
diligio et animo integerrimo complector." (Melancth. Ep. i, 411.)

"Thus met Luther and Melancthon, and they were friends till death. We cannot sufficiently admire the goodness and wisdom of God in uniting two men so different, and yet so necessary to each other. What Luther had in warmth, elasticity, and force, Melancthon had in perspicuity, wisdom, and gentleness. Luther animated Melancthon; Melancthon moderated Luther. They were like the two forms of electric matter, the positive and the negative, which modify each other. Had Luther been without Melancthon, the stream had perhaps overflowed its bank; and, on the other hand, Melancthon, when without Luther, hesitated, and even yielded, where he ought to have stood firm.[520] Luther did much by vigour, and Melancthon perhaps did not less by pursuing a slower and calmer course. Both were upright, open, and generous, and both, smitten with the love of the word of eternal life, served it with a fidelity and devotedness which formed the distinguishing feature of their lives.

[520] Calvin wrote to Sleidan: "Dominus cum fortiore spiritu instruat,
ne gravem ex ejus timiditate jacturam sentiat posteritas." May the
Lord supply him with a more resolute spirit, that posterity may not,
through his timidity, sustain some grievous loss.

The arrival of Melancthon produced a revolution, not only at Wittemberg, but throughout Germany and the learned world. His study of the Greek and Latin classics, and of philosophy, had given him an order, perspicuity, and precision of thought, which shed new light and inexpressible beauty on all the subjects which he discussed. The mild spirit of the gospel fertilized and enlivened his meditations, and the driest subjects when he expounded them were invested with a grace which fascinated all his hearers. The sterility which scholasticism had spread over education ceased, and a new mode of instruction and study commenced. "Thanks to Melancthon," says a distinguished German historian, "Wittemberg became the national school."[521]

[521] Plank.

It was, indeed, of great importance, that a man thoroughly versed in Greek should teach in this university, where the new developments of theology called masters and scholars to study the primitive documents of the Christian faith in the original languages. Thenceforth Luther set himself zealously to this task. Often did the meaning of a Greek term, which had previously been unknown to him, throw sudden light on his theological views. For example, how great his satisfaction and delight when he saw that the Greek word, μετανοια, which according to the Latin church, meant a penance, a satisfaction enacted by the Church, meant in Greek a transformation or conversion of heart. A thick mist all at once disappeared from before his eyes. The two meanings given to this word are sufficient to characterise the two churches.

The impulse which Melancthon gave to Luther, in regard to the translation of the Bible, is one of the most remarkable circumstances in the friendship of these two great men. As early as 1517, Luther had made some attempts at translation, and procured as many Greek and Latin books as he could. Now, aided by his dear Philip, his task received a new impetus. Luther obliged Melancthon to take part in his researches, by consulting him on difficult passages, and the work, destined to be one of the greatest works of the Reformer, advanced more surely and more rapidly.

Melancthon, on his part, became acquainted with a new theology. The beautiful and profound doctrine of justification by faith filled him with astonishment and joy. Still, in receiving the system Luther professed, he acted independently, moulding it according to the particular form of his own intellect; for, although he was only twenty-one years of age, he was one of those precocious minds which enter early into possession of all their powers, and are themselves from the very outset.

The zeal of the masters was soon transfused into the scholars. It was proposed to reform the course of study. With the concurrence of the Elector, certain branches, only of scholastic importance, were suppressed, and at the same time a new impulse was given to classic pursuits. The school of Wittemberg underwent a transformation, and the contrast between it and other universities became still more prominent. Still, however, the landmarks of the Church were observed, though all felt that they were on the eve of a great battle with the pope.

CHAP. IV.

Sentiments of Luther and Staupitz--Order to Appear--Alarms
and Courage--The Elector with the Legate--Departure for
Augsburg--Sojourn at Weimar--Nuremberg.

The arrival of Melancthon, doubtless, gave a pleasant turn to Luther's thoughts at this very critical moment; and, doubtless, in the sweet intercourse of a growing friendship, and amid the biblical labours to which he devoted himself with new zeal, he sometimes forgot Prierio, Leo, and the ecclesiastical court before which he behoved to plead. Still, these were only fleeting moments, and his thoughts were ever recurring to the formidable tribunal before which implacable enemies had summoned him to appear. What terrors would not this thought have thrown into a mind which was seeking aught else than the truth! But Luther trembled not! Confiding fully in the faithfulness and power of God, he remained firm, and was quite ready to expose himself single-handed to the rage of enemies mightier than those who had lighted the fire for John Huss.

A few days after the arrival of Melancthon, and before the pope's resolution transferring the citation of Luther from Rome to Augsburg could be known, Luther wrote Spalatin:--"I ask not our sovereign to do any thing whatever for the defence of my theses. I am willing to be delivered up and thrown single into the hands of my adversaries. Let him allow the whole storm to burst upon me. What I have undertaken to defend, I hope I shall be able, with the assistance of Christ, to maintain. Violence, indeed, must be submitted to; but still without abandoning the truth."[522]

[522] Luth. Ep. i, p. 139.

The courage of Luther communicated itself to others. Men of the greatest gentleness and timidity, on seeing the danger which threatened the witness for the truth, found words full of energy and indignation. The prudent and pacific Staupitz, on the 7th September, wrote to Spalatin: "Cease not to exhort the prince, your master and mine, not to be alarmed at the roaring of the lions. Let him defend the truth without troubling himself about Luther, or Staupitz, or the order. Let there be a place where men can speak freely and without fear. I know that the plague of Babylon--I had almost said of Rome--breaks forth against all who attack the abuses of those traffickers in Jesus Christ. I have myself seen a preacher of the truth thrown headlong from the pulpit; I have seen him, though on a festival, bound and dragged to a dungeon. Others have seen still greater cruelties. Therefore, my dear friend, strive to make his Highness persevere in his sentiments."[523]

[523] Jen. Aug. i, p. 384.

The order to appear at Augsburg before the cardinal legate at length arrived. Luther had now to do with one of the princes of the Church. All his friends entreated him not to go.[524] They feared that on the journey snares might be laid for him, and an attempt made on his life. Some employed themselves in looking out for an asylum to him. Staupitz himself, the timid Staupitz, felt moved at the thought of the dangers which threatened that friar Martin whom he had drawn from the obscurity of the cloister, and placed on the troubled stage where his life was now in peril. Ah! would it not have been better if the poor friar had remained for ever unknown? It was too late. Still, at least, he would do everything to save him. Accordingly, on the 15th September he wrote him from his convent of Salzburg, urging him to flee and seek an asylum beside himself. "It seems to me," said he, "that the whole world is enraged, and in coalition against the truth. In the same way crucified Jesus was hated. I see not that you have anything to expect but persecution. Shortly, no man will be able without the permission of the pope, to sound the Scriptures, and search for Jesus Christ in them, though this Christ himself enjoins. You have only a few friends; and would to God that the fear of your adversaries did not prevent those few from declaring in your favour. The wisest course is to quit Wittemberg for a time and come to me. Thus we will live and die together. This is also the prince's opinion," adds Staupitz.[525]

[524] "Contra omnium amicorum consilium comparui." I appeared contrary
to the advice of all my friends.

[525] Ep. i, 61.

From different quarters Luther received the most alarming notices. Count Albert of Mansfeld sent a message to him to beware of setting out, for some great barons had sworn to make themselves masters of his person, and to strangle or drown him.[526] But nothing could deter him. He never thought of availing himself of the vicar-general's offer. He will not go and hide himself in the obscurity of the convent of Salzburg, but will faithfully remain on the stormy scene on which the hand of God has placed him. It is by persevering in the face of adversaries, and proclaiming the truth with loud voice in the midst of the world, that the reign of truth advances. Why, then, should he flee? He is not one of "those who draw back to perdition; but of those who believe to the saving of the soul." The words of the Master whom he serves, and loves better than life, are incessantly echoing in his heart, "_Whosoever will confess me before men, him will I also confess before my Father who is in heaven._" In Luther and in the Reformation we uniformly meet with that intrepid courage, that high-toned morality, that boundless charity, which the first preaching of Christianity manifested to the world. "I am like Jeremiah," says Luther, at the period of which we are now speaking; "Jeremiah, the man of quarrel and discord; but the more they multiply their menaces the more they increase my joy. My wife and children are well provided, (of course, meaning he had none;) my fields, my houses, and all my goods, are in order.[527] They have already torn my honour and my reputation to shreds. The only thing left me is my poor body, and let them take it; they will only shorten my life some few hours. My soul they cannot take from me. He who would publish the word of Christ in the world must expect death every hour; for our bridegroom is a bridegroom of blood."[528]

[526] "Ult vel stanguler, vel baptizer ad mortem." (Ibid. 129.) That I
am either to be strangled or ducked to death.

[527] "Uxor mea et liberi mei provisi sunt." (Luth. Ep. i, 129.)

[528] "Sic enim sponsus noster, sponsus sanguinum nobis est." (Ibid.)
See Exodus, iv, 25.

The Elector was then at Augsburg. A short time before quitting that town after the Diet, he had of his own accord paid a visit to the legate. The cardinal, greatly flattered by this mark of respect from so illustrious a prince, promised that if the monk presented himself he would listen to him like a father, and kindly dismiss him. Spalatin, on the part of the prince, wrote to his friend that the pope had named a commission to try him in Germany; that the Elector would not allow him to be dragged to Rome; and that he must prepare to set out for Augsburg. Luther resolved to obey; but the warning which he had received from Count Mansfeld made him apply to Frederick for a safe-conduct. Frederick replied that it was unnecessary, and merely gave him recommendations to some of the leading counsellors of Augsburg. He also sent him some money for the journey. The Reformer, poor and defenceless, set out on foot to place himself in the hands of his adversaries.[529]

[529] "Veni igitur pedester et pauper Augustam." (Luth. Op. Lat, in
Præf.)

What must have been his feelings on quitting Wittemberg, and directing his steps towards Augsburg, where the legate of the pope was waiting for him! The object of this journey was not like that of Heidelberg, a friendly meeting. He was going to appear in presence of the legate of Rome without a safe-conduct; perhaps he was going to death. But in him faith was not a mere matter of show. Being a reality it gave him peace, and in the name of the Lord of Hosts he could advance without fear to bear testimony to the Gospel.

He arrived at Weimar on the 28th of September, and lodged in the convent of the Cordeliers. One of the monks was unable to withdraw his eyes from him. It was Myconius. This was the first time he had seen Luther, and he longed to approach him, and tell that he owed the peace of his soul to him, and that his whole desire was to labour with him. But Myconius being closely watched by his superiors, was not permitted to speak to Luther.[530]

[530] "Ibi Myconius primum vidit Lutherum: Sed ab accessu et colloquio
ejus tunc est prohibitus." (M. Adami, Vita Mycon. p. 176.)

The elector of Saxony was then holding his court at Weimar, and this is probably the reason why the Cordeliers gave admittance to the doctor. The day after his arrival the feast of St. Michael was celebrated. Luther said mass, and was even invited to preach in the church of the castle. It was a mark of favour which the prince wished to give him. He, accordingly, in presence of the court, preached a long sermon, on the text of the day, which is taken from the Gospel of St. Matthew, (chap, xviii, 1-11.) He spoke forcibly against hypocrites, and those who boast of their own righteousness; but he did not speak of the angels, though this was the customary topic on St. Michael's day.

The courage of the doctor of Wittemberg, in calmly setting out on foot to obey a summons, which in the case of so many before him had issued in death, astonished those who saw him. Interest, admiration, and compassion, succeeded each other in their minds. John Kestner, superintendant to the Cordeliers, alarmed at the idea of the dangers which awaited his guest, said to him, "Brother, you will find at Augsburg Italians, men of learning, and subtle antagonists, who will give you much to do. I fear you will not be able to defend your cause against them. They will cast you into the fire, and with their flames consume you."[531] Luther replied gravely, "Dear friend, pray to our Lord God, who is in heaven, and present a _Pater noster_ for me, and his dear child, Jesus, whose cause my cause is, that he may be gracious toward me. If he maintain his cause, mine is maintained. But if he pleases not to maintain it, assuredly it is not I who can maintain it; and it is he who will bear the affront."

[531] "Profecto in ignem te conjicient et flammis exurent." (Melch.
Adam. Vita Mycon. p. 176; Mycon. Hist. Ref. p. 30.)

Luther continued his journey on foot, and arrived at Nuremberg. He was going to present himself before a prince of the Church, and wished his dress to be suitable; but his clothes were old, and, besides, had suffered much by the journey. He borrowed a frock from his faithful friend, Winceslaus Link, preacher at Nuremberg.

Luther, doubtless, did not confine his visit to Link, but also saw his other friends in Nuremberg, secretary Scheurl, the celebrated painter, Albert Durer, to whom Nuremberg is now erecting a statue, and many others. He strengthened himself by intercourse with the excellent of the earth, while many monks and laymen expressed alarm, and endeavoured to shake him by representing the difficulties in his way. Letters which he wrote from this town show the spirit by which he was animated. "I have met," says he, "with pusillanimous men, who would persuade me not to go to Augsburg; but I have determined on going. The will of the Lord be done. Even at Augsburg, even in the midst of his enemies, Jesus Christ reigns. Let Christ live; let Luther and every sinner die. According as it is written: Let the God of my salvation be exalted! Behave well, persevere, stand firm; for we must not be reproved either by men or by God; God is true, and man a liar."[532]

[532] "Vivat Christus, moriatur Martinus.... "(Weismanni, Hist. Secr.
Nov. Test. p. 165.) Weismann had seen this letter in MS., but it is
not in M. de Wette's Collection.

Link and an Augustin monk could not consent to allow Luther to travel alone and meet the dangers which threatened him. They were acquainted with his bold and fearless character, and suspected he would fail in due precaution. They, therefore, accompanied him. When they were about five leagues from Augsburg, Luther, exhausted, no doubt, by the fatigue of travelling, and the varied emotions of his heart, was seized with violent pains in the stomach. He thought he was dying, and his friends becoming very uneasy, hired a car to transport him. They arrived at Augsburg on the evening of Friday the 7th of October, and lighted at the Augustin convent. Luther was greatly fatigued, but soon recovered; his faith and mental energy speedily recruiting his exhausted body.

CHAP. V.

Arrival at Augsburg--De Vio--His
Character--Serra-Longa--Preliminary Conversation--Visit of
the Counsellors--Return of Serra-Longa--The Prior--Luther's
Wisdom--Luther and Serra-Longa--The Safe-Conduct--Luther to
Melancthon.

The instant he was at Augsburg, and before he had seen any one, Luther, wishing to pay all due respect to the legate, begged Winceslaus Link to go and announce his arrival. Link did so, and humbly declared to the cardinal, on the part of the doctor of Wittemberg, that he was ready to appear at his order. The legate was delighted with the news. At last he had a hold of this boisterous heretic, who, he assured himself, would not quit the walls of Augsburg as he had entered. At the same time, when Link went to the legate, the monk Leonard set out to announce Luther's arrival to Staupitz. The vicar-general had written the doctor, that he would certainly come as soon as he should know of his being in the town, and Luther was unwilling to lose an instant in giving him intimation.[533]

[533] Luth. Ep. i, p. 144.

The Diet was closed, and the Emperor and the electors had already separated. The Emperor, it is true, had not left but was hunting in the neighbourhood. The ambassador of Rome was thus at Augsburg alone. Had Luther come during the Diet, he would have found powerful protectors, but now it seemed that every thing must bend under the weight of papal authority.

The name of the judge before whom Luther had to appear was not fitted to increase his confidence. Thomas de Vio surnamed Cajetan, from the town of Gaeta, in the kingdom of Naples, where he was born, had, from his youth, given great hopes. Having at sixteen entered the Dominican order, against the express wish of his parents, he afterwards became general of his order, and a cardinal of the Roman Church. But what was worse for Luther, this learned doctor was one of the most zealous defenders of the scholastic theology, which the Reformer had always treated so unmercifully. His mother was said to have dreamt during her pregnancy, that St. Thomas would in person educate the child to which she was to give birth, and introduce him to heaven. Hence De Vio, on becoming Dominican, had changed his name from James to Thomas. He had zealously defended the prerogatives of the papacy, and the doctrines of Thomas Aquinas, whom he regarded as the most perfect of theologians.[534] A lover of pomp and show, he almost gave a literal meaning to the Roman maxim that legates are above kings, and surrounded himself with great state. On the first of August, he had celebrated a solemn mass in the cathedral of Augsburg, and in presence of all the princes of the empire, had placed the cardinal's hat on the head of the Archbishop of Mentz while kneeling before the altar, and had delivered to the Emperor himself the hat and sword consecrated by the pope. Such was the man before whom the monk of Wittemberg was going to appear, clothed in a frock which was not even his own. Besides, the acquirements of the legate, the austerity of his disposition, and the purity of his morals, gave him in Germany an influence and authority which other Roman courtiers would not have easily obtained. To this reputation for sanctity he doubtless owed his mission. Rome saw that he would serve her purposes admirably. Thus the personal qualities of Cajetan made him still more formidable. Moreover, the business entrusted to him was not complicated. Luther had already been declared a heretic.[535] If he refused to retract, the duty of the legate was to put him in prison; or if he escaped, to launch excommunication at every one who should dare to give him an asylum. This was all that Rome required to be done by the legate before whom Luther was cited.[535]

[534] Divi Thomæ Summa cum Commentariis Thomæ de Vio. Lugduni, 1587.

[535] Bull of the pope. (Luth Op. (L.) xvii, p. 174.)

Luther had recovered strength during the night, and on Saturday morning 8th October, being somewhat rested from his journey, began to consider his strange situation. He felt resigned, and waited till the will of God should be manifested by the event. He had not long to wait. A personage who was unknown to him sent in a message, as if he had been entirely devoted to his service, to say that he was coming to wait upon him, and that Luther must take good care not to appear before the legate without having seen him. This message came from an Italian named Urban of Serra-Longa, who had often been in Germany, as envoy of the Margrave of Montferrat. He was known to the Elector of Saxony, to whom he had been accredited, and after the death of the Margrave had attached himself to Cardinal de Vio.

The finesse and manners of this man formed a very striking contrast to the noble frankness and generous integrity of Luther. The Italian shortly after arrived at the Augustin convent. The cardinal had sent him to sound the Reformer, and prepare him for the retractation which he was expected to make. Serra-Longa imagined that his residence in Germany gave him great advantages over the other courtiers in the suite of the legate, and he hoped to have good sport with the German monk.

He arrived attended by two servants, and pretended to have come of his own accord, because of the friendship which he felt for a favourite of the Elector of Saxony, and because of his attachment to the Holy Church. After paying his respects to Luther in the warmest terms, the diplomatist added, in an affectionate manner,--

"I come to give you sage and good advice. Re-attach yourself to the Church. Submit unreservedly to the cardinal. Retract your injurious expressions. Remember the Abbot Joachim of Florence. He, you know, had said heretical things, and yet was declared not heretical, because he retracted his errors."

Luther spoke of defending himself.

_Serra-Longa._--"Beware of doing so!... Would you pretend to fight with the legate of his holiness, as if you were tilting at a tournay?"

_Luther._--"When it is proved that I have taught anything contrary to the Roman Church I will pass judgment on myself, and retract instantly. The whole question will be, Whether the legate leans more upon St. Thomas than the faith authorises him to do? If he does, I will not yield to him."

_Serra-Longa._--"Ah! Ah! Do you pretend, then, to break lances?"

Then the Italian began to say things which Luther designates horrible. He pretended that false propositions might be maintained, provided they produced money and filled the strong box--that the universities must take good care not to dispute on the authority of the pope--that their duty, on the contrary, was to maintain that the pope can, at his beck, alter or suppress articles of faith;[536] adding other things of the same nature. But the wily Italian soon perceived that he was forgetting himself. Returning to soft words, he strove to persuade Luther to submit to the legate in every thing, and retract his doctrines, his oaths, and his theses.

[536] "Et nutu solo omnia abrogare, etiam ea quæ fidei essent." (Luth.
Ep. i, 144.)

The doctor, who, at the outset, had given some credit to the fine protestations of orator Urban, (as he designates him in his account of the interview,) was now convinced that they were of very little value, and that Serra-Longa was much more on the legate's side than on his. He, therefore, became less communicative, and contented himself with saying that he was quite disposed to exercise humility, give proof of obedience, and make satisfaction in whatever matters he had been mistaken. At these words Serra-Longa, overjoyed, exclaimed, "I am off to the legate, and you will follow me; everything will go off most admirably; it will be soon finished...."[537]

[537] Luth. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 179.

He went off. The Saxon monk, who had more discernment than the Roman courtier, thought within himself, "This wily Sinon has come along ill-prepared and ill-instructed by his Greeks."[538] Luther was suspended between hope and fear; hope, however, predominating. The visit and the strange assertions of Serra-Longa, whom at a later period he calls an inexpert mediator,[539] made him resume courage.

[538] "Hunc Sinonem parùm cousulte instructum arte pelasga." (Luth.
Ep. i, 144.) See Virgil's Æneid, Book II.

[539] "Mediator ineptus." (Ibid.)

The counsellors and other inhabitants of Augsburg, to whom the Elector had recommended Luther, hastened to visit the monk, whose name was now resounding throughout all Germany. Peutinger, counsellor of the empire, who was one of the most distinguished patricians of the town, and often invited Luther to his table, counsellor Langemantel, Dr. Auerbach of Leipsic, the two brothers Adelmann, both canons, and several others besides, repaired to the convent of the Augustins, and gave a cordial welcome to the extraordinary man, who had journeyed so far to come and place himself in the hands of the creatures of Rome. "Have you a safe-conduct?" they asked. "No!" replied the intrepid monk. "What hardihood!" exclaimed they. "It was, indeed," says Luther, "a fit term to designate my rash folly." All with one voice entreated him not to go to the legate until he had obtained a safe-conduct from the Emperor himself. It is probable that the public had already heard of the papal brief of which the legate was the bearer.

"But," replied Luther, "I came to Augsburg without a safe-conduct, and have arrived in good health."

"The Elector having recommended you to us, you ought to obey us, and do what we tell you," rejoined Langemantel, kindly but firmly. Dr. Auerbach seconded his remonstrances. "We know," says he, "that the cardinal, at the bottom of his heart, is in the highest degree incensed against you.[540] No trust can be put in the Italians."[541]

[540] "Sciunt enim eum in me exacerbatissimum intus, quicquid simulet
foris.... (Ibid., p. 143.)

[541] Luth. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 201.

Canon Adelmann likewise insisted, "You have been sent defenceless, and it has been forgotten to furnish you with the precise thing which you required."[542] These friends engaged to obtain the necessary safe-conduct from the Emperor. They afterwards told Luther how many persons even of elevated rank, were inclined in his favour. "Even the minister of France, who quitted Augsburg a few days ago, spoke of you in the most honourable terms."[543] This statement struck Luther, and he afterwards remembered it. Thus, the most respectable citizens in one of the first cities of the empire were already gained to the Reformation.

[542] Luth. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 203.

[543] Seckend., p. 144.

They were still conversing when Serra-Longa re-appeared. "Come," said he to Luther, "the cardinal is waiting for you and I myself am going to conduct you to his presence. Listen while I tell you how you are to appear. When you enter the hall where he is, you will prostrate yourself before him with your face on the ground; when he tells you to rise, you will get up on your knees, and not stand erect, but wait till he bids you.[544] Recollect that it is before a prince of the Church that you are going to appear. For the rest fear nothing; the whole will be finished soon, and without difficulty."

[544] Ibid., p. 130.

Luther, who had promised this Italian that he would be ready to follow at his call, felt embarrassed. Yet he hesitated not to inform him of the advice which he had received from his Augsburg friends, and spoke to him of a safe-conduct.

"Beware of asking one," immediately replied Serra-Longa; "you have no need of it. The legate is well-disposed, and quite ready to finish the thing amicably. If you ask a safe-conduct you will totally spoil your affair."[545]

[545] Luth. Op. (L.) 179.

"My gracious lord, the Elector of Saxony," replied Luther, "has recommended me to several honourable men of this town, who counsel me to undertake nothing without a safe-conduct. I must follow their advice, for, were I not to do so, and were anything to happen, they would write to the Elector, my master, that I had refused to listen to them."

Luther persisted in his resolution, and Serra-Longa saw himself obliged to return to his chief, to announce the obstacle which his mission had encountered at the moment when he was flattering himself with seeing it crowned with success.

Thus terminated the conferences of that day with the orator of Montferrat.

Another invitation was given to Luther. John Frosch, the prior of the Carmelites, who was an old friend of his, and two years before, as a licentiate of theology, had maintained theses under the presidency of Luther, paid him a visit, and earnestly begged he would come and reside with him. He claimed the honour of having the doctor of Germany for his guest. Men at length feared not to do homage to him in presence of Rome; the feeble had already become strong. Luther accepted, and left the Augustin convent for that of the Carmelites. The day did not close without serious reflection. The eagerness of Serra-Longa, and the fears of the counsellors, equally served to acquaint him with the difficulty of his position. Nevertheless, God in heaven was his protector, and under his guardianship he could sleep without fear.

The next day, being Sunday,[546] gave him somewhat more repose. He had, however, to endure a different kind of fatigue. The whole talk of the town was about Dr. Luther, and, as Melancthon expresses it, every body was desirous to see "this new Erostratus, who had kindled so immense a conflagration."[547] The people pressed around him, and the good doctor, no doubt smiled at their eagerness.

[546] 9th October.

[547] "Omnes cupiunt videre hominem, tanti incendii Erostratum."
(Luth. Ep. i, p. 146.)

But he had to submit to another kind of importunity. If the people were desirous to see him, they were still more so to hear him, and he was requested on all hands to preach. Luther had no greater delight than in proclaiming the word, and would have been happy to preach Jesus Christ in this great city, in the solemn circumstances in which he was placed. But on this occasion, as on many others, he showed a strong sense of propriety, and profound respect for his superiors, and refused to preach, lest the legate might suppose that he did it in order to give him pain, and by way of defiance. This moderation and wisdom were undoubtedly of as much value as a sermon.

The cardinal's creatures, however, did not leave him in tranquillity, but returned to the charge. "The Cardinal," said they, "assures you of his entire grace and favour. What do you fear?" They alleged a thousand reasons in order to induce him to go. "He is a father full of mercy, said one of these envoys; but another approaching, whispered in his ear, "Don't believe what is told you--he does not keep his word."[548] Luther adhered to his resolution.

[548] Luth. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 205.

On Monday morning, 10th October, Serra-Longa returned to the charge. The courtier had made it a point of honour to succeed in his negotiation. As soon as he entered, he exclaimed in Latin, "Why do you not come to the cardinal? He is waiting for you with the most indulgent feelings. The whole matter may be summed up in six letters:--REVOCA, Retract. Come, you have nothing to fear."

Luther thought within himself, these six are important letters; but, without entering into discussion on the subject, said, "As soon as I have obtained the safe-conduct I will appear."

Serra-Longa broke out on hearing these words. He insisted, and remonstrated, but found Luther immovable. Becoming more and more irritated, he exclaimed, "You imagine, doubtless, that the Elector will take up arms in your behalf, and for your sake run the risk of losing the territories handed down to him from his fathers."

_Luther._--"God forbid."

_Serra-Longa._--"Abandoned by all, where will your refuge be?"

_Luther._--(_Looking upwards with the eye of faith_,) "Under heaven."[549]

[549] "Et ubi manebis?... Respondi: Sub cœlo." (Luth. Op. in Præf.)
And where will you remain?... I answered, under heaven.

Serra-Longa, struck with this sublime reply, for which he was not prepared, remained a moment silent, and then continued:--

"What would you do if you had the pope, the legate, and all the cardinals, in your hands, as they have you in theirs?"

_Luther._--"I would pay them all honour and respect. But in my view, the word of God takes precedence of all."

_Serra-Longa._--(_Laughing, and wagging one of his fingers as the Italians do._) "Hem! Hem! all honour ... I don't believe a word of it...."

He then went out, leapt into his saddle, and disappeared.

Serra-Longa returned no more to Luther; but he long remembered both the resistance which he had met with from the Reformer, and that which his master also was soon to experience. At a later period, we shall see him with loud cries demanding Luther's blood.

Serra-Longa had not long left the doctor when the safe-conduct arrived. His friends had obtained it from the counsellor of the empire, who, it is probable, had previously consulted with the Emperor, as he was not far from Augsburg. It would even seem, from a remark afterwards made by the cardinals that, to avoid offending him, his consent had been asked. This may have been his reason for employing Serra-Longa to work upon Luther; for to have openly opposed the giving of a safe-conduct would have been to reveal intentions which he was desirous to conceal. It was safer to induce Luther himself to desist from his demand. It was soon seen, however, that the Saxon monk was not made of pliable materials.

Luther is going to appear. While demanding a safe-conduct, he did not trust to a carnal arm; for he knew very well that a safe-conduct did not save John Huss from the flames. He only wished to do his duty by submitting to the advice of his master's friends. Jehovah will decide. If he requires him to give back his life, he is ready to give it joyfully. At this solemn moment, he feels a longing for converse with his friends, especially with Melancthon, now so dear to his heart, and avails himself of a moment of retirement to write him.

"Comport yourself like a man," says he to him, "as you always do. Teach our dear youth what is right and agreeable to God. For me, I am ready to be sacrificed for you and for them, if it is the Lord's will.[550] Sooner than retract what I was bound to teach, I would die, and even (what would be to me the greatest misfortune) be deprived for ever of your delightful society, thus losing (perhaps by my fault) the excellent studies to which we are now devoted.

[550] "Ego pro illis et vobis vado immolari."... (Luth. Ep. i, 148.)

"Italy, like Egypt of old, is plunged in darkness, so thick that it may be felt. Nobody knows anything of Christ, or of what relates to him; and yet these people are our lords and masters in faith and manners. Thus the wrath of God is fulfilled upon us, as the prophet speaks: '_I will give them youths for governors, and babes will rule over them._' Conduct yourself as in presence of the Lord, my dear Philip, and avert the divine wrath by pure and fervent prayer."

The legate, informed that Luther was next day to appear before him, assembled the Italians and Germans, in whom he had the greatest confidence, in order to consider what was necessary to be done with the Saxon monk. Opinions were divided. "He must," says one, "be compelled to retract." "He must be seized," says another, "and imprisoned." A third thought that it was better to get quit of him; and a fourth that an attempt should be made to gain him by kindness and lenity. This last advice the cardinal seems at first to have determined to adopt.[551]

[551] Luth. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 183.

CHAP. VI.

First appearance--First Words--Conditions of
Rome--Propositions to Retract--Luther's reply--He
withdraws--Impressions on both sides--Arrival of Staupitz.

The day of conference at length arrived.[552] The legate, knowing that Luther had declared his readiness to retract what could be proved contrary to the truth, had great hopes of success. He doubted not that it would be easy for a man of his rank and knowledge to bring back this monk to the obedience of the Church.

[552] Tuesday, 11th October.

Luther repaired to the legate, accompanied by the prior of the Carmelites, (his host and friend,) two friars of the convent, Dr. Link, and an Augustin, probably the one who had come with him from Nuremberg. Scarcely had he entered the palace of the legate, than all the Italians in the suite of the prince of the Church rushed forward. Every one wished to see the famous doctor, and pressed so upon him that he could scarcely advance. Luther found the Apostolical Nuncio, and Serra-Longa, in the hall where the cardinal was waiting. The reception was cold but polite, and conformable to Roman etiquette. Luther, following the instructions which Serra-Longa had given him, prostrated himself before the cardinal; when told to rise, he put himself on his knees; and, on a new order from the legate, stood erect. Several of the most distinguished Italians in the service of the legate pushed forward into the hall to be present at the interview. They desired above all to see the German monk humbling himself before the representative of the pope.

The legate remained silent. Hating Luther as an adversary of the theological supremacy of St. Thomas, and as the head of an active opposition in a rising university, whose very first steps had greatly disquieted the Thomists, he was pleased at seeing him lying before him, and thought, says a contemporary, that Luther was going to sing a palinode. Luther, on his part, waited till the prince should address him; but seeing he did not, he took his silence for an invitation to begin, and spoke as follows:--

"MOST WORTHY FATHER,--On the citation of his Papal Holiness, and at the request of my most gracious lord, the Elector of Saxony, I appear before you as a submissive and obedient son of the holy Christian Church, and I acknowledge that I published the Propositions and Theses in question. I am ready to listen in all obedience to the charge brought against me, and to allow myself, if I am mistaken, to be instructed in the way of truth."

The cardinal, who had resolved to assume the air of a tender father, full of compassion for an erring child, now spoke in the most friendly tone, praised the humility of Luther, expressed all the joy it gave him, and said:--"My dear son, you have stirred up all Germany by your dispute on indulgences. I am told that you are a very learned doctor in the Scriptures, and have many disciples. Wherefore, if you would be a member of the Church, and find in the pope a most gracious lord, listen to me."