Chapter II: Domestic Affairs of Spain (3)

"Marinero que la rige
Sarracino es natural,
criado aca en nuestra Espana
por su mal y nuestro mal:
Abenhozmin ha por nombre,
y es hombre de gran caudal."

Hita, Guerras de Granada, tom. ii. p. 470.

[229] "Relumbrante y fortisimo morrion adornado de un penacho bello y elegante, sentado sobre una rica medalla de la imagen de nuestra Senora de la Concepcion."--Hevia, ap. Hita, Guerras de Granada, tom. ii. p. 429.

[230] "Igualmente se arreo lo mejor que pado toda la caballeria, y era cosa digna de ver la elegancia y hermosura de un ejercito tan lucido y gallardo."--Hevia, ap. Hita, Guerras de Granada, loc. cit.

[231] These anecdotes are given by Hevia, ap. Hita, Guerras de Granada, tom. ii. pp. 449-451.

[232] "Los quales mataron mas de quatrocientas mugeres y ninos... y ansi hizo matar muchos en su presencia a los alabarderos de su guardia."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 248.

[233] "Duro el combate, despues de entrado el lugar, desde las ocho de la manana hasta las cinco de la tarde."--Hevia, ap. Hita, Guerras de Granada, tom. ii. p. 448.

[234] "Y no pararan hasta acabarlas a todas, si las quejas de los soldados, a quien se quitaba el premio de la vitoria, no le movieran; mas esto fue quando se entendio que la villa estaba ya por nosotros, y no quiso que se perdonase a varon que pasase de doce anos."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 248.

[235] "Se cautivaron hasta otras mil y quinientas personas de mugeres y ninos, porque a hombre ninguno se tomo con vida, habiendo muerto todos sin quedar uno en este dia, y en los asaltos pasados."--Hevia, ap. Hita, Guerras de Granada, tom. ii. p. 448.

Marmol, while he admits that not a man was spared, estimates the number of women and children saved at three times that given in the text.

[236] "Si Africa llora, Espana no rie."

[237] For the account of the final assault, as told by the various writers, with sufficient inconsistency in the details, compare Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. pp. 244-249; Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, pp. 266-268; Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 114, 115; Hevia, ap. Hita, Guerras de Granada, tom. ii. p. 429 et seq.; Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, pp. 630, 631; Bleda, Cronica, p. 734; Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. x. pp. 143, 144.

[238] "Tanto le crecia la ira, pensando en el dano que aquellos hereges habian hecho."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 248.

[239] "Solo dar gracias a Dios y a la gloriosa virgen Maria, encomendandoles el Catholico Rey aquel negocio, por ser de calidad, que deseaba mas gloria de la concordia y paz, que de la vitoria sangrienta."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 249.

[240] "Cela faict, par sa renommee qui voloit par le monde, tant des chrestiens que des infidelles, il fut faict general de la saincte ligue."--Brantome, OEuvres, tom. i. p. 326.

[241] "Que es esto, Espanoles? de que huis? donde esta la honra de Espana? No teneis delante a Don Juan de Austria, vuestro capitan? de que temeis? Retiraos con orden como hombres de guerra con el rostro al enemigo."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 257.

[242] "Acudiendo a todas las necesidades con peligro de su persona, porque le dieron un escopetazo en la cabeza sobre una celada fuerte que llevaba, que a no ser tan buena, le mataran."--Ibid. p. 258.

[243] Carta de D. Juan de Austria al Rey, 19 de Febrero, 1570, MS.--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 253 et seq.--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 273.--Villafane, Vida de Magdalena de Ulloa.--Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 116, 117.

[244] "Conforme a esto entendera V. M. la poca costancia y aficion que tienen a la guerra, estos que la dejan al mejor tiempo sin poderles reprimir galeras, ni horca ni cuantas diligencias se hacen. Y plega a Dios que el amor de los hijos y parientes sea la causa y no miedo de los enemigos."--Carta de D. Juan de Austria al Rey, 19 de Febrero, 1570, MS.

[245] Ibid.

[246] "Que cada uno ha de hacer su oficio y no el general de soldado, ni el soldado el de general."--Carta del Rey a D. Juan de Austria, 24 de Febrero, 1570, MS.

[247] One evidence of this is afforded by the frankness of his friend, Ruy Gomez de Silva. "La primera," he writes to Don John, "que por cuanto V. Ex.ª esta reputado de atrevido y de hombre que quiere mas ganar credito de soldado que de general, que mude este estilo y se deje gobernar."--(Carta de 4 de Marzo, 1570, MS.) It is to Don John's credit that, in his reply, he thanks Ruy Gomez warmly for his admonition, and begs his monitor to reprove him without hesitation, whenever he deems it necessary, since, now that his guardian is gone, there is no other who can take this liberty.--Carta de D. Juan de Austria a Ruy Gomez de Silva, MS.

[248] According to Villafane, Dona Magdalena left Madrid on learning her husband's illness, and travelled with such despatch that she arrived in time to receive his last sighs. Hita also speaks of her presence at his bedside. But as seven days only elapsed between the date of the knight's wound and that of his death, one finds it difficult to believe that this could have allowed time for the courier who brought the tidings, and for the lady afterwards, whether in the saddle or litter, to have travelled a distance of over four hundred and fifty miles, along execrable roads, with much of the way lying through the wild passes of the Alpujarras.

[249] "Creemos piadosamente que el alma de D. Luis subiria al ciclo con el oloroso incienso que se quemo en los altares de S. Geronimo, porque siempre habia empleado la vida en pelear contra enemigos de nuestra santa fe, y por ultimo murio batallando con ellos como soldado valeroso."--Hita, Guerras de Granada, tom. ii. p. 487.

[250] Carta del Rey a D. Juan de Austria, 3 de Marzo, 1570, MS.

[251] The letter is translated by Stirling from a manuscript, entitled "Joannis Austriaci Vita, auctore Antonio Ossorio," in the National Library at Madrid.--See Cloister Life of Charles the Fifth (Am. ed.), p. 286.

[252] Tijola is the scene of the story, familiar to every lover of Castilian romance, and better suited to romance than history, of the Moor Tuzani and his unfortunate mistress, the beautiful Maleha. It forms the most pleasing episode in Hita's second volume (pp. 523-540), and is translated with pathos and delicacy by Circourt, Hist. des Arabes d'Espagne, tom. iii. p. 345 et seq.

[253] Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. pp. 290-320, 340-346.--Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 119 et seq.--Ferreras Hist. d'Espagne, tom. x. p. 170 et seq.

[254] Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 271 et seq.--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. pp. 283-289, 303-315, 321 et seq.

In a letter without date, of the duke of Sesa, forming part of a mass of correspondence which I was so fortunate as to obtain from the collection at Holland House, he insists on starvation as a much more effectual means of reducing the enemy than the sword. "Esta guerra parece que no puede acabarse por medio mas cierto que el de la hambre que necesitara a los enemigos a rendirse o perecer, y esta los acabara primero que el espada."--MS.

[255] "Con estas cosas y otras particulares que El Habaqui pidio para Aben Aboo, y para los amigos, y para si mismo, que todas se le concedieron."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 360.

[256] "Misericordia, Senor, misericordia nos conceda vuestra Alteza en nombre de su Magestad, y perdon de nuestras culpas, que conocemos haber sido graves."--Ibid. p. 361.

[257] The fullest account of these proceedings is to be found in Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. pp. 355-362.

[258] "Predicando en los pulpitos publicamente contra la benignidad y clemencia que V. M. ha mandado usar con esta gente."--Carta de D. Juan de Austria al Rey, 7 de Junio, 1570, MS.

[259] "Que los religiosos que habrian de interceder con V. M. por estos miserables, que cierto la mayor parte ha pecado con ignorancia, hagan su esfuerzo en reprender la clemencia."--Ibid.

[260] "The wise king," as Bleda tells us, "did not forget Deza's eminent services. He became one of the richest cardinals, passing the remainder of his days in Rome, where he built a sumptuous palace for his residence."--(Cronica de Espana, p. 753.) Unfortunately this happy preferment did not take place till some time later--too late for the poor Moriscoes to profit by it.

[261] "Que El Habaqui habia mirado mal por el bien comun, contendandose con lo que solamente Don Juan de Austria le habia querido conceder, y procurando el bien y provecho para si y para sus deudos."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 390.

[262] "En lo que a esto toca, no tengo mas prendas que la palabra del Habaqui, el cual me podria enganar; pero certifico a V. M. que en su manera de proceder ma paresce hombre que tracta verdad, y tal fama tiene."--Carta de D. Juan de Austria al Rey, 21 de Mayo, 1570, MS.

[263] "Que quando Aben Aboo de su voluntad no lo hiciese, le llevaria el atado a la cola de su caballo."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 392.

[264] "Lo hizo ahogar secretamente, y mando echar el cuerpo en un muladar envuelto en un zarzo de canas, donde estuvo mas de treinta dias sin saberse de su muerte."--Ibid. p. 393.

[265] "Que quando no quedase otro sino el en la Alpuxarra con sola la camisa que tenia vestida, estimaba mas vivir y morir Moro, que todas quantas mercedes el Rey Filipe le podia hacer; y que fuese cierto, que en ningun tiempo, ni por ninguna manera, se pondria en su poder."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 410.

[266] It is the language of Marmol, who will not be suspected of exaggerating the cruelties of his countrymen. He does not seem, indeed, to regard them as cruelties. "Unos enviaba el Comendador mayor a las galeras, otros hacia justicia de ellos, y los mas consentia que los vendiesen los soldados para que fuesen aprovechados."--Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 436.

[267] Ibid. p. 433.

[268] Circourt gives a precise enumeration of the fortresses in different districts of the country.--Hist. des Arabes d'Espagne, tom. iii. pp. 135, 136.

[269] "Llevando cerca de si a su hijo, mozo quasi de trece anos Don Luis Ponce de Leon, cosa usada en otra edad en aquella Casa de los Ponces de Leon, criarse los muchachos peleando con los Moros, i tener a sus padres por maestros."--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 318.

[270] For the celebrated description of this event by Mendoza, see Guerra de Granada, pp. 301, 302. The Castilian historian, who probably borrowed the hint of it from Tacitus (Annales, lib. i. sec. 31), has painted the scene with a consummate art that raises him from the rank of an imitator to that of a rival. The reader may find a circumstantial account of Alonso de Aguilar's disastrous expedition, in 1501, in the History of Ferdinand and Isabella, part ii. chap. 7.

[271] Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, pp. 298-314.--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. pp. 425-431.

[272] Circourt quotes a remarkable passage from the _Ordenanzas de Granada_, which well illustrates the _conscientious manner_ in which the government dealt with the Moriscoes. It forms the preamble of the law of February 24, 1571. "The Moriscoes who took no part in the insurrection ought not to be punished. We should not desire to injure them; but they cannot hereafter cultivate their lands; and then it would be an endless task to attempt to separate the innocent from the guilty. We shall indemnify them certainly. Meanwhile their estates must be confiscated, like those of the rebel Moriscoes."--Hist. des Arabes d'Espagne, tom. iii. p. 148.

[273] "Que las casas fuesen y estuviesen juntas; porque aunque lo merecian poco, quiso su Magestad que se les diese esto contento."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 439.

[274] "Saquearon los soldados las casas del lugar, y tomaron todas las mugeres por esclavas; cosa que dio harta sospecha de que la desorden habia nacido de su cudicia."--Ibid. p. 444.

The better feelings of the old soldier occasionally--and it is no small praise, considering the times--triumph over his national antipathies.

[275] For the removal and dispersion of the Moriscoes, see Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. pp. 437-444; Ferraras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. x. pp. 227, 228; Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 126.

It may well seem strange that an event of such moment as the removal of the Moriscoes should have been barely noticed, when indeed noticed at all, by the general historian. It is still more strange that it should have been passed over in silence by a writer like Mendoza, to whose narrative it essentially belonged, and who could bestow thirty pages of more on the expedition into the Serrania de Ronda. But this was a tale of Spanish glory. The haughty Castilian chronicler held the race of unbelievers in too great contempt to waste a thought on their calamities, except so far as they enabled him to exhibit the prowess of his countrymen.

[276] "Querria tambien que alla se entendiese que ya no soy mochacho, y que puedo, a Dios gracias, comenzar en alguna manera a volar sin alas ajenas, y sospecho ques ya tiempo de salir de panales."--Carta de D. Juan de Austria a Ruy Gomez de Silva, 16 de Mayo, 1570, MS.

[277] "No teniendo el lugar y auctoridad que ha de tener hijo de tal padre, y hermano de tal hermano."--Ibid., 4 de Junio, 1570, MS.

[278] Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. pp. 449-454.--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, pp. 324-327.--Bleda, Cronica de Espana, p. 752.--Herrera, Historia General, tom. i. p. 781.--Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 123.

[279] "Esta es la cabeza del traidor de Abenabo. Nadie la quite so pena de muerte."--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 329.--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. pp. 455, 456--Bleda, Cronica de Espana, p. 752.--Miniara, Hist. de Espana, p. 383.

[280] Ante, p. 40.

[281] Nueva Recopilacion, lib. viii. tit. ii. ley 19.

[282] "Si estos tales que se huyieren huydo, y ausentado fueren hallados en el dicho Reyno de Granada, o dentro de diez leguas cercanas a el, caygan e incurran en pena de muerte que sea en sus personas executada."--Ibid. ubi supra.

[283] Nueva Recopilacion, lib. viii. tit. ii. ley 19.

[284] Examples of this are cited by Circourt, Hist. des Arabes d'Espagne, tom. iii. pp. 150, 151.

[285] Ibid. p. 163.

M. de Circourt has collected, from some authentic and not very accessible sources, much curious information relative to this part of his subject.

[286] Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. x. p. 227.

[287] "Ils representerent que ce recensement allait leur reveler la secret de leur nombre effrayant; qu'ils fourmillaient."--Circourt, Hist. des Arabes d'Espagne, tom. iii. p. 164.

[288] "Qu'ils accapareaint tous les metiers, teut le commerce."--Ibid. loc. cit.

[289] Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. x. pp. 239, 240.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, p. 641.--Zuniga, Anales de Sevilla, pp. 536-538.

The chroniclers paint in glowing colours the splendours of the royal reception at Seville, which, enriched by the Indian trade, took its place among the great commercial capitals of Christendom in the sixteenth century. It was a common saying,

"Quien no ha visto a Sevilla
No ha visto a maravilla."

[290] Herrera, Historia General, tom. i. p. 798 et seq.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. vi. cap. 17.--Sagredo, Monarcas Othomanos, p. 277.

[291] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, p. 667.--Sagredo, Monarcas Othomanos, p. 277.

[292] A copy of the treaty in Latin, dated May 25, 1571, exists in the library of the Academy of History, at Madrid. Senor Rosell has transferred it to the appendix of his work, Historia del Combate Naval de Lepanto (Madrid, 1853), pp. 180-189.

[293] A copy from the first draft of the treaty, as prepared in 1570, is incorporated in the Documentos Ineditos (tom. iii. pp. 337 et seq.). The original is in the library of the duke of Ossuna.

[294] Rosell, Combate Naval de Lepanto, p. 56.

[295] Paruta, Guerra di Cipro, p. 120 et seq.--Herrera, Hist. General, tom. ii. pp. 14, 15.

[296] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. ix. cap. 22.--Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. x. pp. 247, 248.--Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 152.

[297] "No poco se maravillaron los curiosos, viendole, o por casualidad o bien de intento, terciar llanamente en la conversacion, contra las etiquetas hasta entonces observadas."--Rosell, Combate Naval de Lepanto, p. 59.

[298] "Y concede dozientos anos de perdon a los presentes."--Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 152.

[299] "_De las mejores que jamas se han visto_,"--"among the best galleys that were ever seen,"--says Don John in a letter, from Messina, to Don Garcia de Toledo.--Documentos Ineditos, tom. iii. p. 15.

The earlier part of the third volume of the Documentos Ineditos is taken up with the correspondence between John of Austria and Garcia de Toledo, in which the former asks information and advice in respect to the best mode of conducting the war. Don Garcia de Toledo, fourth marquis of Villafranca, was a man of high family, and of great sagacity and experience. He had filled some of the highest posts in the government, and, as the reader may remember, was viceroy of Sicily at the time when Malta was besieged by the Turks. The coldness which on that occasion he appeared to show to the besieged, excited general indignation; and I ventured to state, on an authority which I did not profess to esteem the best, that in consequence of this he fell into disgrace, and was suffered to pass the remainder of his years in obscurity. (Ante, vol. ii. circ. fin.) An investigation of documents which I had not then seen shows this to have been an error. The ample correspondence which both Philip the Second and Don John carried on with him, gives undeniable proofs of the confidence which he continued to enjoy at court, and the high deference which was paid to his opinion.

[300] Authorities differ as usual as to the precise number both of vessels and troops. I have accepted the estimate of Rosell, who discreetly avoids the extremes on either side.

[301] Vanderhammen has been careful to transcribe this precious catalogue.--Don Juan de Austria, fol. 156 et seq.

[302] Ibid. fol. 159 et seq.--Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. x. p. 251.--Herrera, Hist. General, tom. ii. p. 15 et seq.

[303] "Luego su Alteza, el Coro, y Pueblo dixeron con musica, vozes, y alegria; Amen."--Vanderhammen, Juan de Austria, fol. 159.

[304] For a minute account of these arches and their manifold inscriptions, see Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 160-162.

[305] Rosell, Combate Naval de Lepanto, p. 84.

[306] Don John, in his correspondence with his friend Don Garcia de Toledo, speaks with high disgust of the negligence shown in equipping the Venetian galleys. In a letter dated Messina, August 30, he says: "Poneme cierta congoja ver que el mundo me obliga a hacer alguna cosa de momento, contando las galeras pro numero y no por cualidad."--Documentos Ineditos, tom. iii. p. 18.

[307] Rosell, Combate Naval de Lepanto, p. 82.

The clearest and by far the most elaborate account of the battle of Lepanto is to be found in the memoir of Don Cayetan Rosell, which received the prize of the Royal Academy of History of Madrid, in 1853. It is a narrative which may be read with pride by Spaniards, for the minute details it gives of the prowess shown by their heroic ancestors on that memorable day. The author enters with spirit into the stormy scene he describes. If his language may be thought sometimes to betray the warmth of national partiality, it cannot be denied that he has explored the best sources of information, and endeavoured to place the result fairly before the reader.

[308] Torres y Aguilera, Chronica de Guerra que ha acontescido en Italia y partes de Levante y Berberia desde 1570 en 1574 (Caragoca, 1579), fol. 54.--Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 165 et seq.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. lx. cap. 23.

[309] Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 64.--Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 173.--Paruta, Guerra di Cipro, p. 149.--Relacion de la Batalla Naval que entre Christianos y Turcos hubo el ano 1571, MS.--Otra Relacion, Documentos Ineditos, tom. iii. p. 365.

[310] Paruta, Guerra di Cipro, pp. 143, 144.--"Despues hizo que lo degollassen vivo, y lleno el pellejo de paja lo hizo colgar de la entena de una galeota, y desta manera lo llevo pol toda la ribera de la Suria."--Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 45.

[311] Ibid. fol. 44, 45.--Paruta, Guerra di Cipro, pp. 130-144.--Sagredo, Monarcas Othomanos, pp. 283-289.

[312] Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 65.--Documentos Ineditos, tom. iii. p. 241.--Rosell, Historia del Combate Naval, pp. 93, 94.

[313] Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 53.--Herrera, Hist. General, tom. ii. p. 30.--Relacion de la Batalla Naval, MS.--Rosell, Historia del Combate Naval, pp. 95, 99, 100.

[314] Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 67 et seq.--Relacion de la Batalla Naval, MS.--Otras Relaciones, Documentos Ineditos, tom. iii. pp. 242, 262.

[315] Most of the authorities notice this auspicious change of the wind. Among others, see Relacion de la Batalla Naval, MS.; Relacion escrita por Miguel Servia, confesor de Don Juan, Documentos Ineditos, tom. xi. p. 368: Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 75. The testimony is that of persons present in the action.

[316] Amidst the contradictory estimates of the number of the vessels and the forces to the Turkish armada to be found in the different writers, and even in official relations, I have conformed to the statement given in Senor Rosell's _Memoria_, prepared after a careful comparison of the various authorities.--Historia del Combate Naval, p. 94.

[317] "Si hoy es vuestro dia, Dios os lo de; pero estad ciertos que si gano la jornada, os dare libertad: por lo tanto haced lo que debeis a las obras que de mi habeis recebido."--Rosell, Historia del Combate Naval, p. 101.

For the last pages see Paruta, Guerra di Cipro, pp. 150, 151; Sagrado, Monarcas Othomanos, p. 292; Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 65, 66; Relacion de la Batalla Naval, MS.

[318] This fact is told by most of the historians of the battle. The author of the manuscript so often cited by me further says, that it was while the fleet was thus engaged in prayer for aid from the Almighty that the change of wind took place. "Y en este medio, que en la oracion se pedia a Dios la victoria, estaba el mar alterado de que nuestra armada recibia gran dano y antes que se acabase la dicha oracion el mar estuvo tan quieto y sosegado que jamas se a visto, y fue fuerca a la armada enemiga amainar y venir al remo."

[319] Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 71.--Paruta, Guerra di Cipro, p. 156.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, p. 688.--Relacion de la Batalla Naval, MS.--Otra Relacion, Documentos Ineditos, tom. xi. p. 368.

The inestimable collection of the Documentos Ineditos contains several narratives of the battle of Lepanto by contemporary pens. One of these is from the manuscript of Fray Miguel Servia, the confessor of John of Austria, and present with him in the engagement. The different narratives have much less discrepancy with one another than is usual on such occasions.

[320] Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 72.--Relacion de la Batalla Naval, MS.

The last-mentioned manuscript is one of many left us by parties engaged in the fight. The author of this relation seems to have written it on board one of the galleys, while lying at Petala, during the week after the engagement. The events are told in a plain, unaffected manner, that invites the confidence of the reader. The original manuscript, from which my copy was taken, is to be found in the library of the University of Leyden.

[321] A minute description of the Ottoman standard, taken from a manuscript of Luis del Marmol, is given in the Colleccion de Documentos Ineditos, tom. iii. pp. 270 et seq.

[322] Documentos Ineditos, tom. iii. p. 265; tom. xi. p. 368.--Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 70.--Paruta, Guerra di Cipro, pp. 156, 157.--Relacion de la Batalla Naval, MS.

[323] Herrera notices one galley, "_La Piamontesa de Saboya_ degollada en ella toda la gente de cabo y remo y despedazado con once heridas D. Francisco de Saboya." Another, "_La Florencia_," says Rosell, "perdio todos los soldados, chusma, galeotes y caballeros de San Esteban que en ella habia, excepto su capitan Tomas de Medicis y diez y seis hombres mas, aunque todos heridos y estropeados."--Historia del Combate Naval, p. 113.

[324] "Tomo una Alabarda o Pertesana, y ligando en ella el Sancto Crucifixo, verdadera pendon, se puso delante de todos assi desarinado como estava, y fue el primero que entro en la Galera Turquesca, haziendo con su Alabarda cosas que ponian admiracion."--Torres y Aguilera, Chronicas, fol. 75.

[325] "Vivio hasta que sabiendo que la vitoria era ganada dijo: que daba gracias a Dios que lo hubiese guardado tanto que viese vencida la batalla y roto aquel comun enemigo que tanto deseo ver destruido."--Herrera, Relacion de la Guerra de Cipro, Documentos Ineditos, tom. xxi. p. 360.

[326] Relacion de la Batalla Naval, MS.--Herrera, Hist. General, tom. ii. p. 33.--Paruta, Guerra di Cipro, pp. 157, 158.--Documentos Ineditos, tom. iii. p. 244.

Torres y Aguilera tells a rather extraordinary anecdote respecting the great standard of the League in the _Real_. The figure of Christ emblazoned on it was not hit by ball or arrow during the action, notwithstanding every other banner was pierced in a multitude of places. Two arrows, however, lodged on either side of the crucifix, when a monkey belonging to the galley ran up the mast, and, drawing out the weapons with his teeth, threw them overboard! (Chronica, fol. 75) Considering the number of ecclesiastics on board the fleet, it is remarkable that no more miracles occurred on this occasion.

[327] Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 72 et seq.--Relacion de la Batalla Naval, MS.--Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 182.--Documentos Ineditos, tom. iii. p. 247 et seq.--Paruta, Guerra di Cipro, p. 160.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. ix. cap. 25, 26.

"Do el estandarte barbaro abatido
la Cruz del Redentor fue enarbolada
con un triunfo solene y grande gloria,
cantando abiertamente la vitoria."

Ercilla, La Araucana, par. ii. canto 24.

[328] The loss of the Moslems is little better than matter of conjecture, so contradictory are the authorities. The author of the Leyden MS. dismisses the subject with the remark, "La gente muerta de Turcos no se ha podido saber por que la que se hecho en la mar fuera de los degollados fueron infinitos." I have conformed, as in my other estimates, to those of Senor Rosell, Historia del Combate Naval, p. 118.

[329] Rosell computes the total loss of the allies at not less than seven thousand six hundred; of whom one thousand were Romans, two thousand Spaniards, and the remainder Venetians.--Ibid. p. 113.

[330] Ibid. ubi supra.--Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 74 et seq.--Documentos Ineditos, tom. iii. pp. 246-249; tom. xi. p. 370.--Sagredo, Monarcas Othomanos, pp. 295, 296.--Relacion de la Batalla Naval, MS.

[331] Relacion de la Batalla Naval, MS.

Don John notices this achievement of his gallant kinsman in the first letter which he wrote to Philip after the action. The letter, dated at Petala, October 10, is published by Aparici, Documentos Ineditos relativos a la Batalla de Lepanto, p. 26.

[332] Navarrete, Vida de Cervantes (Madrid, 1819), p. 19.

Cervantes, in the prologue to the second part of "Don Quixote," alluding to Lepanto, enthusiastically exclaims, that, for all his wounds, he would not have missed the glory of being present on that day. "Quisiera antes haberme hallado en aquella faccion prodigiosa, que sano ahora de mis heridas, sin haberme hallado en ella."

[333] This humane conduct of Don John is mentioned, among other writers, by the author of the Relacion de la Batalla Naval, whose language shows that his manuscript was written on the spot: "El queda visitando los heridos y procurando su remedio haziendoles merced y dandoles todo lo que aviase menester."--MS.

[334] "Lo qual toda esta corte tuvo a gran gentileza, y no hazen sino alabar la virtud y grandeza de vuestra Alteza."

The letter of Fatima is to be found in Torres y Aguilera, Chronica (fol. 92). The chronicler adds a list of the articles sent by the Turkish princess to Don John, enumerating, among other things, robes of sable, brocade, and various rich stuffs, fine porcelain, carpets, and tapestry, weapons curiously inlaid with gold and silver, and Damascus blades ornamented with rubies and turquoises.

[335] "El presente que me embio dexe de rescibir, y le huvo el mismo Mahamet Bey, no por no preciarle como cosa venida de su mano, sino por que la grandeza de mis antecessores no acostumbra rescibir dones de los necessitados de favor, sino darios y hazeries gracias."--Ibid. fol. 94.

[336] According to some, Don John was induced, by the persuasion of his friends, to make these advances to the Venetian admiral. (See Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 75; Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 123.) It is certain he could not erase the memory of the past from his bosom, as appears from more than one of his letters, in which he speaks of the difficulty he should find, in another campaign, in acting in concert with a man of so choleric a temper. In consequence the Venetian government was induced, though very reluctantly, to employ Veniero on another service. In truth, the conduct which had so much disgusted Don John and the allies seems to have found favour with Veniero's countrymen, who regarded it as evidence of his sensitive concern for the honour of his nation. A few years later they made ample amends to the veteran for the slight put on him, by raising him to the highest dignity in the republic. He was the third of his family who held the office of doge, to which he was chosen in 1576, and in which he continued till his death.

[337] The spoil found on board the Turkish ships was abandoned to the captors. There was enough of it to make many a needy adventurer rich. "Assi por la victoria havida como porque muchos venian tan ricos y prosperados que no havia hombre que se preciasse de gastar moneda de plata sino Zequies, ni curasse de regatear en nada que comprasse."--Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 79.

[338] For the preceding pages see Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 186; Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 79; Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, p. 696; Herrera, Historia General, tom. ii. p. 37; Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. x. p. 261.

[339] An old _romance_ thus commemorates this liberal conduct of Don John:--

"Y ansi seda como de oro
Ninguna cosa ha querido
Don Juan, como liberal,
Por mostrar do ha descendido,
Sino que entre los soldados
Fuese todo repartido
En premio de sus trabajos
Pues lo habian merecido."

Duran, Romancero General (Madrid, 1851), tom. ii. p. 185.

[340] Lorea, Vida de Pio Quinto, cap. xxiv. Sec. ii.--Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 80.--Rosell, Historia del Combate Naval, pp. 124, 125.

[341] Philip, in a letter to his brother, dated from the Escorial in the following November, speaks of his delight at receiving this trophy from the hands of Figueroa. (See the letter, ap. Rosell, Hist. del Combate Naval, Apend. No. 15.) The standard was deposited in the Escorial, where it was destroyed by fire in the year 1671.--Documentos Ineditos tom. iii. p. 256.

[342] "Y S. M. no se altero, ni demudo, ni hizo sentimiento alguno, y se estuvo con el semblante y serenidad que antes estaba, con el qual semblante estuvo hasta que se acabaron de cantar las visperas."--Memorias de Fray Juan de San Geronimo, Documentos Ineditos, tom. iii. p. 258.

[343] The third volume of the Documentos Ineditos contains a copious extract from a manuscript in the Escorial written by a Jeronymite monk. In this the writer states that Philip received intelligence of the victory from a courier despatched by Don John, while engaged at vespers in the palace monastery of the Escorial. This account is the one followed by Cabrera (Filipe Segundo, p. 696) and by the principal Castilian writers. Its inaccuracy, however, is sufficiently attested by two letters written at the time to Don John of Austria, one by the royal secretary Alzamora, the other by Philip himself. According to their account, the person who first conveyed the tidings was the Venetian minister; and the place where they were received by the king was the private chapel of the palace of Madrid, while engaged at vespers on All-Saints eve. It is worthy of notice, that the secretary's letter contains no hint of the _nonchalance_ with which Philip is said to have heard the tidings. The originals of these interesting despatches still exist in the National Library at Madrid. They have been copied by Senor Rosell for his memoir (Apend. Nos. 13, 15). One makes little progress in history before finding that it is much easier to repeat an error than to correct it.

[344] "Y ansi a vos (despues de Dios) se ha de dar el parabien y las gracias della, como yo os las doy, y a mi de que por mano de persona que tanto me toca como la vuestra, y a quien yo tanto quiero, se haya hecho un tan gran negocio, y ganado vos tanta honra y gloria con Dios y con todo el mundo."--Rosell, Historia del Combate Naval, Apend. No. 15.

[345] Carta del secretario Alzamora a Don Juan de Austria, Madrid, Nov. 11, 1571, ap. Rosell, Historia del Combate Naval, Apend. No. 13.

[346] See Ford, Handbook for Spain, vol. ii. p. 697.

[347] Ercilla has devoted the twenty-fourth canto of the Araucana to the splendid episode of the battle of Lepanto. If Ercilla was not, like Cervantes, present in the fight, his acquaintance with the principal actors in it makes his epic, in addition to its poetical merits, of considerable value as historical testimony.

[348] The letter, which is dated Brussels, Nov. 17, 1571, is addressed to Juan de Zuniga, the Castilian ambassador at the court of Rome. A copy from a manuscript of the sixteenth century, in the library of the duke of Ossuna, is inserted in the Documentos Ineditos, tom. iii. pp. 292-303.

[349] "Ya havreis entendido la orden que se os ha dado de que inverneis en Mecina, y las causas dello."--Carta del Rey a su hermano, ap. Rosell, Historia del Combate Naval, Apend. No. 15.

[350] See Rosell, Historia del Combate Naval, p. 157; Lafuente, Historia de Espana (Madrid, 1850), tom. xiii. p. 538. Ranke, who has made the history of the Ottoman empire his particular study, remarks: "The Turks lost all their old confidence after the battle of Lepanto. They had no equal to oppose to John of Austria. The day of Lepanto broke down the Ottoman supremacy."--Ottoman and Spanish Empires (Eng. tr.), p. 23.

[351] "Su Santidad ha de querer que de gane Constantinopla y la Casa Santa, y que tendra muchos que le querran adular con facilitarselo, y que no faltaran entre estos algunos quo hacen profesion de soldados y que como su Beatitud no pueden entender estas cosas."--Carta del Duque de Alba, ap. Documentos Inedites, tom. iii. p. 300.

[352] Ranke, History of the Popes (Eng. tr.), vol i. p. 384.

[353] Lafuente, Historia de Espana, tom. xiii. p. 530.

[354] "Breves de fuego."--Ibid, p. 529.

[355] "E si e veduto, che quando gli fu data la gran rotta, in sei mesi rifabbrico canto venti galere, oltre quelle che si trovavano in essere, cosa che essendo preveduta e scritta da me, fu giudicata piuttosto impossibile che creduta."--Relazione di Marcantino Barbaro 1573, Alberi, Relazioni Venete, tom. iii, p. 306.

[356] For the preceding pages see Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 87-89; Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. x. cap. 5; Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 159 et seq.; Paruta, Guerra di Cipro, p. 206 et seq.; Sagredo, Monarcas Othomanos, pp. 301, 302.

[357] It is Voltaire's reflection: "Il semblait que les Turques eussent gagne la bataille de Lepante."--Essais sur les Moeurs, chap. 160.

[358] The treaty is to be found in Dumont, Corps Diplomatique, tom. v. par. 1 pp. 218, 219.

[359] Rosell, Historia del Combate Naval, p. 149.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, p. 747.--Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 95.

[360] Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 172.

[361] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, p. 765.--Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 174, 175--Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 103 et seq.--The author last cited who was present at the capture of Tunis, gives a fearful picture of the rapacity of the soldiers.

[362] The Castilian writers generally speak of it as the _peremptory command_ of Philip. Cabrera, one of the best authorities, tells us: "Mandio el Rey Catolico a Don Juan de Austria enplear su armada en la conquista de Tunez, i que le desmantelase, i la Goleta." But soon after he remarks: "Olvidando el _buen acuerdo_ del Rey, por consejo de lisongeros determino de conservar la ciudad." (Filipe Segundo, pp. 763, 764.) From this qualified language we may infer that the king meant to give his brother his decided opinion, not amounting, however, to such an absolute command as would leave him no power to exercise his discretion in the matter. This last view is made the more probable by the fact that in the following spring a correspondence took place between the king and his brother, in which the former, after stating the arguments both for preserving and for dismantling the fortress of Tunis, concludes by referring the decision of the question to Don John himself. "Representadas todas estas dificultades, manda remitir S. M. al Senor Don Juan que el tome la resolucion que mas convenga."--Documentos Ineditos, tom. iii. p. 139.

[363] "Porque la gentileza de la tierra i de las damas en su conservacion agradaba a su gallarda edad."--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, p. 755.--Also Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 176.

[364] Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. x. p. 286.--Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 178.

[365] Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 116 et seq.--Relacion particular de Don Juan Sanogera, MS.

Vanderhammen states the loss of the Moslems at thirty-three thousand slain. (Don Juan de Austria, fol. 189.) But the arithmetic of the Castilian is little to be trusted as regards the infidel.

[366] For a brief but very perspicuous view of the troubles of Genoa, see San Migual, Hist. de Flipe Segundo (tom. ii. cap. 36). The care of this judicious writer to acquaint the reader with contemporary events in other countries, as they bore more or less directly on Spain, is a characteristic merit of his history.

[367] Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 113.

[368] The principal cause of Granvelle's coldness to Don John, as we are told by Cabrera (Filipe Segundo, p. 794), echoed, as usual, by Vanderhammen (Don Juan de Austria, fol. 184), was envy of the fame which the hero of Lepanto had gained by his conquests both in love and in war. "La causa principal era el poco gasto que tenia de acudir a Don Juan, invidioso de sus favores de Marte i Venus." Considering the cardinal's profession, he would seem to have had no right to envy any one's success in either of these fields.

[369] "Questa oppinione, che di lui si ha, rende le sue leggi piu sacrosancte et inviolabili."--Relazione di Contarini, MS.

[370] A manuscript, entitled "_Origen de los Consejos_," without date or the name of the author, in the library of Sir Thomas Phillips, gives a minute account of the various councils under Philip the Second.

[371] "Sono XI.; il consiglio dell' Indie, Castiglia, d'Aragona, d'inquisitione, di camera, dell' ordini, di guerra, di hazzienda, dl giustizia, d'Italia, et di stato."--Sommario del' ordine che si tiene alla corte di Spagna circa il governo delli stati del Re Catholico, MS.

[372] Ibid. The date of this manuscript is 1570.

[373] Relazione di Badoer, MS.

[374] Instead of "Ruy Gomez," Badoer tells us they punningly gave him the title of "Rey Gomez," to denote his influence over the king. "Il titolo principal che gli vien dato e di Rey Gomez e non Ruy Gomez, perche pare che non sia stato mai alcun privato con principe del mondo di tanta autorita e cosi stimato dal signor suo come egli e da questa Maesta."--Relazione, MS.

[375] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, pp. 712, 713.

Cabrera has given us, in the first chapter of the tenth book of his history, a finished portrait of Ruy Gomez, which for the niceness of its discrimination and the felicity of its language may compare with this best compositions of the Castilian chroniclers.

[376] "El senor Ruy Gomez no fue de los mayores consejeros que ha habido, pero del humor y natural de los reyes le roconozco por tan gran maestro, que todos los que por aqui dentro andamos tenemos la cabeza donde pensamos que traemos los pies."--Bermudez de Castro, Antonio Perez (Madrid, 1841), p. 28.

[377] "Fue Rui Gomez el primero piloto que en trabajos tan grandes vivio y murio seguro, tomando sienpre el mejor puerto."--Cabrera, p. 713.

[378] "Vivo conservo la gracia de su Rey, muerto le dolio su falta, i la lloro su Reyno, que en su memoria le a conservado paro exemplo de fieles vasallos i prudentes privados de los mayores Principes."--Ibid. ubi supra.

[379] "Puede ser, pero el Cardenal Espinosa me consulto en saliendo del consejo, i provei la placa."--Cabrera, p. 700.

[380] "Que en principe tan zeloso de su immunidad i oficio parecio increible su tolerancia hasta alli."--Ibid. ubi supra.

[381] The anonymous author of a contemporary relation speaks of the king as a person little subject to passions of any kind. The language is striking: "E questo Re poco soggetto alle pasioni, venga cio, o per inclinazione naturale, o per costume; e quasi non appariscono in lui i primi movimenti ne dell' allegrezza, ne del dolore, ne dell' ira ancora."--MS.

[382] "El Rey le hablo tan asperamente sobre el afinar una verdad, que le mato brevemente," says Cabrera emphatically.--Filipe Segundo, p. 699.

[383] "Perche chi vuole il favore del duoa d'Alva perde quello di Ruy Gomez, e chi cerca il favore di Ruy Gomez, non ha quello del duca d'Alva."--Relazione di Soriano, MS.

[384] Ranke has given some pertinent examples of this in an interesting sketch which he has presented of the relative positions of these two statesmen in the cabinet of Philip.--Ottoman and Spanish Empires (Eng. trans.), p. 38.

[385] "Non si trova mai S.M. presente alle deliberationi ne i consigli, ma deliberato chiama una delle tre consulte.... alla qual sempre si ritrova, onde sono lette le risolutioni del consiglio."--Relazione di Tiepolo, MS.

[386] Ranke, Ottoman and Spanish Empires, p. 32.

[387] "El dia que iva a caca bolvia con ansias de bolver al trabajo, como un oficial pobre que huviera de ganar la comida con ello."--Los Dichos y Hechos, del Rey Phelipe II. (Brusselas, 1666), p. 214.--See also Relazione di Pigafetta, MS.

[388] Relazione di Vandramino, MS.--Relazione di Contarini, MS.

"Distribuia las horas del dia, se puede decir, todas en los negocios, quando yo lo conoci; porque aunque las tenia de ocio u ocupaciones forcosas de su persona, las gastava con tales criados elegidos tan a proposito que quanto hablava venia a ser informarse mucho, descanso en lo que a otro costara nota y fatiga."--MS. Anon. in the Library of the dukes of Burgundy.

[389] Dichos y Hechos de Phelipe II., pp. 339, 340.

[390] "A estos estando turbados, y desalentados, los animava diziendoles, Sossegaos."--Dichos y Hechos de Phelipe II., p. 40.

[391] "Diziendole si lo traeis escrito, lo vere, y os hare despachar."--Ibid. p. 41.

[392] "Quando esce di Palazzo, suole montare in un cocchio coperto di tela incerata, et serrata a modo che non si vede..... Suole quando va in villa ritornare la sera per le porte del Parco, senza esser veduto da alcuno."--Relazione di Pigafetta, MS.

[393] Ranke, Ottoman and Spanish Empires, p. 32.

Inglis speaks of seeing this work in the library when he visited the Escorial.--Spain in 1830, vol. i. p. 348.

[394] Ranke, Ottoman and Spanish Empires, p. 33.

[395] See ante, vol. ii. circ. fin.

[396] Lafuente, Historia de Espana, tom. xiv. p. 44.

The historian tells us he has seen the original letter with the changes made in it by Philip.

[397] "Chi comincia a servirlo puo tener per certa la remunerazione, se il difetto non vien da rei."--Relazione Anon. MS.

[398] Relazione della Corte di Spagna, MS.--Relazione di Badoer, MS.--Etiquetas de Palacio, MS.

[399] Relazione di Badoer, MS.

[400] "Ha tre guardie die 100 persone l'una; la piu honorata e di Borgognoni e Fiamminghi, che hanno ad esser ben nati e servono a cavallo, e si dicono Arcieri accompagnando bene il Re per la citta a piede non in fila, ma alla rinfusa intorno alla persona reale; l'altri sono d'Albardieri 100 di nazion tedesca, et altri e tanti Spagnuoli."--Relazione della Corte di Spagna, MS.

[401] Raumer, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. i. p. 106.

[402] Ibid. p. 105.

[403] Cortes of 1558, peticion 4.

[404] "Questi habiti sempre sono nuovi et puliti, perche ogni mese se gli muta, et poi gli dona quando ad uno, e quando ad un altro."--Relazione di Pigafetta, MS.

[405] Gachard cites a passage from one of Granvelle's unpublished letters, in which he says, "Suplico a V. M., con la humildad qua devo, que considerando quanto su vida importa al principe nuestro senor, a todos sus reynos y Estados, y vasallos suyos, y aun a toda la christiandad, mirando en que miserando estado quedaria sin V. M., sea servido mirar adelante mas por su salud, descargandose de tan grande y continuo trabajo, que tanto dano le haze."--Rapport prefixed to the Correspondance de Philippe II. (tom. i. p. li.), in which the Belgian scholar, with his usual conscientiousness and care, enters into an examination of the character and personal habits of Philip.

[406] "Habiendo en otra ocasion avisado a vuestra magestad de la publica querella y desconsuelo que habia del estilo que vuestra magestad habia tomado de negociar, estando perpetuamente asido a los papeles, por tener mejor titulo para huir de la gente, ademas de no quererse fiar de nadie."--Carta que escrivio al Senor Rey Felipe Segundo Don Luis Manrique, su limosnero mayor, MS.

[407] "No embio Dios a vuestra magestad y a todos los otros Reyes, que tienen sus veces en la tierra, para que se extravien leyendo ni escribiendo ni aun contemplando ni rezando, si no para que fuesen y sean publicos y patentes oraculos a donde todos sus subditos vengan por sus respuestas.... Y si a algun Rey en el mundo dio Dios esta gracia, es a vuestra magestad y por eso es mayor la culpa de no manifestarse a todos."--Ibid.

A copy of this letter is preserved among the Egerton MSS. in the British Museum.

[408] Nota di tutti li Titolati di Spagna con li loro casate et rendite, &c. fatta nel 1581, MS.

[409] Ibid.

The Spanish aristocracy, in 1581, reckoned twenty-three dukes, forty-two marquises, and fifty-six counts. All the dukes and thirteen of the inferior nobles were grandees.

[410] "La corte e muta; in publico non si ragiona di nuove, et chi pure le sa, se le trace."--Relazione di Pigafetta, MS.

[411] "Sono d'animo tanto elevato... che e cosa molto difficile da credere.... e quando avviene che incontrino o nunzi del pontefice o ambasciadori di qualehe testa cororata o d'altro stato, pochissimi son quelli che si levin la berreta."--Relazione di Badoero, MS.

[412] "Non si attende a lettere, ma la Nobilita e a maraviglia ignorante e ritirata, mantenenda una certa sua alterigia, ehe loro clriamano _sussiego_, che vuol dire tranquillita et sicurezza, et quasi serenita."--Relazione di Pigafette, MS.

[413] "Non si convita, non si cavalca, si giuoca, et si fa all' amore."--Ibid.

See also the Relazioni of Badoero and Contarini.

[414] Dr. Salazar y Mendoza takes a very exalted view of the importance of this right to wear the hat in the presence of the king,--"a prerogative," he remarks, "so illustrious in itself and so admirable in its effects, that it alone suffices to stamp its peculiar character on the dignity of the grandee."--Dignidades de Castilla, p. 34.

[415] Ranke, Ottoman and Spanish Empires, p. 57.

[416] Relazione di Tiepolo, MS.--Relazione Anon. MS.--Relazione di Contarini, MS.

[417] "Che per contrario affligiono i loro proprii sudditi ende incorrono nel loro odio."--Relazione di Contarini, MS.

[418] "Temono Sua Maesta, dove, quando si governassero prudentemente, sarieno da essa per le loro forze temuti."--Ibid.

[419] "Que bastaran para conquistar y ganar un reyno."--Cortes of Valladolid of 1558, pet. 4.

[420] Cortes of Toledo of 1559, pet. 3.

[421] Lafuente, Historia de Espana, tom. xiii. p. 118.

[422] Ibid. tom. xiv. p. 397.

[423] Cortes of Valladolid of 1558, pet. 12.

[424] Lafuente, Historia de Espana, tom. xiii. p. 125.

[425] The history of luxury in Castile, and of the various enactments for the restraint of it, forms the subject of a work by Sempere y Guarinos, containing many curious particulars, especially in regard to the life of the Castilians at an earlier period of their history.--Historia del Luxo (Madrid, 1788, 2 tom. 12mo.).

[426] "Anssi mismo mandamos que ninguna persona de ninguna condicion ni calidad que sea, no pueda traer ni traya en ropa ni en vestido, ni en calzas, ni jubon, ni en gualdrapa, ni guarnicion de mula ni de cavallo, ningun genero de bordado ni recamado, ni gandujado, ni entorchado, ni chaperia de oro ni de plata, ni de oro de canutillo, ni de martillo, ni ningun genero de trenza ni cordon ni cordoncillo, ni franja, ni pasamano, ni pespunte, ni perfil de oro ni plata ni seda, ni otra cosa, aunque el dicho oro y plata sean falsos," &c.--Pracmatica expedida a peticion de la Cortes de Madrid de 1563.

[427] "Ocupados en este oficio y genero de vivienda de coser, que habia de se para las mugeres, muchos hombres que podrian servir a S. M. en la guerra dejaban de ir a ella, y dejaban tambien de labrar los campos."--Cortes of 1573, pet. 75, ap. Lafuente, Hist. de Espana, tom. xiv. p. 407.

[428] Cortes of 1573, pet. 75, ap. Lafuente, Hist. de Espana, tom. xiv. p. 408.

[429] Ranke, Ottoman and Spanish Empires, p. 59.

[430] "Que cada semana o cada mes se nombren en los ayuntamientos de cada ciudad o villa destos Reynos, dos Regidores, los quales se hallen a la vision y visitas de la carcel."--Cortes of Toledo of 1559, 1560, pet. 102.

[431] Provision real para que los mesones del reyno esten bien proveidos de los mantenimientos necesarios para los caminantes, Toledo, 20 de Octubre de 1560.

[432] "Como los mancebos y las donzellas por su ociosidad se principalmente ocupan en aquello [leer libros de mentiras y vanidades], desvanecense y aficionanse en cierta manera a los casos que leen en aquellos libros haver acontescido, ansi da amores como de armas y otras vanidades: y afficionados, quando se offrece algun caso semejante, danse a el mas a rienda suelta que si no lo huviessen leydo."--Cortes of 1558, pet. 107, cited by Ranke, Ottoman and Spanish Empires, p. 60.

[433] Pracmatica para que ningun natural de estos reynos vaya a estudiar fuera de ellos, Aranjuez, 22 de Noviembre de 1559.

[434] Marina, Teoria de las Cortes, tom. ii. p. 219.

[435] See the "Pragmaticas del Reyno," first printed at Alcala de Henares, at the close of Isabella's reign, in 1503. This famous collection was almost wholly made up of the ordinances of Ferdinand and Isabella. After passing through several editions, it was finally absorbed in the "Nueva Recopilacion" of Philip the Second.

[436] Relazione di Contarini, MS.

[437] "Vos ni yo no avenios de subir donde los Sacerdotes."--Dichos y Hechos de Phelipe II., p. 96.

[438] Catrera, Filipe Segundo, p. 894.

[439] L. Marineo Siculo, Cosas Memorabiles, fol. 23.

[440] Nota di tutti li Titolati di Spagna, MS.

[441] Lafuente, Historia de Espana, tom. xiv. p. 416.

[442] Lafuente, Historia de Espana, tom. xiii. p. 261.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, pp. 432, 433.

[443] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. xi. cap. 11; lib. xii. cap. 21.--Relazione Anon. 1588, MS.

[444] "Otras vezes presentaba para Obispos Canonigos tan particulares i presbiteros tan apartados no solo de tal esperanca, mas pensamiento en si mismos, i en la comun opinion, que la cedula de su presentacion no admitia su rezelo de ser enganados o burlados. Eligia a quien no pedia, i merecia."--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, p. 891.

[445] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. xi. cap. 11.

[446] Relazione di Contarini, MS.--Ranke, Ottoman and Spanish Empires, p. 61.

[447] The document alluded to is a letter, without date or signature, but in the handwriting of the sixteenth century, and purporting to be written by a person entrusted with the task of drafting the necessary legal instruments or the foundation of the convent. He inquires whether in the preamble he shall make mention of his majesty's vow. "_El voto que S. M. hijo_, si S. M. no lo quiere poner ni declarar, bien puede, porque no hay para que; pero si S. M. quisiere que se declare en las escrituras, avisemelo v. m."--Documentos Ineditos, tom. xxviii. p. 567.

[448] Examples equally ancient, of both forms of spelling the name, may be found; though _Escorial_, now universal in the Castilian, seems to have been also the more common from the first. The word is derived from _scoriae_, the dross of iron-mines, found near the spot.--See Ford, Handbook for Spain (3rd edition), p. 751.

[449] A letter of the royal founder, published by Siguenca, enumerates the objects to which the new building was to be specially devoted.--Historia de la Orden de San Geronimo, tom. iii. p. 534.