Chapter XLV: Government of Russell, 1594-1597 (2)

It was not likely that Tyrone would tell the Government what passed between him and the Spanish messenger Alonso de Cobos; for he took care to see him in the presence only of those he most trusted, such as his brother Cormac, his secretary Henry Hovenden, O'Donnell, and O'Dogherty. The Spanish ship put into Killybegs, where munitions were landed for O'Donnell, but De Cobos came forty miles by land to see Tyrone. An interpreter was necessarily employed, and he told all he knew. Cormac dictated a letter in Irish, reminding the King that he had begun the war, gloating over his successes, and promising wonders if Philip would give him 500 men in pay. The Pope sent beads, stones, and relics, which the interpreter saw, and also an indulgence for flesh every day in war time. The northern Irish, he observed, had but lately taken to fish, butter, and eggs on Fridays and Saturdays. Cormac himself told him that he expected the Spaniards very soon.[257]

[Sidenote: Bingham in Connaught.]

[Sidenote: His severity.]

[Sidenote: Norris and Bingham.]

Immediately after the receipt of the Spanish letter Norris and Fenton set out for Connaught. Tyrone himself had pointed out that the two northern provinces hung together, and the understanding between the western and northern chiefs was at this time pretty close. The Burkes insisted that all their quarrel was with Bingham and his kinsfolk only, and Norris was ready to believe the charges against him of injustice in his government, and of seizing the lands of those who opposed him. Of Bingham's severity there can be little doubt; but he had ruled cheaply and successfully, and it was not his fault if O'Donnell's road into Connaught was still open. In August 1595 the hostages in Galway gaol knocked off their irons after a drinking-bout, and passed through the open gate of the town. They found the bridge held against them, and on trying to cross the river they were intercepted by the soldiers on the other bank. All who escaped instant death were recaptured. Bingham sent a warrant to hang all the prisoners who had taken part in the attempt, and hanged they accordingly were--Burkes, O'Connors, and O'Flaherties from the best houses in Connaught. To mutinous soldiers Bingham showed as little mercy. Some recruits in Captain Conway's company made a disturbance at Roscommon, and Bingham ordered that the mutineers should be brought to the gallows, as if for execution, and then spared. This was done, but next day things were worse than ever, and a ringleader, named Colton, threatened Conway and took the colour from his ensign's hand. Captain Mostyn, whose company was also tainted, was knocked down, and the mutiny was not quelled until over thirty men were hurt. Bingham hanged Colton promptly, and most soldiers will think that he did right. But Norris had made up his mind that Connaught could be pacified by gentle means, and his hand was heavy against Bingham, especially as Russell seemed inclined to shield him. Sir Richard, on the contrary, pleaded that all his arguments had been overruled in Dublin, that he had not been allowed to defend his province for fear of hindering the negotiations in Ulster, and that the reinforcements sent to him were a 'poor, ragged sort of raw men.' Everything had turned out as he foretold, and he had never asked for money from Dublin until the neglect of his warnings had encouraged a general revolt. O'Donnell had exacted 1,200_l._ sterling from the county of Sligo since the castle there was betrayed, and his brother plundered Connaught with a rabble of Scots, while he himself helped to amuse the commissioners at Dundalk. 'I think,' he said, 'this is partly scarcity of meat at home, the people of the North being always very needy and hungry.' The Irish Council, he declared, wished to draw all eyes upon Connaught so as to hide their own failures; and as for his provincials they had a thousand times better treatment than they deserved, for their real object was to re-establish tanistry and its attendant barbarism.[258]

[Sidenote: Charges against Bingham,]

Finding the Lord General favourable to them, the Mayo Burkes plied him hard with charges against Bingham 'and his most cruel and ungodly brother John.' They had seized most of the cattle, it was urged, upon various pretences, and in three years had become possessed of many castles and of 200 ploughlands, offering no title 'but a high gallows to the possessor.' 'Her Majesty's clemency,' they said, 'is better known to strange nations than to us her poor misers, being altogether racked and governed by the Binghams, the dregs of all iniquity, here _in culâ mundi_ far from God and our sovereign.'

Bingham came to Dublin, and both he and Norris, who agreed in nothing else, were loud in their complaints of official inaction. He strongly maintained, and he certainly was right, that the Queen's true policy was to separate the two rebellious provinces and not to include them in the same treaty. The Dundalk articles now made it impossible to garrison Ballyshannon, and Sligo was the next best thing. The Connaught rebels, he said, 'will seek to retain their titles of Macs and O's with their unhonest law, even as Ulster does.' But Norris was probably right in believing that there would be no peace between Bingham and the Burkes, since they were 'so much embrued in each other's blood;' and when he went to Connaught the accused governor was detained in Dublin by Russell, lest the sight of him should hinder the negotiations at Galway or Athlone. Bingham took care to remind Burghley that the composition was better both for Crown and subject than anything yet devised, 'for the Irish lord is the greatest tyrant living, and taketh more regality by the tanist law than her Majesty doth, or ever did, by her princely prerogative.'

[Sidenote: who leaves Ireland suddenly.]

The summer passed in futile diplomacy, while O'Donnell lived upon the western province and spared his own country. 'If Bingham,' said the Queen, 'appear guilty, he shall be removed; but we must not condemn a governor unheard and without good proof.' Tired of waiting, the suspected chief commissioner left Ireland without leave, on September 25, and on his arrival in London was committed to the Fleet.[259]

[Sidenote: Catholic confederacy,]

[Sidenote: and general attack]

[Sidenote: on English settlers.]

It suited the Queen to take an optimistic view of the situation, but the confederacy against her was spreading gradually over all Ireland. The Connaught rebels put Norris off from month to month and from week to week, while the Ulster chiefs used the respite afforded them to draw in Munster, with which the Clan Sheehy, the old Desmond gallowglasses, gave a ready means of communication. Tyrone had just received full pardon, yet he wrote as follows:--

'We have given oath and vow that whosoever of the Irishry, especially of the gentlemen of Munster, or whosoever else, from the highest to the lowest, shall assist Christ's Catholic religion, and join in confederacy and make war with us... we will be to them a back or stay, warrant or surety, for their so aiding of God's just cause, and by our said oath and vow, never to conclude peace or war with the English, for ourselves or any of us, during our life, but that the like shall be concluded for you, &c.'

Many of the scattered settlers in Munster were murdered about this time, and it was upon the property of Englishmen only that the MacSheehys and other robbers maintained themselves. In Tipperary, says the Chief Justice of Munster, there was 'a school of thieving of horses and cows where boys from every Munster county, some the bastard sons of the best of the country,' were trained in this patriotic exercise. The master and usher and seven of their pupils were tried and hanged. Care was taken that Protestant clergymen should not go scathless. One James, parson of Kilcornan near Pallaskenry, was visited by a party of swordsmen, but they were under protection and he unsuspectingly offered them refreshments. Nevertheless they murdered poor James, wounded three other Englishmen, and burned down the house; the leader swearing upon his target that he would never again seek protection, nor 'leave any Englishman's house unburned nor himself alive.' The same spirit was shown in the inland parts of Leinster, where Owen MacRory O'More was specially protected by Russell's order; but this did not prevent him from making a perfectly unprovoked attack upon Stradbally. Alexander Cosby, whose father had been slain at Glenmalure and who was himself married to a Sidney, sallied out with his two sons and the kerne under his orders. A fight took place on the bridge and the Irish were driven off, but Cosby and his eldest son fell. Dorcas Sidney ('for she would never allow herself to be called Cosby') and her daughter-in-law watched the fight out of a window and saw their husbands killed. In southern Leinster the death of Walter Reagh had not quite destroyed the old Geraldine leaven, and some of the Butlers were also engaged, greatly to Ormonde's indignation. Whatever Tyrone's own ideas were about religion, it is quite evident that out of his own district he was regarded as the leader of a crusade. The new English in Ireland were Protestants, and the instinctive horror of the natives for settlers whose notions about land were irreconcilable with their own was sedulously encouraged by priests and friars.[260]

[Sidenote: The soldiers are disorderly and oppressive,]

Elizabeth persisted in believing Tyrone's professions, only because she saw no way of forcibly subduing 'him whom she had raised from the dust.' She was 'greedy,' said her secretary, 'of that honourable course'; but Russell, who advocated the reduction of Tyrone, forgot to say how it was to be done. It was more clear to her that there was much oppression and extortion, and that her poor subjects in Ireland had a right to complain. The intolerable tyranny of sheriffs, provost-marshals, and other officers was the constant complaint from Ulster and Connaught; but those provinces were confessedly in a state of armed peace at best, and much might be said upon both sides. In Leinster and Munster the charges were more definite, and are more easily understood. They may be summed up in a declaration on the part of the inhabitants of the Pale that 'the course of ranging and extorting is become so common and gainful as that many soldiers (as is said) have no other entertainment for their captains; and many that are not soldiers, pretending to be of some company or other, have, in like outrageous sort, ranged up and down the country, spoiling and robbing the subjects as if they were rebels. And most certain it is that the rebels themselves, pretending to be soldiers, and knowing how gainful the course is, have often played the like parts.'

[Sidenote: owing to irregular payment.]

Real soldiers were so terrible that the poor people had no heart to resist even sham ones, and so the country went from bad to worse. The very fruit trees were cut down to feed barrack fires, and houses, if the wretched inmates deserted them to avoid their oppressors, were demolished for the same purpose. Very severe orders were issued, rape and theft being made capital offences, and these were not suffered to remain a dead letter; but the next Viceroy did not find that matters had been much improved. In Munster also there was plenty of military violence, and even lawyers, while complaining that the gown was quite subordinate to the sword, could not but acknowledge that sheriffs and gaolers were as bad as the soldiers. It is easy to see, and it is proved by a cloud of witnesses, that most of these horrors were caused by irregular payment of the troops, nor does Burghley himself leave us in any doubt. 'I cannot,' he says, 'forbear to express the grief I have to think of the dangerous estate of her Majesty's army in Ireland, where all the treasure sent in August is expended.' Besides pensioners and supernumeraries, there were 7,000 regular soldiers, for which the monthly charge was 8,560_l._ sterling, which necessary reinforcements would soon increase to 10,422_l._ 'for which the treasurer hath never a penny in Ireland.' And it was certain that the increase would be progressive. 'What danger this may be I do tremble to utter, considering they will force the country with all manner of oppressions, and thereby the multitude of the Queen's loyal subjects in the English Pale tempted to rebel.'[261]

[Sidenote: Feagh MacHugh is hunted down,]

[Sidenote: killed,]

[Sidenote: and beheaded.]

In November, 1595, Feagh MacHugh came to Dublin and submitted on his knees. The Queen was inclined to pardon him, but his terms were not at first considered reasonable. If confirmed in his chiefry, he professed himself ready to restrain his people, to attend assizes like other gentlemen, and to kneel before the Queen herself, 'which I more desire than anything in the world.' Even this rough mountaineer, who pointed out to Elizabeth that his property was not worth confiscating, had caught the prevailing tone of flattery. Nevertheless Feagh remained in close alliance with Tyrone, and in September 1596 he struck a blow which undid most of Russell's work in Leinster. Elizabeth had in the end agreed to pardon him, with his wife, sons, and followers, to confirm him in his chiefry by patent, and even to restore Ballinacor, which she found a very expensive possession. Eight days after this was decided at Greenwich, Feagh wrote to Tyrone, offering to trouble the English well, and begging for a company of good shot; and a month later he surprised Ballinacor. After this there was no further talk of pardon, and Russell pursued the old chief to the death. A new fort was built at Rathdrum, and Captain Lee, who was perhaps anxious to efface the memory of his ill-success with Tyrone, scoured the mountains during the winter. Cattle by the score and heads by the dozen were collected, and the end may as well be told at once. One Sunday morning in the following May Feagh was forced into a cave, 'where one Milborne, sergeant to Captain Lee, first lighted on him, and the fury of our soldiers was so great as he could not be brought away alive; thereupon the said sergeant cut off Feagh's head with his own sword and presented his head to my lord, which with his carcase was brought to Dublin... the people all the way met my lord with great joy and gladness, and bestowed many blessings on him for performing so good a deed, and delivering them from their long oppressions.' The head and quarters of this formidable marauder were exhibited upon Dublin Castle, and a sympathiser says the sight pierced his soul with anguish. Four months after, one Lane brought what purported to be the head to Essex, who sent him to Cecil for his reward. Cecil said head-money had already been paid in Ireland, and Lane gave the now worthless trophy to a lad to bury, who stuck it in a tree in Enfield chase, where it was found by two boys looking for their cattle. The Four Masters say Feagh was 'treacherously betrayed by his relatives,' for the O'Byrnes of the elder branch had never acquiesced in the dominion of the Gaval-Rannall. Thus one by one did the chiefs of tribal Ireland devour each other.[262]

[Sidenote: Complete failure of Norris in Connaught.]

Norris remained in Connaught from the beginning of June until the week before Christmas, and Fenton was with him most of the time. Nothing of any importance was done, and when their backs were turned O'Donnell entered the province and the rebellion blazed up more fiercely than ever. The Burkes and their immediate allies had 2,000 men, besides the help of O'Donnell, Tyrone, and Maguire, and it was reckoned that an army of more than 3,000 was required for Connaught alone. Bingham's ideas about cutting it off from Ulster by garrisons on the Erne were fully adopted, and the possession of Ballyshannon becomes henceforth a main object with successive governments. Yet Bingham himself was in disgrace, and Sir Conyers Clifford, a distinguished soldier whose Cadiz laurels were still green, was made governor in his room. The Irish annalists tell us that he was a much better man than his predecessor, but such praise did not make his work any easier. That Bingham was severe and even harsh is certain, that he was sometimes unjust is at least probable, and there is no reason to doubt that he was greedy about land; but he was efficient, and in the eyes of Irish chiefs and of their panegyrists that was the really unpardonable sin.[263]

[Sidenote: Dissension between Russell and Norris,]

[Sidenote: of which Tyrone takes advantage.]

'I am quite tired,' says Camden, 'with pursuing Tyrone through all his shifts and devices.' He had received his pardon in the early summer, and had spent the rest of the year in trying to forfeit it. Russell was not deceived, and he asked to be recalled, complaining bitterly that he was not credited, while Norris was 'authorised to proceed in a course of pacification which, in the opinion of the Deputy and most part of the Council, did tend directly to her Majesty's disadvantage, and the gaining of time to the said rebels,' who were on the look-out for help from Spain. In the meantime there was no lack of pretexts on either side for imputing bad faith to the other. Frontier garrisons were always involved in disputes, and blood was sometimes shed. As the winter advanced Tyrone became bolder, and at last tried to surprise the Armagh garrison, whose communications he had been threatening for some time, although he had specially covenanted not to do so. Marauding bands entered the Pale, and at Carlingford, though they failed to capture the castle, they carried off Captain Henshaw's daughters, 'the one married and the other a maid,' as prisoners to the mountains. Tyrone was himself present at the Armagh affair, where thirty-five soldiers were killed, but he pleaded that promise had not been kept with him, and that soldiers had committed outrages. He had even the impudence to pretend that the prosecution of Feagh MacHugh was such a breach of faith, though Feagh had not been included in the Dundalk treaty, and though he had attacked Ballinacor while his pardon was in preparation. Being threatened with the execution of hostages and with a new proclamation of treason, which would annul the pardon, the Earl thought it safer to yield for the time. At Christmas he threatened Newry with 5,000 men, but on the arrival of Norris there, he allowed Armagh to be revictualled. Tyrone quite understood that there was great jealousy between Russell and Norris, and he endeavoured to play off one against the other. Sir John constantly complained that the Lord-Deputy thwarted him in every possible way, and the latter as constantly denied the charge with much indignation; but he showed some rather small spite in refusing to allow Norris to send letters by his messengers. This division of authority could scarcely work well, and in the autumn of 1596 it was proposed to recall both rivals and to send Lord Burgh over with supreme authority; but the project was allowed to sleep for some months.[264]

[Sidenote: More negotiations;]

[Sidenote: but the Queen's patience is nearly exhausted.]

As soon as Armagh had been victualled, the negotiations began again. If Tyrone could complain that his hostages had not been exchanged according to the Dundalk articles, Norris and Fenton could reply that he had never given his eldest son according to promise. Once he appeared in person, and, with hat in hand, made his accustomed professions of loyalty. The latest communications with Spain had been O'Donnell's offer, and not his; but he had not again rejected Philip's overtures because the English had not kept their promises to him. He said he had written three letters to Spain; but he knew that these had been intercepted, and he forgot that he had alluded in them to many previous appeals. He altogether denied that he had incited Munster men to rebel, but he did not know that his letter sent by the MacSheehys had also been intercepted. Nevertheless Elizabeth was still ready to treat, but she told the Commissioners that her patience was nearly exhausted and that she was preparing for war. They accordingly fixed April 16 as the last day of grace, but Tyrone refused to come. He said that Norris might be overruled by Russell, who showed malice to him, and moreover Lord Burgh, about whom he knew nothing, was coming over as Deputy, who might not be as good to him as the Lord General had been. Finally, he suggested April 26 for a meeting, but this was treated as a mere evasion, and Norris returned to Dublin. Hostilities were, nevertheless, suspended throughout May and June, during which interval the change of viceroys was effected.[265]

[Sidenote: Bingham is in disgrace.]

Sir Richard Bingham lay more than two months in prison, and was then released on account of ill-health, although still considered under arrest. It was decided that he should return to Ireland, and the Queen refused to give him an audience. The charges of the Burkes against him and his were ordered to be tried at Athlone, before Norris, Fenton, and two other councillors. Clifford was to be present, though only as a spectator. Ill as he was, Bingham embarked, but was driven back, and had to recruit his strength by staying at Beaumaris. It became unnecessary that he should go at all, for news came that the peacemaking of Sir John Norris, whom he calls his 'most intollerablest' persecutor, had quite failed, and that Sir Conyers Clifford was going to govern a province whose condition grew daily worse. O'Donnell entered Connaught as usual through Leitrim, and, accompanied by his MacWilliam, plundered O'Connor Sligo's adherents, and reached Athenry, which was carried by escalade. The place was laid in ashes, and the people left houseless and naked. The invaders--3,000 foot and 200 horse--then went to Galway; but here they could do no more than burn some of the suburbs, 'for a great piece of ordnance scattered them, and, clustering again, another greater piece was let fly, which utterly daunted them.' The rebels threatened Galway with the fate of Athenry as soon as the Spaniards came, and then proceeded to ravage the open country. Clanricarde's castles were not attacked, but throughout the north-eastern part of the county there was scarcely a cottage, a stack, or a barn left unburned, and a vast booty was carried off into Donegal. 'We bear the same,' said Clanricarde, 'most contentedly, for our most gracious Princess, from whom we will never swerve for any losses or afflictions whatsoever.' Kells was burned at the same time by the O'Reillys, and everyone who knew the country saw that worse was coming. 'It was plain,' said Bingham, 'that his removal would not quiet Connaught, nor any other alteration in government there, but rather the expelling of all the English, which is generally required throughout Ireland.'[266]

FOOTNOTES:

[230] Russell to Cecil, Aug. 16, 1594, and to the Privy Council, Aug. 17; Ormonde to Burghley, Aug. 19; Russell's Journal in _Carew_, June to August.

[231] Submission and answers of Tyrone, Aug. 15 and 17, 1594; informations preferred by Sir Henry Bagenal, Aug. 17; Ormonde to Burghley, Aug. 19; Resolution of Council, Aug. 17, signed by Russell, Loftus, C., Jones, Bishop of Meath, Ormonde, Gardiner, C.J., Napper, C.B., A. St. Leger, M.R., R. Bingham, T. Norris, R. Dillon, G. Bourchier, M.O. The letter of the 19th to the Privy Council has the same signatures with the addition of Secretary Fenton's. Russell's additional reasons, some of them after-thoughts perhaps, are in a paper later than Oct. 31. The defeat of Duke and Herbert at Enniskillen may have frightened some of the Council. Captain Thomas Lee, in his declaration already quoted (p. 112), tells the Queen that Tyrone 'came in upon the credit of your state,' but this is quite contrary to the evidence.

[232] Summary collection of the state of Ireland by Sir W. Fitzwilliam and the Council, Aug. 1594; order by Lord Deputy Russell and Council, Aug. 13; Russell to Cecil, Aug. 16; Russell's Journal in _Carew_, Aug. and Sept. O'Sullivan, tom. iii. lib. 2, cap. 11. The Four Masters are somewhat incorrect, for Enniskillen was not taken by Maguire till May 1595; their information fails them for the later months of 1594.

[233] Russell's Journal in _Carew_, Sept. to Dec. 1594; the Queen to the Lord Deputy and Council, and a separate letter to Russell, Oct. 31. A paper containing 'presumptions' against Tyrone's loyalty belongs to the latter month of 1594, and the writer, who is evidently well informed, does not specify any actual communication between Tyrone and Spain. O'Sullivan says O'Donnell sent Archbishop O'Hely to Spain immediately after the loss of Enniskillen in February (tom. iii. lib. 2, cap. 8), and this is confirmed by Walter Reagh's examination, April 9, 1595, who said O'Hely had gone to Spain long before.

[234] Russell to Burghley and to the Privy Council, April 8, 1595; Lord Deputy and Council to the Privy Council, April 10; Sir H. Harrington to Burghley, April 10; Russell's Journal in _Carew_, Jan. 16, 1595, to April 10, on which day Walter Reagh was hanged. _Four Masters_, 1595; O'Sullivan, tom. iii. lib. 2, cap. 9.

[235] Examination of Walter Reagh, April 9, 1595, by which it appears Tyrone was intriguing with Feagh early in March; Russell's Journal in _Carew_, April and May; Lord Deputy and Council to the Privy Council, April 10.

[236] The details about Derbyshire are from the _Belvoir MSS._ in the appendix to the 12th report of the Historical MSS. Commission, vol. i. pp. 326-381; Mayor of Barnstaple to Cecil, Aug. 24, 1602; Mayor of Chester, Sept. 14 and Oct. 22 and 24, 1602; Mayor of Bristol to the Privy Council, May 29, 1602. The letters from these mayors are all at Hatfield. On Sept. 18, 1595, Burghley tells his son Robert that he knows how to provide horse for Ireland at the expense of the clergy, and this levy was made; Hugh Bellott, Bishop of Chester, to Burghley, March 13, 1596. Commissary Peter Proby writes to Burghley from Chester on April 10, 1596, that the recruits malingered and threw away arms and clothes rather than sail, and that it might be necessary to send them on board pinioned. There are many details about recruiting for Ireland in Peck's _Desiderata Curiosa_. In 1584 the Queen ordered some recusants, who professed themselves loyal in all but religion, to furnish certain men, or 23_l._ in lieu of each man. If they obeyed cheerfully, she said, she might perhaps 'qualify some part of the extremity that otherwise the law doth lay upon them.'

[237] George Manners to his father (John Manners) and to Edward Whittock in _Belvoir Papers_, May 15 and June 27, 1600; Captain Ralph Bostock to Cecil, 1600, MS. _Hatfield_.

[238] Sir John Norris to Cecil, April 14, 1595, from Rycott; to Burghley, April 29, and to the Privy Council, May 2, from Bristol; to Cecil, May 3, from on board ship; Russell to Cecil, May 23; Essex to Norris and the latter's answer, Aug. 13; MSS. _Hatfield_, ending with 'your Lordship's as shall be fit for me.' The commission is in _Carew_ (No. 160).

[239] Russell's Journal in _Carew_, May 1595; Norris to Cecil, May 8; to Burghley and to Cecil, May 29.

[240] Russell to Cecil, May 23, 1595; Bagenal to Burghley, May 29; and Russell's letter of June 27; Report by Lieutenants Tucker and Perkins in _Carew_, June 1.

[241] Bingham to Russell, June 6, 1595; O'Sullivan (tom. iii. lib. 3, cap. 3) does not seem to see any inconsistency between what he says of the Irish soldiers being 'prædâ fraudati,' and of the Englishmen who 'vel occisi, vel fugâ salutem petentes devastatæ religiosæ domus Carmelitarum poenas sacrilegii luerunt.--_Four Masters_, 1595. Many English writers confuse this George _Oge_ Bingham, who was Sir Richard's cousin, with the elder George, who was his brother.

[242] Journal of the late journey by the Lord Deputy from June 18 to July 17, 1595; Russell's Journal in _Carew_, June and July. The Four Masters substantially agree. The proclamation against Tyrone, O'Donnell, O'Rourke, Maguire, MacMahon and others is among the State Papers, 'imprinted in the cathedral church of the Blessed Trinity, Dublin, by William Kearney, printer to the Queen's most excellent Majesty, 1595'; see also _Carew_ under June 28 (which is probably wrong). O'Donnell, 'whose father and predecessors have always been loyal,' is represented as Tyrone's dupe, and the Queen desires that he should be 'entertained secretly with hope, for that we have a disposition to save him.' The English Government had now discovered that Tyrone's father was a bastard; it used to be the O'Neills who said so. He was proclaimed traitor at Dundalk on June 23, and at Newry on the 26th.

[243] Russell to Burghley, July 14, 1595; Norris to Burghley, Aug. 1 and 3, and to Cecil, July 4 and 20 and Aug. 1.

[244] Ormonde to Burghley, April 3, 1595, in answer to his letter of March 21, also April 7. Some drafts of the proclamation are as early as April 10.

[245] The fight in which Norris was wounded took place on Sept. 4, 1595. O'Sullivan says it was at 'Pratum Fontis' or Clontubrid near Monaghan, but that is certainly wrong. Bagenal, who was closely engaged himself, writing to Burghley on Sept. 9, says 'nine miles from Newry,' on the direct road from Armagh. See also Captain F. Stafford's report on Sept. 12. There is a good account dated Sept. 16 in Payne Collier's _Trevelyan Papers_, vol. ii. Tyrone's submission, Aug. 22; Norris to Burghley, Aug. 25, and Sept. 8 and 10; to Russell, Sept. 16; Russell to Burghley, Sept. 14, and to the Privy Council, Sept. 21.

[246] _Four Masters_, 1593 and 1595, with O'Donovan's notes; Morrin's _Patent Rolls_ 29 Eliz.; Philip O'Reilly to Russell, Sept. 14, 1595.

[247] Privy Council to Russell, Sept. 12, 1595; Tyrone and O'Donnell to Philip II, and to Don Carlos, Sept. 27. Piers O'Cullen, the priest, on whom the letters to Spain were found, broke his neck trying to escape from Dublin Castle (Fenton to Burghley, Jan. 12, 1596). Copies of the above are in _Carew_. Norris's letters to Burghley on Sept. 8, 10, and 27, and the abstract of his letters sent by Sir Henry, with Burghley's remarks.

[248] Papers in _Carew_, Sept. 27 to Oct. 28, 1595; Burghley to his son Robert, Dec. 2, 1595, and Jan. 2, 1596.

[249] _Four Masters_, 1595; Russell's Journal, Nov. and Dec. Writing to Cecil on Oct. 22, Norris says the overthrow near Belleek was shameful, the Burkes being a 'mean sort of beggars' and neither Tyrone nor O'Donnell near. See also O'Sullivan, tom. iii. lib. 3, cap. 3 and 4.

[250] The negotiations are detailed in the _Carew_ papers for January 1596, and in Russell's Journal; and see Cecil to Russell, March 9.

[251] Articles sent from England, Sept. 28, 1595; Articles propounded by the Commissioners, Jan. 28-30, 1596, both in _Carew_; Cecil to Russell, March 9.

[252] Russell's Journal for March 1596, mentions 300 or 400 Scots. _Tribes and Customs of Hy Many_, p. 149. Norris's letter of March 20 gives some details, and also Fenton's to Cecil of same date.

[253] The Queen to the Lord Deputy and Council, March 9, 1596; Instructions for the Commissioners, March 11; Burghley to his son Robert, March 30 (in Wright's _Elizabeth_); Norris to Cecil, March 23, and Fenton to Cecil, April 10.

[254] Captain Thomas Lee to Burghley, April 1, 1596; Cecil to Russell, July 10, 'Captain Lee doth pretend he could do much, &c.' Lee went to Tyrone accordingly, but did nothing. His Geraldine neighbours seem to have taken this opportunity of burning a village belonging to him.

[255] The effect of her Majesty's pleasure with Tyrone's answer, April 12, 1596; Fenton to Cecil, April 10, and Norris and Fenton to the Privy Council, April 23; Russell to Burghley, April 27; the Queen to the Lord Deputy and Council, May 25; Russell to the Queen, May 16 and June 30, MSS. _Hatfield_. Writing to Russell on Nov. 22, 1595, Tyrone promised to levy a fine of 20,000 cows on himself and his allies; the Government had demanded 20,000_l._ Tyrone's pardon (see Morrin's _Patent Rolls_) is dated May 12, 1596, and he received it a few weeks later. It included the Earl's relations and all the inhabitants of Tyrone, his astute secretary, Henry Hovenden, being included by name.

[256] Philip II. to Tyrone, Jan. 22, 1596, N.S.; Norris to Cecil, June 1 (the Spanish letter was produced in Council, May 31); Lord Deputy and Council to Tyrone, June 1; Russell to Burghley, June 2; Tyrone to the Lord Deputy and Council, June 11; O'Donnell to Norris, June 26, and another undated one of the same month. We know from Henry Hovenden's letter to Tyrone on June 27 (in _Carew_) that the latter had advised O'Donnell to 'take hold of Captain Warren's dealing, &c.'

[257] Rice ap Hugh to Russell, May 18; John Morgan to Russell, May 21; Information of George Carwill taken at Newry on June 21. Tyrone met the Spaniard at Lifford. Writing to Norris on May 6, Tyrone and O'Donnell say they told the Spanish gentleman that they had been received to their Prince's favour and would have no foreign aid.

[258] _Four Masters_, 1595; Captains Conway and Mostyn to the Privy Council, April 12, 1596; Norris to Cecil, April 23 and 25; Bingham to Burghley, April 22. Norris says that Russell, though really hostile to Bingham, tried to prevent inquiries, in order to keep him (Norris) out of Connaught and leave the government there to a tool of his own.

[259] Norris to Burghley, May 4 (with enclosure), and May 16, 1596; Russell to Burghley, May 16 and June 9; Bingham to Burghley, May 18 and June 11. Bingham came to Dublin on May 8.

[260] Translation of Irish letter signed O'Neill (not Tyrone), O'Donnell, O'Rourke, and Theobald Burke (MacWilliam), July 6, 1596; Chief Justice Saxey's advertisements, January 1597, in _Carew_; Russell's Journal, 1596; Joshua Aylmer to Sir J. Norris, April 26, 1596; William Cosby to Russell, May 19, 1596, and an interesting note in O'Donovan's _Four Masters_; see also 'Report concerning O'Donnell's purposes' to Russell by Gillaboy O'Flanagan (long prisoner with O'Donnell) May 12; 'Words spoken by MacDonnell' (chief of Tyrone's gallowglasses) to Baron Elliott, June 15; Edmond and Edward Nugent to Russell, June 20; and 'Occurrents in Wexford,' June 26. As to Spanish and papal designs on Ireland about this time see Birch's _Memoirs_, ii. 153, 177, 180.

[261] Burghley to his son Robert, Oct. 31, 1596, in Wright's _Elizabeth_; Orders for the soldiers, April 18, 1596; Declaration of the state of the Pale, June 1597, and Chief Justice Saxey's declaration already quoted, all in _Carew_. The Four Masters absurdly say that Norris had 20,000 men with him in Connaught this year.

[262] _Four Masters_, 1597. For the Enfield head see the examination of John Dewrance before Richard Chandler, J.P. for Middlesex, Sept. 21, 1597, MS. _Hatfield_; Russell's Journal, and the letters in _Carew_ for August, September, and December, 1596. Feagh was killed May 8, 1597; see also his own letter to Burghley, April 25, 1596.

[263] Russell's Journal; Declaration by the Lord Deputy and Council (including Norris and Fenton) in _Carew_, No. 261, soon after Christmas 1596.

[264] Calendar of S. P. _Domestic_, Sept. 30 and Dec. 22, 1596; Letters in _Carew_ from Nov. 30 to Dec. 9. On Aug. 10 Tyrone wrote to Russell that he was surprised at his reasonable offer of peace not being accepted; this was a month after his incendiary letter to the Munster chiefs. Russell answered that peace with his sovereign was a 'proud word,' and that he was sent to 'cherish the dutiful and correct the lewd, of which number thou art the ringleader... thy popish shavelings shall not absolve thee' (MSS. _Lansdowne_, vol. lxxxiv). Petition of Sir W. Russell in _Carew_, 1596, No. 253. As to the letters see Burghley to his son Robert, March 30, 1596, in Wright's _Elizabeth_ and elsewhere. On Oct. 22, 1596, Anthony Bacon wrote to his mother 'that from Ireland there were cross advertisements from the Lord Deputy on the one side, and Sir John Norris on the other, the first as a good trumpet, sounding continually the alarm against the enemy, the latter serving as a treble viol to invite to dance and be merry upon false hopes of a hollow peace, and that these opposite accounts made many fear rather the ruin than the reformation of the State, upon that infallible ground, _quod omne regnum divisum in se dissipabitur_'; which sums up the situation very well.--Birch's _Memoirs_, ii. 180.

[265] These abortive negotiations are pretty fully detailed in Fynes Moryson's _Itinerary_, part ii. book i. ch. i. under 1596; Russell's Journal.

[266] Clanricarde to Russell, Jan. 15, 1597; Oliver French, mayor of Galway, to Russell, Jan. 19; Bingham to Sir R. Gardiner, Jan. 20 and 27. These four letters are printed in Wright's _Elizabeth_. Russell's Journal; _Four Masters_, 1596 and 1597; the Queen to the Lord Deputy and Council, Dec. 4, 1596, in Morrin's _Patent Rolls_, under 39 Eliz.: 'As to the proceeding for the examination of the complaint against Bingham and the trial thereof, we think it meet that, after the complaints shall be made privy of our hard usage of him here, and the remitting of him to be tried in Connaught, &c.'