Chapter XXIV: Appendix: I (1)

[Page 39.]

THE TREATY WITH LAHORE OF 1809.

_Treaty between the British Government and the Rajah of Lahore_, (25th of April, 1809.)

WHEREAS certain differences which had arisen between the British Government and the Rajah of Lahore have been happily and amicably adjusted; and both parties being anxious to maintain relations of perfect amity and concord, the following articles of treaty, which shall be binding on the heirs and successors of the two parties, have been concluded by the Rajah Runjeet Singh in person, and by the agency of C.T. Metcalfe, Esquire, on the part of the British Government.

Article 1.--Perpetual friendship shall subsist between the British Government and the State of Lahore: the latter shall be considered, with respect to the former, to be on the footing of the most favoured powers, and the British Government will have no concern with the territories and subjects of the Rajah to the northward of the river Sutlej.

Article 2.--The Rajah will never maintain in the territory which he occupies on the left bank of the river Sutlej, more troops than are necessary for the internal duties of that territory, nor commit or suffer any incroachments on the possessions or rights of the Chiefs in its vicinity.

Article 3.--In the event of a violation of any of the preceding articles, or of a departure from the rules of friendship, this treaty shall be considered null and void.

Article 4.--This treaty, consisting of four articles, having been settled and concluded at Umritsur, on the 25th day of April, 1809, Mr. C.T. Metcalfe has delivered to the Rajah of Lahore a copy of the same in English and Persian, under his seal and signature; and the Rajah has delivered another copy of the same under his seal and signature, and Mr. C.T. Metcalfe engages to procure within the space of two months, a copy of the same duly ratified by the Right Honourable the Governor-General in Council, on the receipt of which by the Rajah, the present treaty shall be considered complete and binding on both parties, and the copy of it now delivered to the Rajah shall be returned.

II.

[Page 39.]

SIR DAVID OCHTERLONY'S PROCLAMATION OF 1809.

_Precept or "Ittillah Nameh," under the Seal of General St. Leger, and under the Seal and Signature of Colonel Ochterlony; written on the 9th of February, 1809, corresponding to the 23d Zee Hijeh, 1223, Hijree._

THE British army having encamped near the frontiers of the Maharajah Runjeet Singh, it has been thought proper to signify the pleasure of the British Government, by means of this precept, in order to make all the Chiefs of the Maharajah acquainted with the sentiments of the British Government, which have solely for their object and aim to confirm the friendship with the Maharajah, and to prevent any injury to his country, the preservation of friendship between the two States, depending on particular conditions which are hereby detailed.

The Thânnahs in the fortress of Khur'r, Khanpore, and other places on this side of the river Sutlej, which have been placed in the hands of the dependents of the Maharajah, shall be razed, and the same places restored to their ancient possessors.

The force of cavalry and infantry which may have crossed to this side of the Sutlej must be recalled to the other side, to the country of the Maharajah.

The troops stationed at the Ghât of Philour must march thence, and depart to the other side of the river as described, and in future the troops of the Maharajah shall never advance into the country of the Chiefs situated on this side of the river, who have called in for their security and protection Thânnahs of the British Government; but if in the manner that the British have placed Thânnahs of moderate number on this side of the Sutlej, if in like manner a small force by way of Thânnah be stationed at the Ghât of Philour, it will not be objected to.

If the Maharajah persevere in the fulfilment of the above stipulations, which he so repeatedly professed to do in the presence of Mr. Metcalfe, such fulfilment will confirm the mutual friendship. In case of non-compliance with these stipulations, then shall it be plain that the Maharajah has no regard for the friendship of the British, but, on the contrary, resolves on enmity. In such case the victorious British army shall commence every mode of defence.

The communication of this precept is solely with the view of publishing the sentiments of the British, and to know those of the Maharajah. The British are confident that the Maharajah will consider the contents of this precept as abounding to his real advantage, and as affording a conspicuous proof of their friendship; that with their capacity for war they are also intent on peace.

III.

[Page 61.]

I MUST here observe, that in having so very large an Artillery, General Thomas proved his appreciation of powerful batteries, an experience which he had probably acquired on board a man-of-war, as everything, in a naval action, depends upon the quick application of a powerful broadside of, say thirty, forty, or sixty guns. General Thomas had twelve guns to every thousand men. In Europe, the largest number ever used, was by the Russians, in 1807, namely seven guns to every thousand men. Hyder Ali Khan and Tippoo Sultan always used a great number of guns of a large calibre; in like manner the Maharatta chiefs, Sindiah and Holcar brought eighty and a hundred guns into the field of battle. Except very recently, we have had fewer guns than the Sikhs; the battle of Goojerat (Feb. 21, 1849) being the only one in which we appear to have been superior to the enemy in this respect.

IV.

[Page 62.]

THE TREATY WITH LAHORE OF 1806.

_Treaty of Friendship and Unity between the Honourable East India Company and the Sirdars Runjeet Singh and Futteh Singh._ (1st of January, 1806.)

SIRDAR Runjeet Singh and Sirdar Futteh Singh have consented to the following articles of agreement concluded by Lieutenant-Colonel John Malcolm, under the special authority of the Right Honourable Lord Lake, himself duly authorized by the Honourable Sir George Hilaro Barlow, Bart., Governor-General, and Sirdar Futteh Singh, as principal on the part of himself, and plenipotentiary on the part of Runjeet Singh:--

Article 1.--Sirdar Runjeet Singh and Sirdar Futteh Singh Aloowalla, hereby agree that they will cause Jeswunt Rao Holcar to remove with his army to the distance of thirty coss from Umritsur immediately, and will never hereafter hold any further connection with him, or aid or assist him with troops, or in any other manner whatever; and they further agree that they will not in any way molest such of Jeswunt Rao Holcar's followers or troops as are desirous of returning to their homes in the Deccan, but, on the contrary, will render them every assistance in their power for carrying such intention into execution.

Article 2.--The British Government hereby agrees, that in case a pacification should not be effected between that Government and Jeswunt Rao Holcar, the British army shall move from its present encampment, on the banks of the river Beeah, as soon as Jeswunt Rao Holcar aforesaid shall have marched his army to the distance of thirty coss from Umritsur; and that in any treaty which may hereafter be concluded between the British Government and Jeswunt Rao Holcar, it shall be stipulated that, immediately after the conclusion of the said treaty, Holcar shall evacuate the territories of the Sikhs, and march towards his own, and that he shall in no way whatever injure or destroy such parts of the Sikh country as may lie in his route. The British Government further agrees that, as long as the said Chieftains, Runjeet Singh and Futteh Singh, abstain from holding any friendly connection with the enemies of that Government, or from committing any act of hostility on their own parts against the said Government, the British armies shall never enter the territories of the said Chieftains, nor will the British Government form any plans for the seizure or sequestration of their possessions or property.

Dated 1st of January, 1806.

V.

[Page 65.]

PROCLAMATION OF PROTECTION TO CIS SUTLEJ STATES AGAINST LAHORE. Of 1809.

_Translation of an "Ittilah Nameh," addressed to the Chiefs of the Country of Malwa and Sirhind, on this side of the river Sutlej._ (3rd of May, 1809.)

IT is clearer than the sun and better proved than the existence of yesterday, that the marching of a detachment of British troops to this side of the river Sutlej was entirely at the application and earnest entreaty of the several Chiefs, and originated solely from friendly considerations in the British Government, to preserve them in their possessions and independence. A treaty having been concluded, on the 25th of April, 1809, between Mr. Metcalfe on the part of the British Government, and Maharajah Runjeet Singh, agreeably to the orders of the Right Honourable the Governor-General in Council, I have the pleasure of publishing, for the satisfaction of the Chiefs of the country of Malwa and Sirhind, the pleasure and resolution of the British Government, as contained in the seven following articles:--

Article 1.--The country of the Chiefs of Malwa and Sirhind having entered under the British protection, they shall in future be secured from the authority and influence of Maharajah Runjeet Singh, conformably to the terms of the treaty.

Article 2.--All the country of the Chiefs thus taken under protection shall be exempted from all pecuniary tribute to the British Government.

Article 3.--The Chiefs shall remain in the full exercise of the same rights and authority in their own possessions which they enjoyed before they were received under the British protection.

Article 4.--Should a British force, on purposes of general welfare, be required to march through the country of the said Chiefs, it is necessary and incumbent that every Chief shall, within his own possessions, assist and furnish, to the full of his power, such force with supplies of Grain and other necessaries which may be demanded.

Article 5.--Should an enemy approach from any quarter, for the purpose of conquering this country, friendship and mutual interest require that the Chiefs join the British army with all their force, and, exerting themselves in expelling the enemy, act under discipline and proper obedience.

Article 6.--All European articles brought by merchants from the eastern districts, for the use of the army, shall be allowed to pass, by the Thânnahdars and Sayerdars of the several Chiefs, without molestation and the demand of duty.

Article 7.--All horses purchased for the use of cavalry regiments, whether in the district of Sirhind or elsewhere, the bringers of which being provided with sealed "Rahdaries" from the Resident at Delhi, or officer commanding at Sirhind, shall be allowed to pass through the country of the said Chiefs without molestation or the demand of duty.

VI.

[Page 67.]

PROCLAMATION OF PROTECTION TO CIS SUTLEJ STATES AGAINST ONE ANOTHER OF 1811.

_For the Information and Assurance of the Protected Chiefs of the Plains between the Sutlej and the Jumna._ (22nd of August, 1811.)

ON the 3rd of May, 1809, an "Ittilah Nameh," comprised of seven articles, was issued by the orders of the British Government, purporting that the country of the Sirdars of Sirhind and Malwa having come under their protection, Rajah Runjeet Singh, agreeably to treaty, had no concern with the possessions of the above Sirdars: That the British Government had no intention of claiming Peishkushs or Nuzerana, and that they should continue in the full control and enjoyment of their respective possessions. The publication of the above "Ittilah Nameh" was intended to afford every confidence to the Sirdars, that the protection of the country was the sole object, that they had no intention of control, and that those having possessions should remain in full and complete enjoyment thereof.

Whereas several Zumindars and other subjects of the Chiefs of this country have preferred complaints to the officers of the British Government, who, having in view the tenor of the above "Ittilah Nameh," have not attended, and will not in future pay attention to them;--for instance, on the 15th of June, 1811, Delawur Ali Khan of Samana complained to the Resident of Delhi against the officers of Rajah Sahib Singh, for jewels and other property said to have been seized by them, who, in reply, observed, that the "Cusba of Samana being in the Ameeldary of Rajah Sahib Singh, his complaint should be made to him;" and also, on the 12th of July, 1811, Dussowndha Singh and Goormook Singh complained to Colonel Ochterlony, Agent to the Governor-General, against Sirdar Churrut Singh, for their shares of property, etc.; and in reply it was written on the back of their urzee, "that since during the period of three years, no claim was preferred against Churrut Singh by any of his brothers, nor even the name of any co-partner mentioned; and since it was advertised in the 'Ittilah Nameh' delivered to the Sirdars, that every Chief should remain in the quiet and full enjoyment of his domains, the petition could not be attended to,"--the insertion of these answers to complaints is intended as examples, and also that it may be impressed on the minds of every Zumindar and other subject, that the attainment of justice is to be expected from their respective Chiefs only, that they may not, in the smallest degree swerve from the observance of subordination.--It is, therefore, highly incumbent upon the Rajahs and other Sirdars of this side of the river Sutlej, that they explain this to their respective subjects, and court their confidence, that it may be clear to them, that complaints to the officers of the British Government will be of no avail, and that they consider their respective Sirdars as the source of justice, and that, of their free will and accord, they observe uniform obedience.

And whereas, according to the first Proclamation, it is not the intention of the British Government to interfere in the possessions of the Sirdars of this country, it is nevertheless, for the purpose of ameliorating the condition of the community, particularly necessary to give general information, that several Sirdars have, since the incursion of Rajah Runjeet Singh, wrested the estates of others, and deprived them of their lawful possessions, and that in the restoration they have used delays, until detachments of the British army have been sent to effect restitution, as in the case of the Rannee of Terah, the Sikhs of Cholian, the Talookas of Carowley and Chehloundy, and the village of Cheeba; and the reason of such delays and evasions can only be attributed to the temporary enjoyment of the revenues, and subjecting the owners to irremediable losses:--It is, therefore, by order of the British Government, hereby proclaimed, that if any one of the Sirdars or others has forcibly taken possession of the estates of others, or otherwise injured the lawful owners, it is necessary that, before the occurrence of any complaint, the proprietor should be satisfied, and by no means to defer the restoration of the property,--in which, however, should delays be made, and the interference of the British authority become requisite, the revenues of the estate from the date of ejection of the lawful proprietor, together with whatever other losses the inhabitants of that place may sustain from the march of troops, shall without scruple be demanded from the offending party; and for disobedience of the present orders, a penalty, according to the circumstances of the case and of the offender, shall be levied, agreeably to the decision of the British Government.

VII.

[Page 69.]

INDUS NAVIGATION TREATY OF 1832.

_Articles of Convention established between the Honourable the East India Company, and his Highness the Maharajah Runjeet Singh, the Ruler of the Punjaub, for the opening of the Navigation of the rivers Indus and Sutlej._ (Originally drafted 26th of December, 1832.)

BY the grace of God, the relations of firm alliance and indissoluble ties of friendship existing between the Honourable the East India Company and his Highness the Maharajah Runjeet Singh, founded on the auspicious treaty formerly concluded by Sir T.C. Metcalfe, Bart., and since confirmed in the written pledge of sincere amity presented by the Right Honourable Lord W.C. Bentinck, G.C.B. and G.C.H., Governor-General of British India, at the meeting at Rooper, are, like the sun, clear and manifest to the whole world, and will continue unimpaired, and increase in strength from generation to generation:--By virtue of these firmly established bonds of friendship, since the opening of the navigation of the rivers Indus proper (_i.e._ Indus below the confluence of the Punjaub) and Sutlej, (a measure deemed expedient by both States, with a view to promote the general interests of commerce),--has lately been effected through the agency of Captain C.M. Wade, Political Agent at Loodianna, deputed by the Right Honourable the Governor-General for that purpose. The following Articles, explanatory of the conditions by which the said navigation is to be regulated, as concerns the nomination of officers, the mode of collecting the duties, and the protection of the trade by that route, have been framed, in order that the officers of the two States employed in their execution may act accordingly:--

Article 1.--The provisions of the existing treaty relative to the right bank of the river Sutlej and all its stipulations, together with the contents of the friendly pledge already mentioned, shall remain binding, and a strict regard to preserve the relations of friendship between the two States shall be the ruling principle of action. In accordance with that treaty, the Honourable Company has not, nor will have any concern with the right bank of the river Sutlej.

Article 2.--The tariff which is to be established for the line of navigation in question is intended to apply exclusively to the passage of merchandise by that route, and not to interfere with the transit duties levied on goods proceeding from one hank of the river to the other, nor with the places fixed for their collection: they are to remain as heretofore.

Article 3.--Merchants frequenting the same route, while within the limits of the Maharajah's Government, are required to show a due regard to his authority, as is done by merchants generally, and not to commit any acts offensive to the civil and religious institutions of the Sikhs.

Article 4.--Any one purposing to go the said route will intimate his intention to the Agent of either State, and apply for a passport, agreeably to a form to be laid down; having obtained which, he may proceed on his journey. The merchants coming from Umritsur, and other parts on the right bank of the river Sutlej, are to intimate their intentions to the agent of the Maharajah, at Hurrekee, or other appointed places, and obtain a passport through him; and merchants coming from Hindoostan, or other parts on the left bank of the river Sutlej, will intimate their intentions to the Honourable Company's Agent and obtain a passport through him. As foreigners, and Hindoostanees, and Sirdars of the protected Sikh States and elsewhere, are not in the habit of crossing the Sutlej without a passport from the Maharajah's officers, it is expected that such persons will hereafter also conform to the same rule, and not cross without the usual passports.

Article 5.--A tariff shall be established exhibiting the rate of duties leviable on each description of merchandise, which, after having been approved by both Governments, is to be the standard by which the superintendents and collectors of customs are to be guided.

Article 6.--Merchants are invited to adopt the new route with perfect confidence: no one shall be suffered to molest them or unnecessarily impede their progress, care being taken that they are only detained for the collection of the duties, in the manner stipulated, at the established stations.

Article 7.--The officers who are to be entrusted with the collection of the duties, and examination of the goods on the right bank of the river shall be stationed at Mithenkote and Hurrekee; at no other places but these two, shall boats in transit on the river be liable to examination or stoppage. When the persons in charge of boats stop of their own accord to take in or give out cargo, the goods will be liable to the local transit duty of the Maharajah's Government, previously to their being landed, as provided in Article 2. The superintendent stationed at Mithenkote having examined the cargo, will levy the established duty, and grant a passport, with a written account of the cargo and freight. On the arrival of the boat at Hurrekee, the superintendent of that station will compare the passport with the cargo; and whatever goods are found in excess will be liable to the payment of the established duty, while the rest, having already paid duty at Mithenkote, will pass on free. The same rule shall be observed in respect to merchandise conveyed from Hurrekee by the way of the rivers towards Scinde, that whatever may be fixed as the share of duties on the right bank of the river Sutlej, in right of the Maharajah's own dominions and of those in allegiance to him, the Maharajah's officers will collect it at the places appointed. With regard to the security and safety of merchants who may adopt this route, the Maharajah's officers shall afford them every protection in their power; and merchants, on halting for the night on either bank of the Sutlej, are required, with reference to the treaty of friendship which exists between the two States, to give notice, and to show their passports to the Thânnahdar, or officers in authority at the place, and request protection for themselves: if, notwithstanding this precaution, loss should at any time occur, a strict enquiry will be made, and reclamation sought from those who are blamable. The Articles of the present treaty for opening the navigation of the rivers above mentioned having, agreeably to subsisting relations, been approved by the Right Honourable the Governor-General, shall be carried into execution accordingly.

Dated Lahore the 26th of December, 1832.

[Page 69.]

SUPPLEMENTARY INDUS NAVIGATION TREATY OF 1834.

_Draft of a Supplementary Treaty between the British Government and Maharajah Runjeet Singh for establishing a Toll on the Indus._ (29th of November, 1834.)

IN conformity with the subsisting relations of friendship, as established and confirmed by former treaties, between the Honourable the East India Company and his Highness Maharajah Runjeet Singh; and whereas in the 5th Article of the treaty concluded at Lahore on the 26th day of December, 1832, it was stipulated that a moderate scale of duties should be fixed by the two Governments in concert, to be levied on all merchandise on transit up and down the rivers Indus and Sutlej; the said Governments being now of opinion that, owing to the inexperience of the people of these countries in such matters, the mode of levying duties then proposed (_viz._ on the value and quantity of goods) could not fail to give rise to mutual misunderstandings and reclamations, have, with a view to prevent these results, determined to substitute a toll, which shall be levied on all boats, with whatever merchandise laden. The following articles have therefore been adopted as supplementary to the former treaty; and in conformity with them, each Government engages that the toll shall be levied, and its amount neither be increased nor diminished except by mutual consent.

Article 1.--A toll of 570 Rupees shall be levied on all boats laden with merchandise in transit on the rivers Indus and Sutlej, between the sea and Rooper, without reference to their size, or to the weight or value of their cargo; the above toll to be divided among the different States in proportion to the extent of territory which they possess on the banks of these rivers.

Article 2.--The portion of the above toll appertaining to the Lahore Chief in right of his territory on both banks of these rivers, as determined in the subjoined scale shall be levied opposite to Mithenkote on boats coming from the sea towards Rooper, and in the vicinity of Hurrekee Puttun on boats going from Rooper towards the sea, and at no other place:--

In right of territory on the In right of territory on the right bank of the rivers left bank of the rivers Indus Indus and Sutlej, 155 and Sutlej, the Maharajah's Rupees 4 annas. share, of 67 Rupees 15 annas. 9 pies.

Article 3.--In order to facilitate the realization of the toll due to the different States, as well as for the speedy and satisfactory adjustment of any disputes which may arise connected with the safety of the navigation and the welfare of the trade by the new route, a British officer will reside opposite to Mithenkote, and a native agent on the part of the British Government, opposite to Hurrekee Puttun. These officers will be subject to the orders of the British Agent at Loodianna; and the Agents who may be appointed to reside at those places on the part of the other States concerned in the navigation, _viz._ Bhawulpore and Scinde, together with those of Lahore, will co-operate with them in the execution of their duties.

Article 4.--In order to guard against imposition on the part of merchants in making false complaints of being plundered of their property which formed no part of their cargoes, they are required, when taking out their passports, to produce an invoice of their cargo, which, being duly authenticated, a copy of it will be annexed to their passports; and wherever their boats may be brought to for the night, they are required to give immediate notice to the Thânnahdars or officers of the place, and to request protection for themselves, at the same time showing the passports they may have received at Mithenkote or Hurrekee, as the case may be.

Article 5.--Such parts of the 5th, 7th, 9th, and 10th Articles of the Treaty of the 26th of December, 1832, as have reference to the fixing a duty on the value and quantity of merchandise, and to the mode of its collection are hereby rescinded, and the foregoing articles substituted in their place, agreeably to which, and the conditions of the preamble, the toll will be levied.

N.B.--A distribution of the shares due to the British protected States and the feudatories of the Maharajah on the left bank of the Sutlej will be determined hereafter.

VIII.

[Page 80.]

DECLARATION OF WAR OF 1845.

_Proclamation by the Governor-General of India._

Camp Lushkuree Khan ke Serai, December 13th, 1845.

THE British Government has ever been on terms of friendship with that of the Punjaub.

In the year 1809, a treaty of amity and concord was concluded between the British Government, and the late Maharajah Runjeet Singh, the conditions of which have always been faithfully observed by the British Government, and were scrupulously fulfilled by the late Maharajah.

The same friendly relations have been maintained with the successors of Maharajah Runjeet Singh by the British Government up to the present time.

Since the death of the late Maharajah Shere Singh, the disorganized state of the Lahore Government has made it incumbent on the Governor-General in Council to adopt precautionary measures for the protection of the British frontier: the nature of these measures and the cause of their adoption, were, at the time, fully explained to the Lahore Durbar.

Notwithstanding the disorganized state of the Lahore Government during the last two years, and many most unfriendly proceedings on the part of the Durbar, the Governor-General in Council has continued to evince his desire to maintain the relations of amity and concord which had so long existed between the two States, for the mutual interests and happiness of both. He has shown, on every occasion, the utmost forbearance, from consideration to the helpless state of the infant Maharajah, Dhuleep Singh, whom the British Government had recognised as the successor to the late Maharajah Shere Singh.

The Governor-General in Council sincerely desired to see a strong Sikh Government re-established in the Punjaub, able to control its army, and to protect its subjects; he had not, up to the present moment, abandoned the hope of seeing that important object effected by the patriotic efforts of the Chiefs and people of that country.

The Sikh army recently marched from Lahore towards the British frontier, as it was alleged, by the orders of the Durbar, for the purpose of invading the British territory.

The Governor-General's Agent, by direction of the Governor-General, demanded an explanation of this movement, and no reply being returned within a reasonable time, the demand was repeated. The Governor-General, unwilling to believe in the hostile intentions of the Sikh Government, to which no provocation had been given, refrained from taking any measures which might have a tendency to embarrass the Government of the Maharajah, or to induce collision between the two States.

When no reply was given to the repeated demand for explanation, while active military preparations were continued at Lahore, the Governor-General considered it necessary to order the advance of troops towards the frontier, to reinforce the frontier posts.

The Sikh army has now, without a shadow of provocation, invaded the British territories.

The Governor-General must therefore take measures for effectually protecting the British provinces, for vindicating the authority of the British Government, and for punishing the violators of treaties and the disturbers of the public peace.

The Governor-General hereby declares the possessions of Maharajah Dhuleep Singh, on the left or British bank of the Sutlej, confiscated and annexed to the British territories.

The Governor-General will respect the existing rights of all Jaghirdars, Zumindars, and tenants in the said possessions, who, by the course they now pursue, evince their fidelity to the British Government.

The Governor-General hereby calls upon all the Chiefs and Sirdars in the protected territories to co-operate cordially with the British Government for the punishment of the common enemy, and for the maintenance of order in these States. Those of the Chiefs who show alacrity and fidelity in the discharge of this duty, which they owe to the protecting power, will find their interests promoted thereby; and those who take a contrary course will be treated as enemies to the British Government, and will be punished accordingly.

The inhabitants of all the territories on the left bank of the Sutlej are hereby directed to abide peaceably in their respective villages, where they will receive efficient protection by the British Government. All parties of men found in armed bands, who can give no satisfactory account of their proceedings, will be treated as disturbers of the public peace.

All subjects of the British Government, and those who possess estates on both sides of the river Sutlej, who by their faithful adherence to the British Government, may be liable to sustain loss, shall be indemnified and secured in all their just rights and privileges.

On the other hand, all subjects of the British Government who shall continue in the service of the Lahore State, and who disobey the Proclamation by not immediately returning to their allegiance, will be liable to have their property on this side the Sutlej confiscated, and themselves declared to be aliens and enemies of the British Government.

IX.

[Page 107]

SERVICES OF CAPTAIN HUMBLEY,

Rifle Brigade.

CAPTAIN HUMBLEY served with the 95th (Rifle Brigade) at the siege of Copenhagen, in 1807, and was engaged in some skirmishes near that city, and in the action of Kioge; he was also present at the surrender of Copenhagen, and of the whole of the Danish navy. In 1808, he landed with a detachment in Portugal, and was present at the battles of Roleia and Vimiera, the advance from Lisbon into Spain, the subsequent retreat from Salamanca, the action of Calcavellas, and the battle of Corunna. He served on the Walcheren expedition, in 1809, commanded an advanced outpost before Flushing, on the night of the 31st of July, when he surprised, and took prisoners, an outlying picquet of the enemy; on the following day, while under the fortifications of Flushing, he was severely wounded in the forehead by a musket-ball, which lodged and was extracted, and the head trepanned.

Captain Humbley joined the army in the Peninsula in March, 1810, and served there until the end of that war in 1814, with the exception of four months in 1812.

On the passage to Spain, December the 5th, 1812, he was present at the capture, after a running fight of several miles, of a large, well-armed, American merchant ship.

Captain Humbley was present at the defence of Cadiz and Fort Matagorda, debarked at Tarifa, and was present at the battles of Barrosa, Salamanca, and Vittoria, and, in the last engagement, was severely wounded in the left arm. He took part in the action at Vera Bridge, storming the heights of Vera, and in the battles of the Pyrenees, where he was wounded near the left eye. He was present at the crossing of the Bidassoa, at the battles of Nivelle, Nive, and Orthes, in which last he was severely wounded in the right thigh; he was also in the action of Tarbes, and the battle of Toulouse, besides several minor engagements, skirmishes, and affairs of outposts.

Captain Humbley served also in the campaign of 1815, and was severely wounded at the battle of Waterloo, by a musket-ball in each shoulder. The two balls having lodged, one was extracted two days afterwards, but the other still remains lodged under the scapula in the left shoulder.

Captain Humbley has received the War Medal and Twelve Clasps.

X.

[Page 115.]

A MONUMENT, by R. Westmacott, Junr., R.A., F.R.S., is about to be erected at Shrewsbury, to the memory of Colonel Cureton. The gallant Colonel will be represented at full length, lying on his back, with his hands clasped. The following is the inscription:

SACRED TO THE MEMORY OF COLONEL G.R. CURETON, C.B., AND A.D.C., TO THE QUEEN, ADJUTANT-GENERAL OF H.M. FORCES IN INDIA, AND LATE LIEUT.-COLONEL COMMANDING THE 16TH LANCERS WHO FELL IN AN ENGAGEMENT WITH THE SIKH TROOPS AT RAMNUGGUR, ON THE 22ND OF NOVEMBER, 1848, WHEN COMMANDING THE CAVALRY OF THE BRITISH ARMY UNDER GENERAL LORD GOUGH, G.C.B., THIS MONUMENT IS ERECTED BY HIS COMRADES AND BROTHER OFFICERS IN INDIA. BY WHOM HE WAS HELD, AS A SOLDIER, IN UNIVERSAL ADMIRATION AND RESPECT; AND IN LOVE AND ESTEEM AS A FRIEND.

XI.

[Page 180.]

OFFICIAL DESPATCHES.

_From the Governor-General of India to the Secret Committee of the East India Company, dated Camp, Ferozepore, Dec. 31st, 1845._

THE Sikh army, in large numbers, commenced crossing the Sutlej on the 11th, and, after investing Ferozepore on one side, took up an entrenched position at the village of Ferozeshah, about ten miles in advance of Ferozepore, and about the same distance from the village of Moodkee.

In this camp the enemy had placed 108 pieces of cannon, some of large calibre, with a force exceeding 50,000 men, for the purpose of intercepting the approach of the British force moving up from Umballa, to the relief of Ferozepore, which had been thus treacherously attacked, without provocation or declaration of hostilities.

I had ordered, on the 8th inst., that portion of our army posted at Umballa for defensive purposes, to move up on the 11th; and, after a rapid march of 150 miles, it reached Moodkee on the 18th, where, on the evening of the same day, it repulsed an attack of the Sikh army, and captured seventeen guns. On the following day the army was concentrated at Moodkee, and, on the 21st, moved by its left on Ferozepore; and having, on the march, formed its junction, at half-past one o'clock, with 5,000 men and twenty-one guns, under Major-Gen. Sir John Littler, which had moved from Ferozepore that morning, the Commander-in-Chief formed the army in order of battle, and attacked the enemy's entrenched camp, and, on that evening and the following morning, captured severity pieces of artillery, taking possession of the enemy's camp, with a large quantity of ammunition and warlike stores.

These successful and energetic operations have been followed by the retreat of the Sikh army to the other side of the Sutlej; the British army being now encamped between Ferozepore and the fords of the Sutlej.

You will not fail to observe that these important and brilliant successes have been achieved by that portion of our army posted at and in advance of Umballa for defensive purposes, and that our forces from Meerut and other stations from the rear, ordered to move up at the same time, are in reserve, and will reach this neighbourhood between the 5th and the 9th of January.

I have the honour to inclose two reports from the Commander-in-Chief, detailing the admirable manner in which these important duties have been performed.

The Commander-in-Chief has successfully accomplished every object I had directed him to effect for the relief of Ferozepore, and the protection of the British States. No accident or failure has occurred during: the complicated operations of a combined movement; and our army, whether for defence or attack, has shewn, as heretofore, that its power is irresistible.

_From General Sir Hugh Gough, Bart., G.C.B., the Commander-in-Chief of the Army in India, to the Governor-General of India._

Head Quarters, Army of the Sutlej, Camp, Moodkee, Dec. 19th, 1845.

Right Hon. Sir,

IT would be a superfluous form in me to address to you a narrative of the campaign which has opened against the Sikhs, and the successful action of yesterday, since you have in person shared the fatigues and dangers of our army, and witnessed its efforts and privations, but that my position at its head renders this my duty; and it is necessary, from that position, I should place these events on record, for the information of all Europe, as well as of all India.

You, Sir, know, but others have to be told, that the sudden and unprovoked aggression of the Sikhs, by crossing the Sutlej with the great proportion of their army, with the avowed intention of attacking Ferozepore in time of profound peace, rendered indispensable, on our side, a series of difficult combinations for the protection of our frontier station, so unjustifiably and so unexpectedly menaced.

From the advanced and salient situation of Ferozepore, and its vicinity to the Sikh capital, its defence against a sudden attack became a difficult operation. It was always possible for the Sikh government to throw a formidable force upon it before one sufficiently numerous could on our side be collected to support it; but when, upon the 11th instant, it became known at Umballa, where I had established my head-quarters, that this invasion had actually taken place, the efforts to repel it followed each other in rapid succession; notwithstanding I had the fullest confidence in Major-General Sir John Littler, commanding at Ferozepore, and in the devotedness and gallantry of the troops occupying it.

The troops from the different stations in the Sirhind division were directed to move by forced marches upon Bussean, where, by a most judicious arrangement, you had directed supplies to be collected, within a wonderfully short space of time.

The main portion of the force at Loodianna was withdrawn, and a garrison thrown into the little fortress there. From this central position, already alluded to, both Loodianna and Ferozepore could be supported, and the safety of both places might be considered to be brought, in some measure, within the scope of the contingencies of a general action to be fought for their relief. All this is soon related; but most harassing have been the marches of the troops in completing this concentration. When their march had been further prolonged to this place, they had moved over a distance of upward of 150 miles in six days, along roads of heavy sand; their perpetual labour allowing them scarcely time to cook their food, even when they received it, and hardly an hour for repose, before they were called upon for renewed exertions.

When our leading corps reached Wudnee, a small jaghire of the late Maharajah Shere Singh, its garrison shut the gates of the fort against them; and, as our battering guns were far in the rear, it was determined to reserve it for future chastisement, and we remained content with compelling the village to furnish supplies (it could, however, provide little, except for our overworked cattle), under pain of enduring a cannonade and assault; this it did, without the necessity of firing a shot.

When we reached Wudnee, it was evident that the force before Ferozepore felt the influence of our movements, as we heard that a very large portion of that force had been detached to oppose our further advance; their feeling parties retired on the morning of the 18th before our Cavalry picquets, near the village and fort of Moodkee.

Soon after mid-day, the division under Major-General Sir Harry Smith, a brigade of that under Major-General Sir J. M'Caskill, and another of that under Major-General Gilbert, with five troops of Horse artillery, and two light field batteries, under Lieutenant Colonel Brooke, of the Horse Artillery (brigadier in command of the Artillery force), and the Cavalry division, consisting of H.M. 3rd Light Dragoons, the body-guard, 4th and 5th Light Cavalry, and 9th Irregular Cavalry, took up their encamping ground in front of Moodkee.

The troops were in a state of great exhaustion, principally from the want of water, which was not procurable on the road, when, about three P.M., information was received that the Sikh army was advancing; and the troops had scarcely time to get under arms, and move to their positions, when the fact was ascertained.

I immediately pushed forward the Horse Artillery and Cavalry, directing the Infantry, accompanied by the field batteries, to move forward in support. We had not proceeded beyond two miles when we found the enemy in position. They were said to consist of 15,000 to 20,000 Infantry, about the same force of Cavalry, and forty guns. They evidently had either just taken up this position, or were advancing in order of battle against us.

To resist their attack, and to cover the formation of the Infantry, I advanced the Cavalry under Brigadiers White, Gough, and Mactier, rapidly to the front, in columns of squadrons, and occupied the plain. They were speedily followed by the five troops of Horse Artillery, under Brigadier Brooke who took up a forward position, having the Cavalry then on his flanks.

The country is a dead flat, covered at short intervals with a low, but in some places, thick jhow jungle, and dotted with sandy hillocks. The enemy screened their Infantry and Artillery behind this jungle, and such undulations as the ground afforded; and whilst our twelve battalions formed from echelon of brigade into line, opened a very severe cannonade upon our advancing troops, which was vigorously replied to by the battery of Horse Artillery under Brigadier Brooke, which was soon joined by the two light field batteries. The rapid and well-directed fire of our artillery appeared soon to paralyse that of the enemy; and as it was necessary to complete our infantry dispositions without advancing the Artillery too near to the jungle, I directed the Cavalry under Brigadiers White and Gough, to make a flank movement on the enemy's left, with a view of threatening and turning that flank if possible. With praiseworthy gallantry, the 3rd Light Dragoons, with the 2nd brigade of Cavalry, consisting of the body guard and 5th Light Cavalry, with a portion of the 4th Lancers, turned the left of the Sikh army, and, sweeping along the whole rear of its Infantry and guns, silenced for a time the latter, and put their numerous cavalry to flight. Whilst this movement was taking place on the enemy's left, I directed the remainder of the 4th Lancers, the 9th Irregular Cavalry, under Brigadier Mactier, with a light field battery, to threaten their right. This manoeuvre was also successful. Had not the Infantry and guns of the enemy been screened by the jungle, these brilliant charges of the Cavalry would have been productive of greater effect.

When the Infantry advanced to the attack, Brigadier Brooke rapidly pushed on his Horse Artillery close to the jungle, and the cannonade was resumed on both sides. The Infantry under Major-Generals Sir Harry Smith, Gilbert, and Sir John M'Caskill, attacked in echelon of lines the enemy's Infantry, almost invisible amongst wood and the approaching darkness of night. The opposition of the enemy was such as might have been expected from troops who had everything at stake, and who had long vaunted of being irresistible. Their ample and extended line, from their great superiority of numbers, far outflanked ours; but this was counter-acted by the flank movements of our Cavalry. The attack of the Infantry now commenced, and the roll of fire from this powerful arm soon convinced the Sikh army that they had met with a foe they little expected; and their whole force was driven from position after position with great slaughter, and the loss of seventeen pieces of artillery, some of them of heavy calibre; our infantry using that never failing weapon, the bayonet, whenever the enemy stood. Night only saved them from worse disaster; for this stout conflict was maintained during an hour and a half of dim starlight, amidst a cloud of dust from the sandy plain, which yet more obscured every object.

I regret to say, this gallant and successful attack was attended with considerable loss; the force bivouacked upon the field for some hours, and only returned to its encampment after ascertaining that it had no enemy before it, and that night prevented the possibility of a regular advance in pursuit.

H. Gough, General, Commander-in-Chief.

_From His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief to the Right Hon. the Governor-General of India, dated Camp, Ferozeshah, December 22nd, 1845._

Right Honourable Sir,

I have again to congratulate you on the success of our arms. A grand battle has been fought against the Sikh army at this place, and, by the blessing of Divine providence, victory has been won, by the valour of our troops, against odds and under circumstances which will render this action one of the most memorable in the page of Indian history.

After the combat of the 18th at Moodkee, information was received the following day, that the enemy, increased in numbers, were moving on to attack us. A line of defence was taken up in advance of our encampment, and dispositions made to repel assault; but the day wore away without their appearing, and at night we had the satisfaction of being reinforced by H.M. 29th Foot, and the East India Company's 1st European Light Infantry, with our small division of heavy guns.

I must here allude to a circumstance most favourable to our efforts in the field. On this evening, in addition to the valuable counsel with which you had in every emergency before favoured me, you were pleased yet further to strengthen my hands, by kindly offering your services as second in command in my army. I need hardly say with how much pleasure the offer was accepted.

On the morning of the 21st, the offensive was resumed; our columns of all arms debouched four miles on the road to Ferozeshah, where it was known that the enemy, posted in great force, and with a most formidable artillery, had remained since the action of the 18th, incessantly employed in entrenching his position. Instead of advancing to the direct attack of their formidable works, our force manoeuvred to their right: the second and fourth divisions of infantry, in front, supported by the first division and cavalry in second line, continued to defile for some time out of cannon-shot between the Sikhs and Ferozepore. The desired effect was not long delayed, a cloud of dust was seen on the left, and according to the instructions sent him on the preceding evening, Major-General Sir John Littler, with his division, availing himself of the offered opportunity, was discovered in full march to unite his force with mine. The junction was soon effected; and thus was accomplished one of the great objects of all our harassing marches and privations, in the relief of this division of our army from the blockade of the numerous forces by which it was surrounded.

Dispositions were now made for a united attack on the enemy's entrenched camp. We found it to be a parallelogram, of about a mile in length, and half a mile in breadth, including within its area the strong village of Ferozeshah; the shorter sides looking towards the Sutlej and Moodkee, and the longer towards Ferozepore and the open country. We moved against the last-named face, the ground in front of which was like the Sikh position in Moodkee, covered with low jungle.

The divisions of Major-general Sir John Littler, Brigadier Wallace (who had succeeded Major-general Sir John M'Caskill), and Major-general Gilbert, deployed into line, having in the centre our whole force of artillery, with the exception of three troops of horse artillery, one on either flank and one in support, to be moved as occasion required. Major-general Sir Harry Smith's division, and our small cavalry force, moved in second line, having a brigade in reserve to cover each wing.

I should here observe, that I committed the charge and direction of the left wing to Lieutenant-general Sir Henry Hardinge, while I personally conducted the right.

A very heavy cannonade was opened by the enemy, who had dispersed over their position upwards of one hundred guns, more than forty of which were of battering calibre; these kept up a heavy and well-directed fire, which the practice of our far less numerous artillery, of much lighter metal, checked in some degree, but could not silence; finally, in the face of a storm of shot and shell, our infantry advanced and carried these formidable intrenchments; they threw themselves upon their guns, and with matchless gallantry wrested them from the enemy; but, when the batteries were partially within our grasp, our soldiery had to face such a fire of musketry from the Sikh infantry, arrayed behind their guns, that, in spite of the most heroic efforts, a portion only of the entrenchment could be carried. Night fell while the conflict was everywhere raging.

Although I now brought up Major-general Sir Harry Smith's division, and he captured and long retained another point of the position, and her Majesty's 3rd Light Dragoons charged and took some of the most formidable batteries, yet the enemy remained in possession of a considerable portion of the great quadrangle, whilst our troops, intermingled with theirs, kept possession of the remainder, and finally bivouacked upon it, exhausted by their gallant efforts, greatly reduced in numbers, and suffering extremely from thirst, yet animated by an indomitable spirit. In this state of things the long night wore away.

Near the middle of it, one of their heavy guns was advanced and played with deadly effect upon our troops. Lieut.-general Sir Henry Hardinge immediately formed H.M. 80th Foot and the 1st European Light Infantry. They were led to the attack by their commanding officers, and animated in their exertions by Lieut.-col. Wood (aide-de-camp to the Lieut.-general), who was wounded in the outset. The 80th captured the gun, and the enemy, dismayed by this counter-check, did not venture to press on further. During the whole night, however, they continued to harass our troops by fire of artillery, wherever moonlight discovered our position.

But with daylight of the 22nd came retribution. Our infantry formed line, supported on both flanks by horse artillery, whilst a fire was opened from our centre by such of our heavy guns as remained effective, aided by a flight of rockets. A masked battery played with great effect upon this point, dismounting our pieces and blowing up our tumbrils. At this moment Lieutenant-general Sir Henry Hardinge placed himself at the head of the left, whilst I rode at the head of the right wing.

Our line advanced, and, unchecked by the enemy's fire, drove them rapidly out of the village of Ferozeshah and their encampment; then, changing front to its left, on its centre, our force continued to sweep the camp, bearing down all opposition, and dislodged the enemy from their whole position. The line then halted, as if on a day of manoeuvre, receiving its two leaders, as they rode along its front, with a gratifying cheer, and displaying the captured standards of the Khalsa army. We had taken upwards of seventy-three pieces of cannon, and were masters of the whole field.

The force assumed a position on the ground which it had won, but even here its labours were not to cease. In the course of two hours, Sirdar Tej Singh, who had commanded in the last great battle, brought up from the vicinity of Ferozepore fresh battalions and a large field of artillery, supported by 30,000 Ghorepurras, hitherto encamped near the river. He drove in our cavalry parties, and made strenuous efforts to regain the position at Ferozeshah; this attempt was defeated; but its failure had scarcely become manifest, when the Sirdar renewed the contest with more troops and a large artillery. He commenced by a combination against our left flank; and when this was frustrated, made such a demonstration against the captured village, as compelled us to change our whole front to the right. His guns during this manoeuvre, maintained an incessant fire, whilst our artillery ammunition being completely expended in these protracted combats, we were unable to answer him with a single shot.

I now directed our almost exhausted cavalry to threaten both flanks at once, preparing the infantry to advance in support, which apparently caused him suddenly to cease his fire, and to abandon the field.