Chapter VI (2)

The stalks of the doura grow to the height of nine and ten feet; the thunder storms, accompanied with rain and wind, often bend these stalks when near ripe, so that the roots are raised above ground, and the plant dies if the slaves the next day are not sent in to hoe the earth up to the roots of such as are broken down. The stalks of this grain are frequently used for fences and the rafters of their houses. Sometimes they tie the bean and millet straw into bundles, and carry them home for their camels. Their granaries are made in the form of a large urn or pitcher, raised from the ground about three feet by stones. They are made of clay and chopped straw, and are raised to the height of eleven or twelve feet. The thickness of the sides is not above four inches, though in any part it will bear a man’s weight: the diameter in the widest part may be from seven to eight feet, at the top about three or four feet, and is overlapped at the mouth like a wide-mouthed earthen jar. When the grain is put in, a conical cap of thatch is put over to keep out birds, insects, wet and moisture. The doura and millet will keep well in these jars for two or three years; after that period it perishes, and is destroyed by worms and insects. The jar itself will last seven or eight years, if taken care of, by matting round the lower part with straw during the rainy season; if not, two or three years is the period it will stand unimpaired.

The time of putting the sweet potatoes in the ground is at the commencement of the rains, the ground being first well cleared of weeds, well hoed into furrows, the clods all broken, and the soil a good strong clay or mould. The branches or stems, in slips, are then planted by the dibble, and are two months before they have potatoes at the roots.

The gaza, though differing in taste, shape, name, and size, is not unlike a small quince: it is more watery than a gourd, of a reddish white inside, and by no means a pleasant taste; its stem is as thick as that of a gourd, with large rough leaves like those of a gourd. It is planted like the sweet potatoes, and is perpetuated in the same manner, by joints, and sown in furrows, at the same time, in a good soil of clay or mould.

Wheat, of which they raise enough to supply all who make use of it in this country, is sown after the rains, when the cold weather has set in. It is always met with by the side of a small lake or river, where they are able to water it by irrigation every day. It is ripe in three months after it is put into the ground: the grain is small. It is not much relished by the Arabs, who say that it injures the spleen, in whatever shape it may be eaten. The bread made of it is black and coarse; but that may arise from the imperfect manner in which it is ground and cleaned. Barley they also have; but this grain is only used in very small quantity. The rice is sown in long beds; and they have it in great abundance from the Surano, near Magaria: the rice of Soccatoo is considered the best in Houssa. Melons, pappa apples, the great . . . . ., a few fig and pomegranate trees are grown in gardens. They have not been able to make the date tree grow at Soccatoo; whenever it gets a little above ground it rots and dies.

They have a great many wild fruit trees, the principal of which is the butter tree. Onions are brought forth at the side of the rivers or lakes, and the place on which they are growing is watered afternoon and morning, the water being drawn by a bucket and a rope fixed to a long pole, over an upright post which serves as a pivot; the water being poured into hollowed trees, conducts it to the entrance of the little squares where the onions are growing. The onions are large and good, much like the Portuguese onion. The leaves of the kuka tree, or adansonia, are carefully gathered after the rains, dried, and used in all their soups and gravies, giving to them a slimy gelatinous consistence. The sauce, or cake which makes a sauce, from the beans of the nitta tree, is in great request. The beans, when taken out of the shell, are then broken in a wooden mortar, and put into a pot with water, and kept on a good fire from sunrise to sunset, when the pot is taken off: they are allowed to stand in it until they begin to ferment and smell. They are then taken to the river, pond, or well, where they are washed thoroughly with clean water: when they are considered as perfectly clean, they are spread on mats in the sun, and carefully covered up at night. When a second fermentation takes place, or they begin to smell, they are taken and bruised fine in their mortars, until it becomes like paste. It is then made into small circular cakes, which are dried in the sun before they are put by for use. This, when prepared, looks like chocolate. To me it had always a very disagreeable smell; but the taste was rather pleasant than otherwise when put on roast meat or fowls. Of this the people are very fond, and go so far as to eat it alone, and without being cooked.

When they wish to plant indigo, the place chosen is one of a good strong clay or mould, and in a situation where there is moisture through the heat of the summer. After enclosing the ground, they clear it entirely of weeds, and burn them. The ground is well worked up by the hoe (they have no spade or pickaxe), and laid out in furrows, with a flat top, about a foot high, two broad, and six or seven inches between each furrow. The indigo seeds are then planted by the dibble, and just as the rains have begun: they cut it every year during the rainy season. A plantation will last four or five years without renewing the seeds. They crop it about three or four inches above the ground. The leaves are then stripped from the stems, and laid in a heap, exposed to the rains and weather for a month, until they ferment, when they are beaten in wooden troughs of a round form, and about two feet deep, and two feet in diameter; here they remain until dry, and are then considered as fit for use. One of these troughs of indigo, in the spring, costs three hundred cowries; in the summer, the price rises to six or seven hundred.

The cotton is here planted in low situations, where the ground is partially covered with water during the rains, or else in a good clay that has moisture in it through the dry season. The ground, or plantation, is generally only surrounded by thorny branches stuck in the ground as a fence, then hoed well, and the clods, if any remain, broken. A hole is made with the hoe, and the seed is put in and lightly covered. If the season be abundant in rain, the cotton is plenty; if not, the crop is bad. The time of pulling is in the months of December and January. When worked, it is done by the women, clearing it of the seeds by two small iron pins, between which the cotton passes over a flat stone lying on the ground; the seeds are thrown behind them, the cotton before. The seeds they give to bullocks and camels, and are considered as very fattening. The cotton being prepared, is put on a distaff, which is short, light, neat, and small, great pains being taken in shaping and ornamenting it. The females who spin it have generally small looking-glasses in their baskets of cotton, with which they often survey their teeth and eyes. A piece of chalk, or pipe-clay, is in constant use, to rub the spinning thumb and finger. The occupation of spinning is generally assigned to married women, or some old female slave that is a favourite: weaving and sowing is left to the men. They have three different kinds of hoes: one with a handle of about five feet in length, and a small head stuck into the end of the staff; this is used in sowing the grain: one with a handle of about three feet in length, with a small iron head stuck into the end of the staff: the third, called gilma, has a short bent handle, with a large head, and is used in all the heavy work instead of a spade.

Their manufactures are confined to a very few articles, the principal of which is the dying of tanned goat skins red and yellow. The red skins are dyed with the leaves of a red millet, which is pounded in water mixed with natron; when thick enough, the skin is put on the stretch, and the dye rubbed in. The yellow is with the root of a tree called raurya, which is also pounded in water mixed with natron, and laid on the skin in the same manner as the red. The latter are considered as superior to all the other skins dyed of the same colour in any part of Houssa. A number both of the red and yellow skins are carried to Kano and Kashna almost monthly, where they are made into cushions, bags, boots, and shoes, &c.

The next article is the white cotton cloth of the country, of which they make a considerable quantity, both for the home consumption and for exportation to Kano and Nyffé: what they export is principally made into tobes and large shirts before it leaves Soccatoo. They have also a cloth called naroo, which is something like our counterpanes; a few checked and red striped cloths, used as tobes, and some as wrappers or zinnies for the women. The weavers of the latter are mostly natives of Nyffé, as are also all their blacksmiths. They have shoe, boot, saddle, and bridle-makers. Another article of export is the civet; the animals that produce it are kept in wooden cages, and fed on pounded fish and corn. A few slaves are also sold out of the province to the merchants of Kano, Kashna, Ghadamis, and Tripoli. A young male slave, from thirteen to twenty years of age, will bring from 10,000 to 20,000 cowries; a female slave, if very handsome, from 40,000 to 50,000; the common price is about 30,000 for a virgin about fourteen or fifteen. The articles brought to Soccatoo for sale by the Arabs are the same as what are brought to other parts of Houssa, and are mentioned in another place. Salt is brought by the Tuaricks from Billma, and also by the Tuaricks of the west. The salt from the latter quarter is much better, being more pure, and in large pieces like ice. Ostriches alive and ostrich skins are brought by these people, but little is given for a skin, only from 4000 to 5000 cowries for the finest. They also bring horses which fetch a good price here; dates from Billma, and a small quantity of goods which they buy from the Arabs at Aghadiz. The articles they could export in considerable quantities, if there were buyers, would be elephants’ teeth, bullocks’ hides, which, when tanned, only cost five hundred cowries, equal to sixpence of our money. Goat skins, and the skins of antelopes, and other wild animals, might be procured in abundance, but, of course, would rise much in price if there was a great demand. Gum-arabic might also be procured in abundance. What they would take from us in exchange would be coarse scarlet cloths, which in all parts of the interior bring a good price, say 10,000 cowries a yard; coarse yellow and green cloth; red tape; unwrought silk, of glowing colours; sewing needles, of the commonest kind; looking-glasses, no matter however small, at a penny or twopence each in England; earthenware with figures, plain ware would not pay; the coarsest kind of red camlet scarfs; jugs and hardware of the most common description, but stout; foolscap paper of the coarsest kind, if it did not let the ink through: beads, I think, are sold as cheap here by the Arabs as they are in England; sheets of tin; tin pots and cups; brass gilt rings for the fingers, arms, and ankles; as also ear-rings; copper and brass pots, the more figures the better; paper and wooden snuff-boxes of the commonest sort.

These Africans keep up the appearance of religion. They pray five times a day. They seldom take the trouble to wash before prayers, except in the morning; but they go through the motions of washing, clapping their hands on the ground as if in water, and muttering a prayer. This done, as if they had washed, they untie their breeches and let them fall off; then, facing the east, let the sleeves of their larger shirt, or tobe, fall over their hands, and assuming at the same time a grave countenance, begin by calling out, in an audible voice, “Allahu Akber!” &c. kneeling down and touching the ground with the forehead. When they have finished repeating this prayer, they sit down, leaning over on the left thigh and leg, and count or pass the beads through their fingers. All their prayers and religious expressions are in Arabic; and I may say without exaggeration, taking Negroes and Fellatas together, that not one in a thousand know what they are saying. All they know of their religion is to repeat their prayers by rote in Arabic, first from sunrise to sunset in the Rhamadan, and a firm belief that the goods and chattels, wives and children of all people differing with them in faith, belong to them; and that it is quite lawful in any way to abuse, rob, or kill an unbeliever. Of the Fellatas, I should suppose about one in ten are able to read and write. They believe, they say, in predestination; but it is all a farce; they show not the least of such belief in any of their actions.

They believe, however, in divination by the book, in dreams, and in good and bad omens.

Wednesday, Nov. 29th.—This morning the Gadado sent to inform me that in the course of two days the sultan was going a short distance to the south of Soccatoo, to found a new town, and asked me to accompany him. At noon a fire broke out in the west quarter of the town, which consumed nearly 200 houses, and a great quantity of grain. At 3 P.M. another fire broke out in the adjoining house to that in which I was living. I had my baggage put out in the open square, in my enclosure, and placed a servant over it as sentry, and went with my two other servants to assist the wives and concubines of my friend Malam Moodie, who was out of town. They were busy in removing the household goods into the street. This I stopped, and had them put into my square; as I saw that the fire was nearly put down by the removal of the roofs of the huts in the adjoining house, and by applying wet mats. Thieves were in abundance, and a great quantity of articles were stolen belonging to the people whose house was on fire. There was fortunately little wind, or several other houses would have been burnt. As it was, the light and burning thatch was carried to a great distance. My servant, Mohamed Allah Sirkie, got great praise from the Gadado for his activity in putting a stop to the flames: after all was over, the principal wife of Malam Moodie sent her compliments and thanks to me for taking care of her husband’s house and property. There have been three fires in the town in the course of the day; they say they were done by the agents of the rebels, who tie a burning cotton thread to the tail of a large species of buzzard, with yellow head and reddish-yellow tail, and blue body, common in this country, which flies to the thatch of the house when set adrift.

Friday, Dec. 1st.—At 4 P.M. left Soccatoo by the southern gate, with a camel carrying my tent and bed, with a small quantity of provisions. After leaving the gate, the road was over what had been plantations of millet, doura, and beans; the soil a stiff red clay, covered with a thin layer of sand, with blocks of clay iron-stone, which is often mixed with white pebbles; sometimes it would cover a space of a quarter of a mile, like a crust, of about from two feet to two and a half feet in thickness; the face of the country almost bare of trees, but studded with villages; the herds of horned cattle were to be seen in great numbers every where, returning to their night’s quarters, feeding as they went along. The country hilly, with very steep and slippery ravines in many places.

At 8 P.M. halted at the camp of the sultan, which was in a valley of about three miles wide, and close to the bed of a small stream passing the east of Soccatoo, which was distant about two miles and a half to the north-east. After my tent was pitched, the Gadado sent me a sheep, and I had my share of a bullock that was killed. There were very few people with the sultan, and the Gadado had only three servants with him.

Saturday, 2d.—Morning clear and cool at day-light. Rode out with the sultan and Gadado to mark out the site of the new town. I took my gun with me, intending to shoot: we rode to the eastward about two miles, and halted within a short distance of the river, on the side of a low hill, sloping to the river by a gradual and easy descent. This was the place fixed on for the new town, which I left them to settle, and went to shoot; but was never more unsuccessful. I saw several antelopes and some bustards, but could not get within shot. At noon I returned to the camp. The reason of founding this town is, that the woods on the banks of the river are the resort and hiding-place of the rebels, who come and plunder the herds, and set fire to the villages before they can have information; and in Soccatoo the rebels are hid with their prey in the woods. In the evening, as it was also last night, the cryer went round the camp, calling every one to look well after their horses, camels, and baggage; to pretend to sleep, but not to sleep, as the place was full of robbers; and that every one seen outside the camp after this notice, whether Fellata or not, was to be secured. I set off three rockets at the request of the sultan; for though I have shown them several times, they are still afraid to try them, and the wonder and alarm is still as strong in their favour as ever.

At 11 P.M. a courier arrived from Magaria, bringing information that the rebels of Goobur had encamped a little to the eastward of that place in great force. The order to march was given, and the camp was cleared in a few minutes. I first saw my camel and baggage well forward on the road to Soccatoo. Before I took the road for Magaria, which was across the country, the alarm was spread from village to village, by a cry not unlike the Indian warwhoop, with a clear shrill voice; and bands of horse and foot were pressing forward every where at day-break. We met large parties of women, children, old men, bullocks, sheep, and asses, all flying towards Soccatoo.

At 10 A.M. I arrived at Magaria, where all was now quiet; and put up at the house of my friend the Gadado, who had gone to rest, having arrived an hour before me. Maalem Moodie, his brother, told me that all the rebel army turned out to be only a few robbers come to steal bullocks, one of which, on their not being able to drive them away, they had killed, carried away its flesh, and fled. On my asking one of his female slaves, who had the charge of his house at Magaria, why they had been so much frightened by only a few thieves, she replied, “What could we do? only a parcel of women to be seen: there were two or three fellows within hearing of the noises, but they were good for nothing; they were just as much afraid as we were. All night (pointing to the highest point of ground in the town, which is unoccupied, and kept for a market-place) did we stand there with what things we could carry on our heads, our mouths open, no one thought of eating or sitting down until the men came from Soccatoo and the camp. This world,” continued she, “is nothing without the men after all. If three of the thieves had only come, they might have taken the town and all that was in it, for the gates were all open, and we had not sense to shut them.”—After breakfast and a good sleep, I waited on the Gadado, and told him that, as all was happily quiet, I should return to Soccatoo at day-break to-morrow, as I had neither bed nor baggage with me. He thanked me very much for coming to their assistance, and said he should also return to the capital in the course of the next day, and the sultan intended returning to the camp.

Sunday, 3d.—At day-break mounted and rode to Soccatoo, accompanied by my freedman, Mohamed Allah Sirkie, who accompanies me on all enterprises of danger. At noon arrived at Soccatoo, and the Gadado arrived at midnight.

Wednesday, 6th.—The eunuchs of the sultan came to-day, wishing me to go to the sultan’s house to wind up the time-piece. Though I taught a man how it should be done, and to do it every eight days, they have always neglected to do it: only for such an excellent time-piece, the present of his majesty, and my having brought it so far without injury, I would not have put a finger to it again; but the Gadado coming, and asking me to go with him, I showed another how to wind it up.

Saturday, 9th.—News from Magaria this day arrived, that the people of Goobur had formed a camp outside the walls of their capital, and there elected a new sultan or chief, in the room of the one killed at our attack on Coonia; that he must go on some expedition against their enemies before he returns to his house, such being their custom: but at what part he is going against they do not as yet know. The custom of the Gooburites is at first that, when they elect a chief, which they do outside the walls of the capital, where they sacrifice a bullock, a sheep, and a goat, under a tree, they must go on some expedition against their enemies before they return to their house.

Tuesday, 12th.—Part of the tribe of Killgris, Tuaricks, or Berbers, who inhabit that part of the desert between Timbuctoo and Tuat, and to the north of Tadela, and Ader, come on their annual summer or dry season visit to Soccatoo; also part of the tribe of Etassan, from that part called Anbur, which lies to the north of Kashna and Zinder in Bornou. The latter brought the sultan a present of a fine Tuarick horse from their sultan, who has not come this year to pay his yearly respects to Bello, as is the custom. The Tuaricks, or Berbers, inhabiting the south part of the desert, consist of the tribes of Etassan, Killgris, Killaway, and Timsgeda. Ajudiz is the capital, and they jointly depose their sultan and elect another when they think fit, which is generally once every two or three years. They do not kill the old one; he only retires from his office, and remains as a common man.

They yearly, after the grain has been cut and got in, arrive in Houssa with salt, which they visit in the latter end of harvest, or in the months of October or November, to exchange for grain, blue tobes or large shirts, mugabs or blue turban dresses for their women, and swords; they also lay in a sufficient quantity of millet and doura to last them through the season, until they return to their own country, as they neither sow nor reap. During the whole of the dry season they remain in Houssa, principally in the provinces of Kano, Kashna, Zamfra, and Soccatoo. The latter mostly Killgris; and Kashna and Kano are the principal resort of the Etassan and Killaway: they do not live, except a few, in houses in the town; but build temporary huts in the woods, not far distant from them, where they have their wives, their bullocks, horses, and camels, the men only visiting the town: in this way they live until the month in which the rains commence, when they retire north to the desert. They are a fine manly looking race of men, but extremely dirty in their persons, not even washing before prayers, but going through the form with sand, as if washing. The poorest amongst them are armed with a sword and spear, which are their constant companions.

Wednesday, 13th.—The sultan sent me a present of a sheep and four Guinea fowls and some rice, from the Sanson, apologizing for his long absence in the camp, as the Tuaricks were very unsettled, and they had not as yet determined what party to side with.

Thursday, 14th.—I to-day employed Hadji Omar and Malam Mohamed, the latter to give me a route, noting the northing and southing of the road, between Massina, the country in which he was born, to Soccatoo; the other, who has just returned from Mecca, to give me an account between this and Sennar, with a description of the countries, towns, and rivers: his route is from Kano to Adamowa, Bagermie, Runza, Kaffins, Darfoor, and Kordofan: he says the Bahr-el-Abiad is only about four feet deep in the summer, as is also the Shari above Logan, before it is joined by the river Asha, which comes from the south-east, through Bagermie, and falls into the Shari above Logan. This is the only river not fordable in the summer between the Quorra and the Bahr-el Azrek.

Monday, 18th.—I was not a little surprised to-day with the arrival of a messenger from Kano, who had left, he said, my servants and baggage at the border town, or, as they call it, the Sanson, of Zamfra, with Hadji Salah, my agent; all of which he said had been sent for by the sultan’s order: he also said that Pascoe had been taken and brought back by Richard, after his having got as far as Roma, in Zegzeg, and that he had twice run away since, and had been taken, committing a fresh robbery each time; the last time was at the Sanson. The only construction I put on this strange proceeding was, that the sultan had done it, thinking that my things would be safer with me than at Kano; and, as my health was not very good, the account of Pascoe’s repeated robberies would make me worse; and he, I thought, had judged that it would be time enough to tell me when all my things had arrived.

Tuesday, 19th.—I was visited by Sidi Sheik, who is one of the sultan’s Arab secretaries and confidential friends, who, after a little conversation on the affairs of other people, asked me if I was not glad my things were coming, and my servants. I said it would put me to an expense I could ill afford, and I thought it a very strange proceeding of the sultan.

Wednesday, 20th.—I was very ill all day, and in the evening I had a visit from Mohamed Ben Haja Gumso and Sidi Sheik, who said they had been sent to me by the sultan, to tell me not to consider it strange that he had sent for my servants and baggage; and to tell me, that there were three roads by which I could return, one of which I must choose; also to speak the truth, had I come as a messenger from the king of England to Bello, or only to seek out a road? that one of the paths was through Yourriba, the way I had come; the other by Timbuctoo; and another by way of Aghadez, Tuat, and Morzuk. I said that, after such a message, and such unwarranted proceeding on the part of the sultan, I could have no further communication with them; that they might act as they thought fit, all was the same to me. They went off, saying I was a very difficult man; had I nothing to say to the sultan? I said that my business with the sultan was now finished, and I would have no more to say.

Thursday, 21st.—In the morning I sent to the sultan to take possession of my baggage, as it now appeared from Sidi Sheik, who early visited me, that they considered I was conveying guns and warlike stores to the sheik of Bornou. He sent to say that no one should touch my baggage; he only wanted to see the letter of Lord Bathurst to the sheik. I answered, they must take it if they pleased, but that I would not give it. At noon the Gadado arrived, and a short while after Hadji Hat Salah; the latter called on me as he went to his house. He declared that he knew not on what business they had sent for him; that he did not fear them, he had done nothing amiss. As there were too many persons around, I did not ask him any further questions, and instantly went to the Gadado, whom I found alone, sitting by a warm fire. After the usual compliments were over, I asked him for what reason the sultan had sent for my baggage. He said of that he had not the least knowledge, until my servants and baggage had arrived at Magaria; but the sultan had told him, since his return, that all he wanted was to see the letter to the sheik of Bornou. I told him that to give up the letter was more than my head was worth. He said they did not want to open the letter, they only wanted to see the direction, and if it was really from Lord Bathurst. I told him of the strange conversation of Ben Gumso and Sidi Sheik. He said, certainly such was not the message of the sultan, but an addition of their own; the sultan never sent to ask if I was really a messenger of the king of England.

At 3 P.M. my servant Richard arrived with my baggage and Pascoe. Richard had been very ill on the road, but had received every attention from the people in the different towns in which he had halted, and also from the messenger which the sultan of Kano had sent to accompany him, who had also given him five bullocks, and four men to accompany him and carry the baggage, and a camel which Hadji Salah had bought for me, for 60,000 cowries. The price of the bullocks was 12,000 each, and the pay of the men 4,000 cowries each. Richard’s account of Pascoe was as follows:—The second day after Pascoe’s first desertion, he, though very ill, secured all my baggage and goods in a secure room in the house, and went and gave Hadji Salah the key, declaring he must be answerable to me if any thing was lost, as he was going to bring Pascoe back. Hadji Salah advised him much not to go; but Richard, with the Arab servant whom I had left sick, and who was now recovered, mounting the two horses, took the road to Quorra, the capital of Zegzeg. When they arrived at the town of Aushur, in Zegzeg, they were informed by a person who had just arrived that Pascoe had been firing a pistol in the market-place in the town of Roma, a day’s journey ahead. They arrived at Roma, where the people informed them that Pascoe had been there, but had gone away. Richard stopped there that night, as the horses were unable to proceed. A short time after halting, some people came and informed him that he (Pascoe) was stopping in a woman’s house near the market-place. Richard immediately sent people to the gates of the town to stop him, if he attempted to depart. Richard was too ill to go to the house, but sent Abdulfitha, the Arab, and some other people to secure him, and bring him to the house, which they did, and he promised faithfully to behave well for the future; and Richard had him put inside of the hut, he and the Arab sleeping at the door. Next day they departed with their prisoner for Kano; but when within half a day’s journey of Kano, where they halted for the night, during the time Richard was asleep, Pascoe slipped out of the hut, taking with him all the arms and money Richard had. He immediately mounted, and as he had now neither money nor arms, he started for Kano, where he arrived early in the morning, and told Hadji Salah to send instantly after him, which he did, and Pascoe was brought back in two days after, and put in irons in a house in Richard’s charge until the arrival of the governor of Kano, when Richard set him at large, after his taking an oath before the governor that he would not run away, or misbehave, until he joined me: this was the day before Richard’s departure from Kano. After leaving Kano, Richard was nearly dead with fatigue, weakness, and watching; but the fourth day he got better. Ten days after Richard arrived at the Sanson, or town, called Fofin Birnee, bordering on Goobur and the territory of the rebels of Zamfra. Here he was waiting for an escort to take him through the part of the road infested by the rebels of Goobur and Zamfra, when Pascoe, the third night after their arrival at the Sanson, took an opportunity, when Richard was asleep, of breaking open one of my trunks and a gun-box, taking a double-barrelled gun, five gilt chains, two dozen and a half pairs of scissors, all my money, a brace of pistols, seven hundred needles, one dozen of penknives, and a large quantity of beads. Richard immediately gave the alarm, and the people of the town were sent after him directly: they returned with him the next night. He having taken the road towards Goobur, and the hyænas being numerous, and following him, he got up into a tree, and fired his newly-acquired gun at them, the report of which brought those in search of him to the place, when they brought him back, and pinioned him to the ground, and abused him very much. When Richard asked what the Fellatas were saying, he said they were cursing Richard for having him pinioned to the ground, but Richard would not have him let loose. On his arrival here, the Gadado asked me to forgive him: I told him that was impossible. They allow him to go at large, and he stops in the house of the Gadado’s master of the camels. When I saw him, he appeared as if nothing had been the matter. I forbad my servants holding any communication with him.

Friday, 22d.—In the morning the Gadado sent for Allah Sirkie to tell me the sultan wished to see Richard my servant, as he had never seen another Christian besides myself; and he also wished to see me, and I was to bring the sheik’s letter, which he by no means wished to take from me, or to open; he only wished to see how we addressed him, and if it was in a tin case like his. I went after the mid-day prayers with the Gadado, taking with me my servant Richard, whom they all called Insurah Coramina, or the little Christian, and Allah Sirkie, to the sultan’s, where we found him sitting in an inner room, better dressed than usual, and Mohamed Ben Hadji Gumso and Sidi Sheik sitting on his left: the Gadado sat down on his right, I with my servants in front. After his asking Richard and I how we were, and a few other questions, he then said he had sent Ben Hadji Gumso and Sidi Sheik to me, to inform me that he had sent for my people and baggage. Before he had not informed me, but now he would tell me how matters stood. The king of England had sent me to him, but I wished to go to the Sheik of Bornou: that between him and the sheik there was war; and therefore, though I had come from the king of England, he would not allow me to go: that there were three roads, out of which I must choose one; and he would send people with me; one road was the way I had come, the second by way of Timbuctoo, and the third by way of Aghadiz and Fezzan. I answered, that by the way I had come he could not send me, nor was it safe I should attempt it, as all Yourriba and the other countries at war with the Fellatas were now well acquainted with my having come here as a messenger, with presents from the king of England to him, for the purpose of putting a stop to the slave trade. That the way by Timbuctoo was almost impassable, for the Fellatas from Foota-Torra and Foota-Bonda, &c. who had arrived here a short while ago, had with the greatest difficulty been allowed to come here with nothing but a staff and a shirt, and had been twelve months on the road, owing to the war; and that, were I to go, all the country would hear of me, and his enemies would have me and all my baggage before I had been two months on the road. That the road by Aghadiz would require a number of camels, more than I could afford to buy at present, also a great deal of provisions, water-skins, &c. as there was no place for seven days’ journey that supplied either wood or water: that the Tuaricks were a people without either law or government; and if they did allow me to go, I should have to pay very dear for their permission, at least two camel-loads of blue tobes and turbans; but if he would allow me to go by the way of Baghermi, Darfoor, and Egypt, I would go at all risks. He replied that was just going by way of Bornou, as I must pass through from Adamawa to Logan. “With truth,” said old Ben Gumso with great earnestness to Sidi Sheik, and loud enough for the sultan to hear, “do you hear how that man talks before the prince of the faithful?” He, the sultan, then asked to see the sheik’s letter; I showed it to him, as also the Arabic list of medicines which I had brought as far as Badagry for the sheik, but had sent them back. He asked me to open the sheik’s letter, after he had read the list of medicines. I said, it was more than my head was worth to do such a thing; that I had come to him with a letter and presents from the king of England, on the faith of his own letter the preceding year, and I hoped he would not break his promises and his word for the sake of seeing the contents of that letter which he had now lying beside him. He then made a motion with his hand for me to go, and I accordingly rose, made my bow, and went out: I saw Pascoe at the door, ready to have his audience, the Gadado accompanying me as far as the door. Instead of going to my house, I went to see Hadji Salah, who certainly was but poorly lodged by the Fellatas. I asked him, as there was none present but the son of the former sultan of Fezzan, and whom he had brought from Kano with him, what had brought him to Soccatoo? He said, they had not yet told him, but he did not care for them. The house, as soon as it was known that I was there, was soon filled with Fellatas, and I left him.

Saturday, 23d.—Hadji Salah to-day saw the sultan, and I was informed by the master of my house that he was to return to Kano in four days after this. In the evening, Hadji Salah, having asked the Gadado’s permission to pay me a visit, came about eight P.M.: he was not watched, that I could see. He informed me that he had seen the sultan to-day, who had desired him to tell the truth, whether I had given him the sheik’s present, or any thing for the sheik before I left Kano. He said he certainly never received any thing from me for the sheik, neither letter, nor goods, nor any thing else. After answering to this effect, as also the two friends that had come with him, the sultan told him it was well; he would allow him to return to his family in four days. He said, with respect to me, he would advise me, as a friend and a man of peace, to give up to them the present I had for the sheik, and return home by the way of Aghadiz, which they had proposed to me; that there was not a Fellata, from the sultan to the meanest man amongst them, that could bear the sheik of Bornou, or any one who had ever been friends with him; that, thank God! I had put nothing into his hands for the sheik, or he would have lost his head; that he would (most earnestly repeating it again) advise me to give up the sheik’s present to them, as I could not keep it. I observed that it was the same thing as forcing the letter from me; it would be the last injury they could do me; that they had broken all faith with me; I could have no more to say to them: after their cheating or robbing me of the letter, they might take what they pleased. I was only one man, I could not fight against a nation: they could not, even by taking away my life, do worse with me than they had done.

Sunday, 24th.—I saw the Gadado this morning, who complained that he had got a bad cold: I recommended him to take a dose of senna. He said he had to ride out of town a short distance, to meet Mohamed Ben Abdullahir, Bello’s first cousin by the father’s side: he is the Fellata king or sultan of Nyffé, and is coming here to get permission to go down this year, as before he had sent only a relation or head chief to command there, which was Omar Zurmie, whom I had seen when there. He asked me to go with him to meet Abdullahir. I told him no; my affairs with them were now at an end: after the manner in which the sultan had behaved to me, it was impossible for them to put a greater affront on me than what they had done. He said that when I came here before, I had come with letters from the Bashaw of Tripoli and the Sheik of Bornou, and that at that time they were all at peace; now they were at war, and the sultan neither held, nor allowed others to hold, any communication with the sheik or his people: that I had come then with a letter and presents from the king, and delivered them; that I had a letter and presents from the king of England’s vizier; that when I sent the sword from Katagum to Bello, from the king of England, the Sheik of Bornou had seized the letter that came with it, and they had now done the same by him; and that, if I would give up the present, they would send it by Hadji Salah. I said there was no letter whatever came with the sword and box I had sent from Katagum. I observed to him, that the conduct of Bello was not like that of a prince of the faithful, who, in defiance of his letter requesting the king of England to send a consul out, had broken all faith between us; that they had done every evil to me they could. The Gadado pleaded the letters sent from the Sheik and the two Hadjis of Tripoli, saying that I was a spy, and that we wanted to take this country, as we had done India. He was very sorry for what the sultan had done, he said—as sore at heart as I could be: that they had sent for Hadji Salah, who had been fourteen years in this country, and all that time transacting the business of the Sheik, to tell him, if he chose to go to Bornou, to go; if he remained, he must not interfere any more for the Sheik. I said, what had I to do with the Sheik or Hadji Salah’s affairs? he was my agent before, and that was the reason I had employed him a second time. I then took leave of the Gadado, after repeating to him what I had said above, two or three times, till he perfectly understood what I had said; and adding, that I never wished to see the sultan again, and I must insist on the Gadado to repeat to him what I had said; and also that I must for the future consider every part of his dominions as a prison, for he had broken his word in every thing. Notwithstanding all this, the Gadado and his brother Moodie still send me milk and food the same as usual; there is not the least difference in their conduct. The common conversation of the town now is, that the English intend to take Houssa.

Monday, 25th.—Being Christmas-day, I gave my servant Richard one sovereign out of six I have left, as a Christmas gift; for he is well deserving, and has never once shown a want of courage or enterprise unworthy an Englishman. The Gadado early sent to know how I was, and desired my servant to tell me he had acquainted the sultan with all I had said; and he inquired if my heart was difficult as ever, which is their way of asking if I meant to talk in the same strong language. Pascoe was to-day sent to the house of Ben Hadji Gumso, from that of the Gadado’s servant, with all his baggage; whether for the purpose of fishing him or making him say what they want, or to make him a slave, I do not know. He made a fair recantation of his faith to-day before an Imam and the Gadado: the latter told him, when he had done, to go and wash himself from head to foot—that yesterday he was a Kaffir, but now he was friends with the prophet. I had provisions sent as usual in the evening.

Tuesday, 26th.—Early this morning I was visited by Hadgi Salah and Malem Moodie, the Gadado’s brother. They said they had been sent by the sultan, who had read the letter addressed to the Sheik, in which it was said that I had six guns for the Sheik, two boxes of balls and one box of powder, and one chest of goods as presents, and they were come to demand them. I said it was untrue; no such thing could have been put in the letter, for that the guns belonged to myself and servants, except those of the gentlemen who accompanied me, and who had died in Yourriba, and two others as presents: this falsehood they must have had from their friend Pascoe. The present I had intended to give the Sheik I had all ready prepared, and the Gadado entering, I ordered my servants to bring it forth: the Gadado, looking over the articles, said he did not want any thing of mine; whatever belonged to the Sheik they would take, for he was making a very unjust war upon them, and they would not allow any one to carry arms or warlike stores to him. I told the Gadado that they were acting like robbers towards me, in defiance of all good faith; that no people in the world would act the same, and they had far better have cut my head off than done such an act; but I supposed they would do that also when they had taken every thing from me. The Gadado flew off in a great passion, and the rest followed, carrying the present for the Sheik with them. Hadji Salah said he was afraid they would cut his head off, and he was a man with a large family; he would from this time forward have no further concern with me or my affairs. A short while after this, Hadji Salah and his attendants came with a message from the sultan, to say the sultan had ordered them to tell me that he did not wish to do any thing or say any thing unpleasant to me; all he wanted was to know if I had any arms or warlike stores for the Sheik—if I had, to give them up: I told him all I had for the Sheik they had already taken. Hadji Salah wanted me to give up all my own arms: I told him I would not give one. He said, I was once, he thought, a wise man, now I acted like an unwise one, not to give up all to save my head: I told him I would not give them a charge of powder to save my head. They went off displeased again.

My servants and all my visitors fell off at this time. My servants said they were afraid to remain, even Allah Sirkie. This cowardice and ingratitude I did not expect from one I had found a slave, with only a leather skin about his middle, and whom I had clothed, fed, given him wages the same as my other servants from the day I bought him, and made him free. I told them they were at perfect liberty to go where they thought proper; that I could soon get others who, after the manner in which I had behaved to them, could not behave worse: they however returned in the evening, and begged I would take them back, which I did; as lies, and ingratitude, and petty robbery, no servant who is a native of Houssa, Fezzan, or Bornou, is free from.

Thursday, 28th.—The Gadado left to-day for Magaria: before he went, he told me he should not stay long away; that if any thing unpleasant happened to me during his absence, to send an express off to him directly. In the afternoon the sultan left for the Sansan or new town, which he is building. He sent, by Sidi Sheik, to ask me to go and show him the way to build a house and fortify it; but as I did not believe what he said, I took no notice of the message. It afterwards turned out that Sidi Sheik had a relation who had lately arrived, who was a builder, and he wanted to introduce him to the sultan.

Friday, 29th.—I applied a large blister to my side, as, from the enlargement of the spleen, it gave me great pain, having increased to such a size that I was unable to eat, and had little or no rest.

Sunday, 14th January, 1827.—No news from Magaria. After sunset, a messenger with a horse for me arrived from the Gadado at Magaria, wishing me to go there.

Monday, 15th.—Started at sunrise for Magaria; but I was so ill on the road that I did not arrive there before 5 P.M. All the reports of the enemy being near proved untrue.

Tuesday, 16th.—Waited on the Gadado and sultan. The latter told me, as soon as the reports of the rebels being out were found to be true or false, I should go; that he intended I should go by the way of Asbur, and that I should visit the country of Jacoba during the interval; that he should send a Fellata to Tripoli with me. I returned in the afternoon, and arrived at Soccatoo a little after sunset.