Chapter LIII: Section VI: State of the “army of Observation De Coté D’ocean,”

1st FEB. 1808, SPAIN.

Marshal Moncey, commanding.
Head-quarters, Vittoria.

Present under arms. Detached. Hospital. Effective.
Men. Horses. Men. Horses. Men. Men. Horses.

21,878 2547 2144 -- 4464 28,486 2547

Train of the guard 225 509

Grand total 28,711 men, and 3301 horses.

* * * * *

No. XXIX.

The following letters from lord Collingwood did not come into my possession before the present volume was in the press. It will be seen that they corroborate many of the opinions and some of the facts that I have stated, and they will doubtless be read with the attention due to the observations of such an honourable and able man.

TO SIR HEW DALRYMPLE.

_Ocean, Gibraltar, 30th August, 1808._

MY DEAR SIR,

I have been in great expectation of hearing of your progress with the army, and hope the first account will be of your success whenever you move. I have heard nothing lately of Junot at Cadiz; but there have been accounts not very well authenticated, that Joseph Buonaparte, in his retiring to France, was stopped by the mass rising in Biscay, to the amount of 14,000 well-armed men, which obliged him to return to Burgos, where the body of the French army was stationed.

At Saragossa the French, in making their fourteenth attack upon the town, were defeated, repulsed with great loss, and had retired from it. There is a deputy here from that city with a commission from the marquis de Palafox to request supplies. The first aid upon their list is for 10 or 15,000 troops. The deputy states they have few regulars in the province, and the war has hitherto been carried on by all being armed. In this gentleman’s conversation I observe, what I had before remarked in others, that he had no view of Spain beyond the kingdom of Aragon; and in reply to the observations I made on the necessity of a central government, he had little to say, as if that had not yet been a subject of much consideration. I have great hope that general Castaños, Cuesta, and those captains-general who will now meet at Madrid will do something effectual in simplifying the government. In a conversation I had with Morla on the necessity of this, he seemed to think the juntas would make many difficulties, and retain their present power as long as they could.

I hope, my dear sir, you will give some directions about this puzzling island (_Perexil_), which it appears to me will not be of any future use; but the people who are on it will suffer much in the winter, without habitations, except tents; I conceive the purpose for which it was occupied is past, and will probably never return; whenever they quit it, they should bring the stores away as quietly as possible; for if I am not mistaken, the emperor has an intention to keep them, and will remonstrate against them going. I hope you have received good accounts from lady Dalrymple, &c.

* * * * *

I am to sail to-day for Toulon, where every thing indicates an intention in the French to sail. Mr. Duff brought a million of dollars to Seville, and has instructions to communicate with the junta; but he appears to me to be too old to do it as major Cox has done: he is still there, and I conclude will wait for your instructions. Mr. Markland would accept with great thankfulness the proposal you made to him to go to Valencia.

I beg my kind regards, &c.
COLLINGWOOD.

P. S. Prince Leopold is still here, and I understand intends to stay until he hears from England. I have given passports for Dupont and a number of French officers to go to France on parole, ninety-three in number. General Morla was impatient to get them out of the country. The Spaniards were much irritated against them; they were not safe from their revenge, except in St. Sebastian’s castle.

TO SIR HEW DALRYMPLE.

_Ocean, off Toulon, October 18, 1808._

MY DEAR SIR,

I have received the favour of your letters of the 27th August and 5th September, and beg to offer you my sincere congratulations on the success of the British army in Portugal, which I hope will have satisfied the French that they are not those invincible creatures which Buonaparte had endeavoured to persuade them they were.

It is a happy event to have rescued Portugal from the government of France, and their carrying off a little plunder is a matter of very secondary consideration; perhaps it may have the good effect of keeping up the animosity of the Portuguese who suffer, and incite them to more resistance in future.

The great business now is to endeavour to establish that sort of government, and organise that sort of military force, which may give security to the country; and the great difficulty in Portugal will be to find men who are of ability to place at the head of the several departments, who have patriotism to devote themselves to its service, and vigour to maintain its independence. In a country exhausted like Portugal, it will require much ingenious expedient to supply the want of wealth and of every thing military. If it is not found in the breasts of those to whom the people look up, Portugal will remain in a hapless and uncertain state still.

I have not heard from sir Charles Cotton how he settled his terms with the Russian admiral; but as he has got possession of the ships to be sent to England, they cannot but be good: the hoisting the English flag on the fort which surrendered to our troops, I conclude, would be explained to the Portuguese as not to be understood as taking possession by England for other purpose than to be restored to its prince, as was done at Madeira; but in this instance it ought to have been thought necessary to deprive Siniavin of the argument he would have used of the neutrality of the Portuguese flag, with whom his nation was not at _war_.

I left Cadiz the moment every thing in that quarter was pacific; and Mr. Duff arrived there with a million of dollars for their use: this money was sent to the junta of Seville, where I am afraid there are many members unworthy of the trust.

I have only heard once from Cox since I left that quarter. After getting the money, father Gil seemed to have dropt his communications with major C., and their discussions were not of a nature to excite much public interest; they consisted more in private bickerings than of grave consult for the public weal. Tilly seems to have been entirely disappointed in his project, both in respect to the annexation of southern Portugal to Andalusia and the pension of 12,000 dollars for his service in the supreme council: of those you will be informed by major Cox. I am afraid I related the proceedings to his majesty’s ministers of events which were passing almost under my eye, and gave my opinion on them with too great freedom; I mean with a freedom that is not usual; but they were facts of which, without being possessed, his majesty’s ministers could not have a knowledge of the real state of affairs in Spain; and the sentiments those facts inspired were necessary to explain my motives and the rule of conduct which I pursued. And still I consider the great and only danger to which Spain is now exposed is the supposition that the whole nation is possessed of the same patriotism which, in Andalusia, Aragon, and Valencia, led to such glorious results. It is far otherwise: there are not many Castaños, nor Cuestas, nor Palafox’s; and take from Spain the influence of the clergy, and its best source of power would be lost: wherever this influence is least, the war is languid.

I wrote to you some time since to represent the state of Catalonia. Nothing can be more indifferent to the cause than they appear to be; yet the common peasantry have not less spirit nor less desire to repel their enemy. They have no leaders. Palacio, the captain-general, stays at Villa Franca, west of Barcelona, talking of what he intends to do; and the people speak of him as either wanting zeal in their cause or ability to direct them; while the French from Barcelona and Figueras do just what they please. When the French attacked Gerona he did nothing to succour it. The greatest discomfiture they suffered was from lord Cochrane, who, while they were employed at the siege, blew up the road, making deep trenches in a part where the fire of his ships could be brought upon; and when they came there he drove them from their guns, killed many, and took some cannon.

The French fleet is here quite ready for sea, and I am doing all that is in my power to meet them when they do come out. It is an arduous service: the last ten days we have had gales of wind incessantly: the difficulty of keeping a sufficient squadron is very great. I think the storms from those Alpine mountains are harder than in England, and of more duration.

I beg my best regards to captain Dalrymple, and my sincerest wishes for every success to attend you.

I am, my dear sir Hew,
Your obedient and most humble servant,
COLLINGWOOD.

P. S. In the letter which I wrote to you on the state of Catalonia I represented the necessity of sending a body of British troops to Catalonia. There is no other prospect of the French being kept in any bounds. The avenues to France are as open now as at any time they have been. I have kept a ship always at Rosas Bay; her marines have garrisoned the castle, and her company assisted in repairing the works. The French appear to have designs on that place. The presence of the English alone prevents them. If 18,000 men were here of our army I think they would make Mr. Palacio come forward and put the whole country into activity, which till then I don’t think they ever will be.

COLLINGWOOD.

They want an English resident at Gerona, that they may have somebody to apply to for succour....

[The rest torn off in the original.]

TO SIR HEW DALRYMPLE.

_Ocean, off Minorca, April 8, 1809._

MY DEAR SIR,

I received the favour of your letter a few days ago, which gave me great pleasure, after all the trouble and vexations you have had, to hear you were all well.

I was exceedingly sorry when I saw the angry mood in which the convention in Portugal was taken up, even before the circumstances which led to it were at all known. Before our army landed in Portugal the French force was reported to be very small. I remember its being said that a body of 5000 troops were all that was necessary to dispossess Junot. I conclude the same sort of report went to England; and this, with the victory that was obtained, led people to expect the extermination of the few French which were supposed to be there; and when once the idea is entertained people shut their eyes to difficulties.

I remember what you told me, the last time I saw you off Cadiz, of the communications which might be made to you by an officer who possessed the entire confidence of ministers. I thought then, that whatever ministers had to communicate to a commander-in-chief, could not be done better than by themselves; for intermediate communications are always in danger of being misunderstood, and never fail to cause doubts and disturb the judgment. I hope now it is all over, and your uneasiness on that subject at an end.

My labours I think will never cease. I am worn down by fatigue of my mind; with anxiety and sorrow; my health is very much impaired; and while our affairs require an increased energy, I find myself less able to conduct them, from natural causes. I give all my thoughts and time, but have interruptions, from my weak state of body, which the service will scarcely admit of. I never felt the severity of winter more than this last. They were not gales of wind, but hurricanes; and the consequence is, that the fleet has suffered very much, and many of the ships very infirm. I would not have kept the sea so long, because I know the system of blockading must be ruinous to our fleet at last; and in no instance that I can recollect has prevented the enemy from sailing. In the spring we are found all rags, while they, nursed through the tempest, are all trim. I would not have done it; but what would have become of me if, in my preserving the ships, the French had sailed and effected any thing in any quarter? The clamour would have been loud, and they would have sought only for the cause in my treachery or folly, for none can understand that there is any bad weather in the Mediterranean. The system of blockade is ruinous; but it has continued so long, and so much to the advantage of the mercantile part of the nation, that I fear no minister will be found bold enough to discontinue it. We undertake nothing against the enemy, but seem to think it enough to prevent him taking our brigs: his fleet is growing to a monstrous force, while ours every day gives more proof of its increasing decrepitude.

Of the Spaniards I would not say much; I was never sanguine in the prospect of success, and have no reason to change my opinion: the lower class of people, those who are under the influence of priests, would do any thing were they under proper direction; but directors are difficult to be found. There is a canker in the state: none of the superior orders are serious in their resistance to the French, and have only taken a part against them thus far from the apprehension of the resentment of the people. I believe the junta is not free from the taint of the infection, or would they have continued Vives Don Miguel in high and important command after such evident proofs as he gave of want of loyalty? I do not know what is thought of Infantado in England; but in my mind, the man, the duke (for his rank has a great deal to do with it), who would seat himself in Buonaparte’s council at Bayonne, sign his decrees, which were distributed in Spain, and then say he was forced to do it, is not the man who will do much in maintaining the glory or the independence of any country, no such man should be trusted now. The French troops are mostly withdrawn from Spain, except such as are necessary to hold certain strong posts, and enable them to return without impediment. Figueras, Barcelona, and Rosas, are held here in Catalonia, and of course the country quite open to them. Will the Spaniards dispossess them? The junta does not seem to know any thing of the provinces at a distance from them. At Tarragona the troops are ill clothed, and without pay; on one occasion they could not march against the enemy, having no shoes; and yet at Cadiz they have 51 millions of dollars. Cadiz seems to be a general depôt of every thing they can get from England. If they are not active the next two months Spain is lost.

I hope lady Dalrymple, &c. &c.

I ever am, my dear sir,
Your very faithful and obedient servant,
COLLINGWOOD.

END OF VOL. I.

LONDON:
PRINTED BY THOMAS DAVISON, WHITEFRIARS.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] For a description of this organization, the reader is referred to the “Precis des Evénemens Militaires, par Mathieu Dumas;” a work of infinite labour and research, in which the military story of ten years is told with unrivalled simplicity and elegance.

[2]

Viz.:-- about 30,000 Cavalry,
6,000 Foot Guards,
170,000 Infantry of the line,
14,000 Artillery.
-------
Total, 220,000

Of these, between 50 and 60,000 were employed in the Colonies and in India; the remainder were disposable, because from 80 to 100,000 militia, differing from the regular troops in nothing but the name, were sufficient for the home duties. If to this force we add 30,000 marines, the military power of England must be considered prodigious.

[3] The anagram of Llorente.

[4] I think it necessary to state, in addition to the authorities quoted in the margin, that I have derived my information from officers, some French, some Italian, who were present in the tumult of the 2d of May. On the veracity of my informants I have the firmest reliance; their accounts agreed well, and the principal facts were confirmed by the result of my personal inquiries at Madrid in the year 1812.

[5] Five sail of the line and one frigate.

[6] Forty-two thousand dollars.

[7] Tio Jorge and Tio Marin, which may be rendered goodman Jorge, and goodman Marin, were two of the real chiefs whose energy saved Zaragoza in the first siege.

[8] The late Lord Melville.

[9] This transaction furnishes an example of the imprudence of being precipitate in granting public honours. Lord Strangford’s despatch relative to the emigration was written (as it is confidently asserted) not at Lisbon, but at Salt Hill, in the presence of sir James Yeo. His lordship (unintentionally of course) impressed the ministers with an idea that to his personal exertions the emigration should be attributed; whereas the prince regent of Portugal, yielding to the vigorous negotiations of sir Sydney Smith, not only embarked on the 27th, _before_ lord Strangford arrived at Lisbon, but actually sailed without his lordship’s having had any official interview with his royal highness, and consequently without having had any opportunity to advance or retard the emigration. The English ministers, eager to testify their satisfaction at that event, conferred the red riband, not upon sir Sydney Smith, who had succeeded, but upon lord Strangford, who had failed! a result that his lordship could not have anticipated, or he would undoubtedly have written his despatch at Lisbon when the facts were fresh on his mind, and when he could have more forcibly described the admiral’s share in the transaction.

[10] The coast of Portugal.

[11] This is a remarkable instance of ministerial confusion; the despatch from sir Hew Dalrymple referred to as giving this “assurance,” not only made no mention of a promise to the junta of Seville, but the junta itself was not in existence at the time his despatch was written.

[12] The occupation of Cadiz was a favourite project with the English government at this period. They were not discouraged by Spencer’s unsuccessful efforts to gain admittance, nor by the representations of sir Hew Dalrymple, who had grounds for believing that any attempt to introduce British troops there, would bring down the greater part of Castaños’ army to oppose it by force; nor by the consideration that in a political view such a measure would give a subject for misrepresentation to the enemy’s emissaries, and that, in a military view, the burthen of Cadiz would clog all general operations in Portugal.

[13] The ministers were so intent upon occupying Cadiz, and so little acquainted with the state of public feeling in Andalusia, that one of those generals carried with him his appointment as governor of that city.

[14] Yet lord Byron has gravely asserted in prose and verse that the convention was signed at the marquis of Marialva’s house at Cintra; and the author of “The Diary of an Invalid,” improving upon the poet’s discovery, detected the stains of the ink spilt by Junot upon the occasion.

[15] There is good reason to believe, that a silly intrigue carried on through the medium of the princess of Tour and Taxis with Talleyrand, and some others, who were even then ready to betray Napoleon, was the real cause of the negotiation having been broken off by Mr. Canning.

[16] Sir Walter Scott, in his Life of Napoleon, inaccurately asserts, that sir John Moore, “sent ten thousand men, under sir David Baird, by sea, to Coruña,” and that “_the general science of war, upon the most extended scale_, seems to have been so little understood or practised by the English generals at this time, that instead of the country being carefully reconnoitred by officers of skill, the march of the army was arranged by such hasty and inaccurate information as could be collected from the peasants. _By their reports general Moore was induced to divide his army_”----What “_the general science of war upon an extended scale_” may mean, I cannot pretend to say; but that sir David Baird was sent by the government from England direct to Coruña, and that sir John Moore _was not induced_ by the reports of the peasants to divide his army, may be ascertained by a reference to the Appendix, No. 13, section 2.

[17] Navarre and Biscay being within the French line of defence, the inhabitants were, according to the civilians, de facto French subjects.

[18] In the winter of 1812, captain Hill, of the royal navy, was sent to Cronstadt to receive Spanish prisoners who had been taken by the Russians. Of five thousand Spaniards that were delivered to him, above four thousand were men who had escaped with Romana from the Danish isles in 1808. Captives at Espinosa, they had entered the French ranks, served in Napoleon’s continental wars, and being made prisoners by the Russians in the retreat from Moscow, were once more brought back to Spain in English vessels. This is a curious commentary upon the silly stories that have been promulgated relative to the desperate fighting of Blake’s army, and the devoted courage with which, _Spartan-like_, Romana’s soldiers died to a man upon the field of battle.

MEN.
Landed at Gihon, 9th October, 1808 9,404
Deduct cavalry, which never joined Blake’s army 1,404
-----
8,000
Prisoners delivered to captain Hill 4,500
-----
3,500

Now, if we make allowance, 1º. For natural and violent deaths during four years of service under Napoleon, 2º. For those who might not have been taken by the Russians, and if we believe that some _might possibly have escaped from Espinosa alive_, the number of Spartans will probably be thought not to have exceeded the classical number of 300.

[19] Dukes of Infantado, of Hijar, Medina Celi, and Ossuna; marquis Santa Cruz; counts Fernan, Miñez, and Altamira; prince of Castello Franco, Pedro Cevallos, and the bishop of St. Ander, were proscribed, body and goods, as traitors to France and Spain.

[20] The following remarkable instance of courage and discipline deserves to be recorded. John Walton, a native of the south of Ireland, and Richard Jackson, an Englishman, were posted in a hollow road on the plain beyond the bridge, and at a distance from their piquet. If the enemy approached, one was to fire, run back to the brow of the hill, and give notice if there were many or few; the other was to maintain his ground. A party of cavalry following a hay cart stole up close to these men, and suddenly galloped in, with a view to kill them and surprise the post. Jackson fired, but was overtaken, and received twelve or fourteen severe wounds in an instant; he came staggering on, notwithstanding his mangled state, and gave the signal. Walton, with equal resolution and more fortune, defended himself with his bayonet, and wounded several of the assailants, who retreated, leaving him unhurt; but his cap, his knapsack, his belts, and his musquet were cut in above twenty places, and his bayonet was bent double, his musquet covered with blood, and notched like a saw from the muzzle to the lock. Jackson escaped death during the retreat, and finally recovered of his wounds.

[21] Several thousand infantry slept in the long galleries of an immense convent built round a square; the lower corridors were filled with the horses of the cavalry and artillery, so thickly stowed that it was scarcely possible for a single man to pass them, and there was but one entrance. Two officers returning from the bridge, being desirous to find shelter for their men, entered the convent, and with horror perceived that a large window shutter being on fire, and the flame spreading to the rafters above, in a few moments the straw under the horses would ignite, and six thousand men and animals would inevitably perish in the flames. One of the officers, (captain Lloyd, of the forty-third,) a man of great activity, strength, and presence of mind, made a sign to his companions to keep silence, and springing on to the nearest horse, run along the backs of the others until he reached the flaming shutter, which he tore off its hinges and cast out of the window; then returning quietly, awakened some of the soldiers, and cleared the passage without creating any alarm, which in such a case would have been as destructive as the flames. Captain Lloyd was a man of more than ordinary talents; his character has been forcibly and justly depicted in that excellent little work called the “_Life of a Sergeant_.”

[22]

Lorges’s dragoons 1,400
La Houpaye’s ditto 1,450
Franceschi’s light cavalry 1,350
-----
Total 4,200

[23] Ninety-fifth regiment.

[24] I am aware that the returns laid before Parliament in 1809 make the sum 60,000_l._, and the whole loss during the campaign nearly 77,000_l._; but it is easier to make an entry of one sum for a treasury return, than to state the details accurately. The money agents were, like the military agents, acting independently, and all losses went down under the head of abandoned treasure. My information is derived from officers actually present, and who all agree that the only treasure abandoned was that at Nogales, and that the sum was 25,000_l._ When it was ordered to be rolled over the brink of the hill, two guns, and a battalion of infantry, were actually engaged with the enemy to protect it, and some person in whose charge the treasure was, exclaiming, “it is _money_!” the general replied, “so are shot and shells.” The following anecdote will show how such accidents may happen in war. An officer had charge of the cars that drew this treasure; in passing a village, a lieutenant of the fourth regiment observing that the bullocks were exhausted, took the pains to point out where fresh and strong animals were to be found, and advised that the tired ones should be exchanged for others more vigorous, which were close at hand; but the escorting officer, either ignorant of, or indifferent to his duty, took no notice of this recommendation, and continued his march with the exhausted cattle.

[25] The author’s eldest brother. He was returned amongst the killed. When the French renewed the attack at Elvina he was, with a few men, somewhat in advance of the village, for the troops were broken into small parties by the vineyard walls and narrow lanes. Being hurt, he endeavoured to return, but the enemy coming down, he was stabbed, and thrown to the ground with five wounds; and death appeared inevitable, when a French drummer rescued him from his assailants, and placed him behind a wall. A soldier with whom he had been struggling, irritated to ferocity, returned to kill him, but was prevented by the drummer. The morning after the battle the duke of Dalmatia being apprised of major Napier’s situation, had him conveyed to good quarters, and with a kindness and consideration very uncommon, wrote to Napoleon, desiring that his prisoner might not be sent to France, which (from the system of refusing exchanges) would have been destruction to his professional prospects. The marshal also obtained for the drummer the decoration of the legion of honour. The events of the war obliged Soult to depart in a few days from Coruña, but he recommended major Napier to the attention of marshal Ney; and that marshal also treated his prisoner with the kindness of a friend rather than the rigour of an enemy, for he quartered him with the French consul, supplied him with money, gave him a general invitation to his house on all public occasions, and refrained from sending him to France. Nor did marshal Ney’s kindness stop there; for when the flag of truce arrived, and that he became acquainted with the situation of major Napier’s family, he suddenly waved all forms, and instead of answering the inquiry by a cold intimation of his captive’s existence, sent him, and with him the few English prisoners taken in the battle, at once to England, merely demanding that none should serve until regularly exchanged. I should not have dwelt thus long upon the private adventures of an officer, but that gratitude demands a public acknowledgment of such generosity, and the demand is rendered imperative by the after misfortunes of marshal Ney. The fate of that brave and noble-minded man is well known. He who had fought five hundred battles for France, not one against her, was shot as a traitor!

[26] The loss of the English army was never officially returned, but was estimated by sir John Hope at about eight hundred. The French loss I have no accurate account of. I have heard from French officers that it was above three thousand men; this number, I confess, appears to me exaggerated; but that it was very great I can readily believe. The arms of the British were all new, the ammunition quite fresh, and it is well known that, whether from the peculiarity of our musquets, the physical strength and coolness of the men, or both combined, the fire of an English line is at all times the most destructive known. The nature of the ground also prevented any movement of the artillery on either side; hence the French columns in their attacks were exposed to a fire of grape which they could not return, because of the distance of their batteries.

[27] Sir John Moore’s sentiments upon this occasion are expressed in the following letter, which displays the pure and elevated patriotism that distinguished him through life, and rendered his death heroic.

“Portsmouth, 23d July, 1808.

“MY LORD,

“I am this instant honoured with your lordship’s letter (by
messenger) of yesterday’s date. As I have already had the honour
to express my sentiments to your lordship fully at my last
interview, it is, I think, unnecessary to trouble you with a
repetition of them now.

“I am about to proceed on the service on which I have been
ordered, and it shall be my endeavour to acquit myself with
the same zeal by which I have ever been actuated when employed
in the service of my country. The communication which it has
been thought proper to make to his majesty cannot fail to give
me pleasure; I have the most perfect reliance on his majesty’s
justice, and shall never feel greater security than when my
conduct, my character, and my honour, are under his majesty’s
protection.

“I have the honour to be, &c. &c.

(Signed) “JOHN MOORE.

“To the Right Honourable Viscount Castlereagh.”

[28] Note.--These two words are added in Napoleon’s own hand-writing.

[29] _Note by the author._--This calculation was made under the supposition that general Avril had joined Dupont.

[30] On ne comprend pas dans ces celculs les garnisons de Pampelune, St. Sebastien, Vittoria, Tolosa, Bilbao, &c.: il n’est pas question non plus de l’armée de Catalogne.

[31] The extract which follows this letter furnishes a curious comment on this passage.

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE

In Note No. XXV in the Appendix, horizontal parentheses have been
replaced by a vertical bar |.

Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been
corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within
the text and consultation of external sources.

Some hyphens in words have been silently removed, some added,
when a predominant preference was found in the original book.

In those sections of the Appendix that are French documents, some
corrections to accents have been made silently; primarily é for e,
and e for é. Incorrect spelling has been left unchanged.

The city of Logroña is mentioned 35 times; the city of Logroño 17
times. They are undoubtably the same city; the text has not been
changed. Castille is mentioned 43 times; Castile 15 times. They are
undoubtably the same region; the text has not been changed.

Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text,
and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained.

Corrigenda:
‘the first class’ replaced by ‘of the first class’.
page number ‘436’ replaced by ‘426’.

Main text:
Pg 34: ‘at the instance’ replaced by ‘at the insistence’.
Pg 78: ‘were also dedefeated’ replaced by ‘were also defeated’.
Pg 151: ‘Genaral Thiebault’ replaced by ‘General Thiebault’.
Pg 162: ‘give birth too’ replaced by ‘give birth to’.
Pg 163: ‘Guarda, Attalaya’ replaced by ‘Guarda, Atalaya’.
Pg 165: ‘into the towu’ replaced by ‘into the town’.
Pg 189: ‘Wellelley decided’ replaced by ‘Wellesley decided’.
Pg 200: ‘the 5th batallion’ replaced by ‘the 5th battalion’.
Pg 294: ‘force under Cataños’ replaced by ‘force under Castaños’.
Pg 315: ‘to develope all’ replaced by ‘to develop all’.
Pg 344: ‘to recal the’ replaced by ‘to recall the’.
Pg 346: ‘to another æra’ replaced by ‘to another era’.
Pg 356: ‘or Albazan; united’ replaced by ‘or Almazan; united’.
Pg 361: ‘Pyrennes opening’ replaced by ‘Pyrenees opening’.
Pg 363: ‘being desseminated’ replaced by ‘being disseminated’.
Pg 367: ‘and Giupuscoa. With’ replaced by ‘and Guipuscoa. With’.
Pg 400: ‘at Calahora on’ replaced by ‘at Calahorra on’.
Pg 484: ‘or, in secresy’ replaced by ‘or, in secrecy’.
Pg 506: ‘to envelope and’ replaced by ‘to envelop and’.
Pg 517: ‘If to Valladodid’ replaced by ‘If to Valladolid’.
Pg 519: ‘the Somosierrra had’ replaced by ‘the Somosierra had’.

Appendix:
Pg ix: Missing word ‘Et’ inserted into ‘Et les communications ...’.
Pg xl: ‘route of Maffra’ replaced by ‘route of Mafra’.
Pg lxiii: ‘my last last letter’ replaced by ‘my last letter’.
Pg lxix: ‘barricadoed their’ replaced by ‘barricaded their’.
Pg lxxxii, in Note XXV : ‘bat^{ns}’ replaced by ‘batts.’.
Pg lxxxv: ‘by Galluzo behind’ replaced by ‘by Galluzzo behind’.
Pg lxxxix: ‘general Kellermann’ replaced by ‘general Kellerman’.