Chapter II: Preface (1)

The following letters of Humboldt furnish a contribution of the highest importance to the true, correct, and unveiled representation of his genius and character. That they should be delivered to publicity after his death was his desire and intent, which have found their positive impression in the words preceding this book as its motto. Never has he spoken out his mind more freely and sincerely, than in his communications with Varnhagen, his old and faithful friend, whom he esteemed and loved before all others. In him he placed an unlimited confidence; with him he deposited those letters received by him, which he desired to be saved for their importance, while he used to destroy nearly all others. He presumed that Varnhagen, the junior of the two, would survive him.

Varnhagen, however, died first and transmitted the duty—a doubly sacred one—to me, of publishing this memorable evidence of the life, the activity, and the genius of this great man. In the accomplishment of this charge it was a religious duty to leave every word unchanged as written down. I would have thought it an offence to Humboldt’s memory had I had the arrogance to make the slightest alterations of his words. For the same reason I did not think myself authorized to grant the request—however well-meaning it may have been—of the publisher, that I should make such alterations, nor could I accord the least influence to my own feelings or to personal regards. There was but one consideration to be obeyed—the _eternal truth_, for an adherence to which I am responsible to Humboldt’s memory, to History and Literature, and to the will of him who enjoined this duty upon me.

And therefore the legacy, intrusted to my hands, will appear full and complete, as it was received. The interest of Humboldt’s letters is sometimes pleasantly heightened by entries in Varnhagen’s diary—they will indicate the verbal sentiments of Humboldt in addition to those written by him. Of Varnhagen’s letters few only were preserved or could be found. In the little, however, which is known, the noble friendship, the constant, never-ceasing mental activity, the faithful fellowship in their mutual efforts in behalf of science and liberty, in all of which Humboldt and Varnhagen were so many years united, find a sufficient expression.

The letters of many other distinguished and celebrated persons, which are also added, will show Humboldt in his world-wide connexions, in his manifold relations to savans and authors, to statesmen and princes, all of whom approached him with reverence.

LUDMILLA ASSING.

BERLIN, February, 1860.

HUMBOLDT’S LETTERS.

1.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

BERLIN, _September 25th, 1827_.

MY HONORED FRIEND:

Allow me to present you with the best copy of my essay[1] left me.

The end of it will, I hope, secure me your indulgence for the whole.

Tuesday.

A. v. HUMBOLDT.

2.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

BERLIN, _November 1st, 1827_.

You recollect having once uttered some affectionate words in acknowledgment of my endeavors to describe Nature vividly and truly (that is, with strict correctness as to what we do observe).

That your words have left agreeable impressions, you will perceive from this insignificant token of my gratitude.[2]

I have altered nearly all “the Explanations,” and added “The Genius of Rhodes,” for which Schiller has shown some predilection.

With friendship and the highest consideration,

Yours,
A. HUMBOLDT.

Is it not strange, that Koreff has never acknowledged what we did for him here?

3.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

BERLIN, _November 21, 1827_.

WEDNESDAY, AT NIGHT.

Trusting more to your friendship for me and to my memoranda, which always guide me in my lectures, than to the notes taken by the students, I send you herewith the entire fifth lecture, together with to-day’s recapitulation. I am sure, you will not find anything anti-philosophical therein. You may make whatever use you like of them—except a copy for publication—please send them back before Saturday. That the memoranda were made for my own use only, you will observe by the confusion in their composition—the desire, however, to be always frank, makes me forget any consideration which vanity could suggest.[3]

A. HUMBOLDT.

4.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

BERLIN, _April 15th, 1828_.

Will you allow me to disturb you for some moments between 2 and 3 o’clock this afternoon, that I may ask your literary opinion? My book shall bear the title: “Sketch of a Physical Description of the World.”

I should like to embody in the title itself the occasion of these lectures, so as to make it understood at once that the book contains more and something else than the lectures. “From reminiscences of lectures in the years 1827 and 1828, by A. v. Humboldt,” is considered, I am told, ridiculous and pretending. I do not insist on it; but “Souvenirs d’un cours de Physique du monde,” or, “Souvenirs d’un voyage en Perse,” seemed simple enough. How shall I arrange the title of the book? “Sketch of the Physical World, elaborated from lectures by A. v. H.:” or, “Partly treated from Lectures?” All that seems rather awkward. Adverbs will not do for titles. What if I add in small type: “A part of this work has _been_ the subject of lectures in the years 1827 and 1828?” This is, however, rather long and then _the verb_! “_Occasioned by_,” &c., would perhaps be better. I trust to _your_ genius! _You_ will help me out of this labyrinth, I am sure! With the sincerest attachment,

Your obedient,
A. HUMBOLDT.

NOTE BY VARNHAGEN.—I had objected to the first herein mentioned title
myself when I once dined at Prince August’s, and Humboldt had heard
it from Beuth.

5.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

BERLIN, _3d of April, 1829_.

I shall call and thank you and enjoy your being home again, and the good effects which the exercise of your new duties have everywhere had. And I will implore _pardon_ of your gifted lady, so dear to me through the misfortunes that happened in my own family. It is never allowed to present a book to the King, not even by Prince Wittgenstein. It must go the usual way. But I will entreat Albrecht very, very fervently.[4] I am quite exhausted and will be off in a week.

Friday.

A. HT.

6.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

BERLIN, _26th of April, 1830_.

I have just come home from Potsdam, and find your dear letter and your present, so very agreeable to me. The “_Zinzendorf_”[5] will delight me very, very much. He is an individual physiognomy like _Lavater_ and _Cardanus_. The recent pietism, which _began_ to break out at Halle, made me smile. I rejoice that you will kindly accept my “Cri de Pétersbourg”—it is a parody recited at Court—the forced work of two nights; an essay to flatter without self-degradation, to say how things _should_ be. As you and your high-gifted wife, my ancient and kind friend, rejoice in anything agreeable that happens to me, I wish to say that the King sends me to the Emperor to attend the meeting of the Potentates. I shall probably go with the Crown-Prince, who will meet the Empress at Fischbach.

Yours,
A. HT.

Zinzendorf’s _letters_ to the Saviour were rather more legible.[6]

7.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

BERLIN, _July 9th, 1830_.

Please accept for yourself and your highminded and excellent lady my sincerest thanks for your new present, so agreeable to me.[7] I was not personally acquainted with the man whose eccentricities you have so æsthetically described. He was one of those who shine by their personal appearance; their lives are of greater effect than their writings. A man who boasts that his recollections go back to the _first year_ of his life (how differently the Margravine judged things, when she says: “J’étais un enfant très précoce—à deux ans je savais parler, à trois ans je marchais!”); a man who owns a guardian angel in a black cloak, like Cardanus—who makes love to old maids, without being drunk, only in order to convert the same to virtue and reading; a man, to whom the _fate_ of German professors under German princes appears more tragical than that of the Greeks—such a man cannot but be admired—as a curiosity! The “Kirchen-Zeitung” will never inscribe his name in the list of “the faithful,” and the Schimmelmanns will hardly thank you, my most honored friend, that the work recalls the Danish-Holstein saturnalia of sentimental demagogism.

I am very much gratified that you will take “Hardenberg” in hand. It is a difficult but satisfactory task, if you be careful to separate the _epochs_, and provided his life be judged without party hatred, which seems to have subsided at last, with regard to Hegel in the Academy.

Thankfully yours,
A. HUMBOLDT.

We find in Varnhagen’s diary the following entry referring to the above: “Alexander von Humboldt said to Gans, after the July revolution, when he heard him express very exalted hopes of the new government, ‘Believe me, dear friend, my wishes go as far as yours, but my hopes are very feeble. I have seen changes of government in France for forty years. They always fall by their own incapacity; the new ones give always the same promises, but they never keep them, and the march to ruin is renewed. I was personally acquainted with most of the men in power, some of them intimately; there were distinguished, well-meaning men among them; but they did not persevere; after a short time they were not better than their predecessors—nay, they became even greater rascals. Not one of all the governments there has kept the promises made to the people—not one of them has subordinated its own interest to the welfare of the country. And until this be done, no power can possibly take a lasting root in France. The nation has always been deceived, and will again be deceived; when it will punish the treason and the perjury of its rulers; for it is strong and mature enough to do this at the proper time.’”

8.
VARNHAGEN TO HUMBOLDT.

BERLIN, _January 23d, 1833_.

Certainly it was I who met your Excellency some time ago at the sunny hour of noon and who recognised you too late, as I was recognised too late by you. How I should have liked to run after you, but it would not do, the distance was already too great. I would have liked to have told you something concerning Mr. von Bulow at London, which I had just got from the best authority, and which I thought would be new to you, as it was to me. It was about the danger in which that bold ambassador was for some time, and which, according to a declaration of the King, had passed over. Since then your Excellency has heard it from other sources, and my information will be but stale.

Now we Prussians are also gratified at last by a general representation of the people, or, to speak more correctly, we had it a long time ago, only we did not know it! Bishop Eylert has lifted the veil from our eyes. He is the first to speak out the great truth, like a second Mirabeau, in clearness of thought and boldness of words. I can vividly imagine how the “Rittersaal,” nay, the whole palace, was shaken to its foundation, when he thundered that powerful truth to the assembly, that the representation of the whole people, of all the classes and interests, ought to be found in that solemn lodge of the Order of Knights! I bend my head in deep reverence to such a colossal boldness, to such a new unheard-of combination, by which other miserable institutions, until now regarded as national representations, as for instance Parliaments, Assemblies, Cortes, and the like, were annihilated and blown into nothingness! I have listened to the orator from the silent mouth of the official gazette only; but your Excellency was present without doubt at the solemnity and pitied me, to be sure, and will say, what in ancient times was said when a speech of Demosthenes was read: “Oh! had you heard it delivered by him!” And the smiling approval, the gracious satisfaction of the high audience, the amazement of all present at the wonderful discovery, how much the impression must have been heightened by all that!

Oh, our Protestant parsons are on the best road, they promise to leave behind their Catholic brethren as they were when in the most flourishing condition of their priesthood. Such hypocritical black coats make us the laughing-stock of the world. Representation of the people or no representation, may we have it, or may it be denied, I care little about it just now, but that such a scoundrel should assume to call the meeting of the Knights of an Order a national representation, is an attempt which should be rewarded by the lunatic asylum or the State prison. And there is not even a song, a street ballad, a caricature, to make merry of such a monstrosity—all is silent!

But as this is the time of sleep, I will go to bed and wish you and myself good night and sweet dreams.

With the highest respect, &c.,
V.

See A. v. Humboldt’s note to Rahel, Varhagen’s wife, of the 1st of
February, 1833.

9.
HUMBOLDT TO RAHEL.

BERLIN, _February 1, 1833_.

My speedy reply has no good foreboding, my dear friend. When anything is to be done in this country, it wants fourteen months’ maturing—after that there is hope. The inclosed letter, which, however, you are entreated not to leave in the hand of your lady friend, explains all. I was listened to in my words and letters kindly and promisingly. This morning, however, the drawings—those beautiful drawings—were sent back. The underlined word in the accompanying note might give some hope; but I like better to give myself up to illusions than to nourish them in others, and the firmness with which Beuth, who alone has to decide in the matter, sticks to his will, bars all prospects. That I have done my best in the matter, as you yourself have desired it, does not require further words—this should be a sort of _historical faith_ with you. Please send me a word of comfort about my dear Varnhagen—the only brilliant star in the literary world of our country—_that_ country in which, as the bishop _with the drawn sword_ says, even the _most eminent talents_, as such, ought to have no distinction whatever! I do not wonder that such things are spoken out, but what depresses me is the vileness of the society in which we are here living, and which is not even aroused by such contemptible assertions. May both of you preserve your nobler selves.

A. HT.

10.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

BERLIN, _3d of Feby., 1833_.

I am eternally grateful and affected by your noble letter. Grace and euphony of language should always be joined to purity of character and gracefulness of manners.

My brother was here for two days, but almost always under the shock of the waves, dashing from the Court. Princes have the right to pray without ever being deprecated. He ordered me to tell you, dear friend, how very sensible he is to the flattering nature of your offer; but he is just now so much occupied with the publication of the quarto edition on the affinity of Asiatic languages with the Sanscrit, that he cannot accept what he considers, nevertheless, as highly important. He desires, in honor of the celebrity of the great departed one,[8] that _you_ should undertake the task. I am painfully concerned to hear that you enjoy, together with your ingenious friend, but a small bit of health, which you kindly lend each other—something of a mutual self-instruction, or Azais-compensation, which afflicts me very much. I have received a long letter of Mrs. Cotta. It seems she will assume the editorship of the _Allgemeine Zeitung_, an anti-salique enterprise altogether. Is it not strange, how, at certain epochs, a certain principle seems to penetrate all mankind? Resuscitation of reverence for the past, not-to-be-disturbed love of peace, distrust in the possibility of amelioration, hydrophobia against genius, religious compulsion for unity, mania-diplomatica for protocols.... Cardines rerum.

NOTE BY VARNHAGEN.—I had replied in Rahel’s name, who was prevented by
sickness, to the note of the 1st inst., directed to her, and in a
postscript had expressed the desire Minister de Humboldt should
write the critique of _Faust_, just then to be published for the
_Jahrbücher der Kritik_.

11.
HUMBOLDT TO RAHEL.

BERLIN, _February 9th, 1853_.

I have seen Beuth once more, to remind him of his ancient friendship with L. His opinion is, that it would be advantageous for the family to separate the architectural subjects from what belongs to landscape merely, and also to leave out the engravings. Only the architectural drawings were of any use to his institute, and if the family wanted the money, he would be enabled to purchase to the amount of some hundred Thalers (perhaps four to five hundred?). However uninviting such an offer may be, I thought it my duty, dear friend, to impart it to you. In case of acceptance, Beuth wishes to deal forthwith with some agent, who should come and see him in his house.

May the sun of gentle spring give you both warmth, cheerfulness, and vigor! The “Byzantine empire” (ours I mean) is seriously divided into two parties about “Bunsen’s Psalm Book,” and “Elsner’s Collection of Hymns!” The military power and the adjutants are in favor of the “Collection of Hymns.” As for myself, I have not yet made up my mind.

Saturday.

A. HT.

12.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

SATURDAY, _March 9th, 1833_.

To a mind like yours, noble friend, solitude and calm are necessary. You draw only upon yourself. Think, that I received the painful news[9] only last night by Prince Carolath. You know what a warm-hearted, long-proved, and kind friend I lost in her, the honor of her sex! how amiable she was, when lately she instructed me to transact the little business with Beuth. So experienced in all the vicissitudes and illusions of life, and yet so cheerful, and so gentle! With such an intellect, so full of soul, and so true of heart! The world will appear to you a solitude for a long time, but the consciousness of having imparted to such a lovely woman, until her very last breath, all that genius, and heart, and gracefulness of intercourse like yours can afford, will be a balm to your wound, dear Varnhagen. I conjure you, take care of your health!

A. HUMBOLDT.

13.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

BERLIN, _December 3, 1833_.

Pardon, a thousand pardons, for not sooner returning the classical studies of Friedrich Schlegel. I studied them diligently and I am convinced that many views of Grecian antiquity, which modern authors ascribe to themselves, are buried in writings dated from 1795 (a deucalionic time of yore!). Angelus Silesius, whom I have but now learned to appreciate, has also gratified me and my brother very much. There is a piety in the book, which breathes on the mind like the balmy air of spring, and the mysterious and hieroglyphical marks of your departed wife, render your gift doubly dear to me.

Spiker,[10] very curiously mistook the genitive in the “astronomical observations _of_ Alexander von Humboldt,” for my signature, when he informed the public of Oltmann’s death. I will pass it over, however, without correction.

With everlasting affection, yours,
A. HUMBOLDT.

14.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

BERLIN, _December 9, 1833_.

I enclose you, most honored friend, some words of the lovely Duchess of Dessau. Anything honoring the memory of our departed lady friend must be dear to your heart.

A. V. HUMBOLDT.

Sunday.

DESSAU, _December 1, 1833_.

Accept my best thanks for the books you sent me. Each in its way interested me very much. I am sorry not to have been personally acquainted with Rahel. Her mind now lies so clearly before me, that I should have been happy to have been acquainted with her exterior appearance, that it might suggest to me the intellect within.

FRIEDERIKE, Duchess at Anhalt.

Yet full of admiration for R. the book of all books. May I ask you, my honored friend, for Friedrich Schlegel’s works, third volume?

15.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

BERLIN, _December 19, 1833_.

I have been prevented by the irksome and noisy Court-life from inquiring personally after the dear health of my friend. I am sorry that I must request you, by the present note, to return me the letter of the Duchess of Dessau, containing the amiable words concerning our sainted friend.

A. V. HUMBOLDT.

Tuesday.

16.

BERLIN, _Oct. 24, 1834_.

I begin the printing of my work (the work of my life). I have the extravagant idea of describing in one and the same work the whole material world—all that we know to-day of celestial bodies and of life upon the earth—from the nebular stars to the mosses on the granite rocks—and to make this work instructive to the mind, and at the same time attractive, by its vivid language. Every great and sparkling idea must be noticed, side by side with its attendant facts. The work shall represent an epoch of the intellectual development of mankind in their knowledge of nature. The prolegomena are, for the most part, ready. They are my amended “discours d’ouverture” as they were delivered from memory, although immediately afterwards carefully written down; the picture of physical nature—incentives to the study of nature in the spirit of our age—these latter are threefold: 1. “Poesie descriptive” and vivid description of natural scenery in modern works of travels. 2. Landscape pictures, sensitive description of an exotic nature—when it originated, when it became a necessity and a pleasure to the mind; the reason why antiquity (too passionate) could not feel it. 3. Plants—grouping of them, according to the physiognomy of plants (no botanic gardens).—History of the physical description of the world. How the idea of the world—of the connexion of all the phenomena, became clear to the nations of the world in the course of centuries. These prolegomena are the most essential. They contain the general part of the work, which is followed by the special part, the particulars of which are arranged in systematic order. I send also a part of the tabular register; space of the universe; the whole physical astronomy; our globe, its interior, exterior; electro-magnetism of its interior; vulcanism, that is, the reaction of the interior of a planet upon its surface; organization of the masses; a concise geognosy; ocean; atmosphere; climate; organic matter; vegetable geography; animal geography; human races and languages; the physical organization of which (articulation of sounds) is controlled by the intellect, the product and manifestation of which is language. In the special part all numerical results, the most minute, as in “_Laplace’s_ Exposition du Systéme du Monde.” As these particulars do not admit the same literary perfection of style as the general combinations of natural science, the simple facts are stated in short sentences, arranged in tabular order. The attentive reader will find condensed in a few pages all results on climate, magnetism of the earth, etc., which it would take years of application to learn by study. The intimate relations of the fundamental details, for the sake of literary harmony with the general plan, are effected by brief introductory remarks to each chapter. Otfried Mueller, in his ably written “Archæology,” has very successfully pursued the same method.

It was my wish that you, my dear friend, should get a clear perception of my undertaking from myself. I have not succeeded in concentrating the whole in one single volume, however magnificent the effect of such conciseness would have been. I hope, however, that two volumes will contain the whole. There will be no notes under the text, but at the end there will be notes appended, containing solid erudition, and minuteness of detail; these, however, may be left unread.

The work is not what is commonly called “_Physical Description of the Earth_.” It comprises heaven and earth—everything existing. I began to write it fifteen years ago in French, and called it “_Essai sur la Physique du Monde_.” In Germany I thought first of calling it “_The Book of Nature_;” a title already adopted in the middle age by Albertus Magnus. But all this is too vague. The title shall be _“Kosmos,” Sketch of a Physical Description of the World, by A. v. H., enlarged outlines of his Lectures in 1827 and 1828_. Cotta, Publisher.

I wanted to add the word _Kosmos_, and to force people to call the book by this name in order to avoid their calling it “Humboldt’s Physical Geography,” which would throw the thing in the class of Mittersacher’s writings. “Description of the World” (formed after History of the World) would, as a designation seldom used, always be confounded with “Description of the Earth.” I know that “Kosmos” sounds rather pretending, and the word is indeed not without a certain “Affetérie;” but this title says in one and the same striking word, “_Heaven and Earth_,” and is quite opposed to “_Gaea_,” the title of that rather imperfect description of the earth by Professor Zeune. My brother is also for the title “Kosmos.” I myself hesitated for a long time. Now, grant me a favor, my dear friend. I cannot prevail upon myself to send away the commencement of my manuscript without entreating you to cast a critical eye over it. You possess such an eminent talent for style, and you have at the same time so much genius and independence of judgment, that you do not quite discard the style of others because it differs from your own. Please read the “Discours,” and put in a little sheet on which you write—without giving any reasons.—“So ... I would better like, so ... instead of....” Do, however, not condemn without _assisting_ me! and do also ease my mind as to the title.

With the utmost confidence, yours,

A. V. HUMBOLDT.

Monday.

The principal faults of my style are an unhappy inclination to hyper-poetical forms, long constructions upon participles, and too much concentrating of manifold views and sentiments in one and the same period. I think, however, that these radical evils, founded in my individuality, are somewhat lessened by a grave simplicity and generalization, enabling me to contemplate my subject with a complete mastery of its details, if I may be permitted so much vanity. A book on nature should produce an impression like nature itself. I have been always careful, as in my “_Views of Nature_,” and in that work my manner is quite different from that of Forster and Chateaubriand. I have always endeavored to describe faithfully, to design correctly, and to be even scientifically true, without losing myself in the dry regions of knowledge.

17.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

BERLIN, _October 28th, 1834_.

You have encouraged and cheered me by your amiable letter, and your still more amiable solicitude. You have quite entered into the spirit of my efforts. But the expression of my affectionate confidence in you [a manifestation of the acknowledgment of your talent in the Humboldt family] has rendered you too considerate and inclined to praise. Your remarks have a degree of refinement, of taste, and acuteness, which makes emendation a highly pleasant task. I have adopted all, or nearly all—more than nineteen-twentieths. Some obstinacy, however, must always be allowed an author. I beg a thousand pardons for sending you some sheets, in which (towards the end of the Discourse) I had not corrected the newly-annexed parts. Some sentences were really confused. You will permit me to call one of these days, and thank you personally. I will then show you the emendations at the end of the discourse. How happy I would have been to have laid some of these travels before her, the dear departed one!

Yours gratefully,
A. V. HUMBOLDT.

I would there were in Germany as excellent a book of synonyms as the inclosed one, which, I am sure, you did not see before now. Abbé Delisle has advised me to use it, and indeed it spares much time; if a similar word is wanted, one finds it at once. I shall come and take the book back.

18.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

BERLIN, _Sunday, 6 o’clock_ A. M.,
_April 5th, 1855_.

You, my dearest Varnhagen, who are not afraid of grief, but who trace its phases through the depths of sentiment, you should receive at this sorrowful time a few words expressing the love which both brothers feel for you. The release has not yet come. I left him last night at 11 o’clock, and I hasten to him again. The day, yesterday, was less distressing. A half lethargic condition, frequent, though not restless, slumber, and after each waking, words of love, of comfort; but always the clearness of the great intellect, which penetrates and distinguishes everything and examines its own condition. The voice was very feeble, hoarse, and thin, like a child’s—leeches were therefore applied to the throat. Full consciousness! “Think often of me,” he said the day before yesterday, “but always with cheerfulness! I was very happy; and this day also was a beautiful one for me; for ‘Love is above all.’ I will soon be with mother, and will have an insight into a higher order of things.” I have no shadow of hope. I never thought my old eyes had so many tears! It has lasted near eight days.[11]

19.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

BERLIN, _May 15th, 1835, Tuesday_.

My time is, unfortunately, so much occupied by the many princely strangers, and I am so affected by the cold, though not at all bracing weather, that I can scarcely find leisure to thank you, dear friend, for the “Bollmann”[12] and the biographical sketch of him, in which I recognised at once _your_ pen, and also the “retouchings,” when the “Staats Zeitung” fell into my hands. One should not undertake to speak of distinguished men in such papers; it is a difficult task, even for a man of your genius, to keep the proper course between the family, the censor, and the cold, indifferent public.

The name of “Mundt” has recalled to me some remarkable pages of his “Madonna,” on the tendency of the Germans to sentimental lucubrations. There is much truth in these observations, and I thought to read my own sentence in them. So much, dear friend, on this world, to us, now unhappily deserted.

Always gratefully,
A. HUMBOLDT.

I feel some sorrow, nevertheless, that you refuse to see the Grand-Duchess.

20.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

BERLIN, _May 6th, 1835_.

I send back the communicated sheets, as they might interrupt the series. I was personally acquainted with almost all those whom Bollmann describes so vividly and faithfully. One perceives how he rises as he enters into more important situations. What a strange course of life, “Médecin de Sauvetage!” I have now a better impression of him, thanks to you; for, without being capable of divining the true cause, I noticed some coolness towards Bollmann in Lafayette’s family, for some years past.

A. HT.

21.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

BERLIN, _Saturday, 23d of May, 1835_.

If the “Morgenblatt” of the 18th of May should fall into your hands, dear friend, please glance at a rather offensive article therein, entitled “Wilhelm von Humboldt’s Funeral.” My brother is said to have died abandoned by his family. I take but little notice of such misrepresentations. I should wish to know, however, is “that other thing” which my brother was “ignorant of, besides music, and which one dare not name”—is it God, or some lewdness? I do not know what it possibly can be! Please, dearest one, to find out how this assertion is explained by the public. The cause of my brother’s retiring from public life is also so world-known, that it is singular to intimate that one did not know whether it was by his own fault. I call with pleasure on your acuteness and affection. Supply my deficiency in the first.

Most thankfully yours,
A. HUMBOLDT.

22.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

BERLIN, _March 28th, 1836_.

A mind like yours, my generous friend, understands, in its mildness and fortitude, how to discover some justification for everything. I do not fear, therefore, to appear this morning again before you as a petitioner, after a winter distracted by the dashing court-waves and festivities. You are the only one in this harmony-barren, genius-deserted city who possesses a harmony of style and a sense of moderation in the utterance of painful sentiments. May I beg you to cast a critical glance over the inclosed sheets?[13] The variations played on the praise-chanting lyre for forty individuals were a tedious, style-spoiling necessity. It was arranged who should be invited to the great table. As for me, I think I came out not quite awkwardly, by some individual characteristics, and by a sort of graduation in my praise. Allow me to call to-day, about eleven o’clock, to receive the sheets, which are much wanted by the printer, together with your verbal remarks at the same time. I can alter, if necessary, _sous votre dictée_, at your home. It would be humane in you to receive me in bed.

Respectfully yours,
A. HUMBOLDT.

Monday.

At eleven o’clock I shall be with you.

Varnhagen made, on the 11th of May, 1836, the following entry in his diary:

“Very early this morning, Alexander von Humboldt came to see me, and remained an hour and a half. The principal subject of our conversation was the French princes, who arrived here to-day. The embarrassment of the King is very great; he would like to show the greatest attention to the strangers, while at the same time he desires his attentions should have the appearance of insults at St. Petersburg. State Secretary Ancillon had not courage enough to advise the Crown-Prince for their coming here as a certainty. He trusted to chance to acquaint him with it. Our princes got into a violent passion, and complained bitterly of the unwelcome visit. The Princesses Augusta and Maria, who showed themselves pleased with it, had hard words to hear. It was said that there would be a demonstration in the theatre: some would applaud, and a greater number would hiss, it was hoped. At Treves, something of that sort had already happened, on their way through that city. No doubt, however, that our Princes, notwithstanding their ill-feelings, will behave very civilly, as the King has expressed his wishes in this respect too positively. The Queen of the Netherlands, who is just now here, and who was believed to be the most violently opposed to them, leads the way with a good example, and declares that she will receive the strangers. The Ambassador, Mr. Bresson, and Mr. von Humboldt, at first disapproved of this excursion. That it is carried out notwithstanding is owing to Prince von Metternich, who desiring to secure the influence of France in the Oriental affairs, and at the same time to preserve the friendship of Russia, puts Prussia in the foreground, whose conduct in receiving the French Princes will form a precedent which must necessarily be followed at Vienna. The thing is, indeed, an event of great importance, and must tell effectively on public opinion. It is a fact, and, as such, speaks to every one. Every one will say that our Court has not the principles it pretended to have, or that it is too weak to avow them openly, and is driven, therefore, to try hypocrisy. A bad thing either way!”

23.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

BERLIN, _May 31st, 1836_.

[Concerning the article in the Allgemeine Zeitung, against Raumer,[14]
written, it was said, by Major von Radowitz.]

The correspondent had, it seems, little to fear from the mendacious declaration of this “defloured.” In the general view on the shallowness and dough-facedness, of the _great_ historian, I am of his opinion. Moreover reading Herr von Raumer’s books is like being “whipped,” and that I neither suffer nor pardon.

24.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

_Monday, April 24th, 1837_.

It is very consoling, that both brothers in this intellectually desolated city (how brilliant it was when Rahel was in her zenith) live in the memory of the only one, to whom have remained good taste, refined manners, and gracefulness of style.

All my researches concerning the separate print of the essay were in vain to-day. I have not even the single volume of the Academical Proceedings of 1822, because at that time I lived in Paris. Yet, in a few days, I will bring you this one. I will then also show you a list of all the remaining works of my brother, which I have made with great care, and which you may perhaps increase. Cotta will print all of them; also, the eight hundred sonnets, and likewise the hitherto unprinted ecclesiastical poems from Spain. I make the preparations for this edition in a spirit of sincere piety that I may not die regretting its non-completion.

How could I ever suspect, dear friend, that you would let me become a Madame Sontag, at the house of the excellent Princess (as in the saloon of the Princess Belgiojoso), and make an exhibition of myself! I will read with pleasure in a small circle of twelve or fifteen persons, certainly not otherwise, because Berlin is a small illiterate town and more than malicious, in which people would find it ludicrous, if I, in addition to two alas! already so _public_ theatres were to offer a third entertainment. But happily, I certainly am no Madame Sontag in Berlin, and the lecture can therefore well remain a secret de comédie. You are certainly sufficiently humane to understand all this, and not to blame me.

With all reverence, yours,
A. V. H.

25.
HUMBOLDT TO THE PRINCESS VON PUECKLER.

I arrived this very night from Potsdam, and I accept with pleasure the amiable offer of Madame la Princesse for to-morrow, Wednesday night, at eight o’clock precisely, for the spectacle lasts one hour. I feel some fear in fixing it for Thursday, considering the planetarian perturbations. Any persons selected by you will be agreeable to me. I would only beg Madame la Princesse not to invite Rauch, Gans, and Mr. and Mrs. Ruhle, because they have already been bored by this affair. Mr. de Varnhagen may add whomever he pleases. This tact in selecting only those who will have some indulgence in listening to me is unsurpassed.

Thousand respectful and affectionate devotions.

A. HUMBOLDT.

THURSDAY, _2d May, 1837_.

26.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

I came, dear friend, for two purposes: 1, to bring you the opinions of Minister Kamptz (_casus in terminis_, only twenty-five copies printed), which you, perhaps, had not seen before, and which has elicited a vehement reply from Herr von Oertzen, the Minister of Mecklenburg-Strelitz, burned in the Lord. Read (p. 30 and 32), how one can whitewash a person. I would beg of you not to laugh at me, when you are invited to-morrow to a lecture at the Princess’s. I can assure you there is less vanity, from which, by the bye, I am not at all free, than weakness of character and good-nature in it. Thus, I believed that I owed this satisfaction to the Princess; the daughter also pressed me, and she showed me a harmless list of ten persons. If you will propose or bring with you one or more persons, it will be agreeable to me; only bring no one who has heard me already. Your friends are mine; from yours I may expect indulgence. I insist upon it, that a man is not without merit, who after spending his life with cyphers and stones, has put himself to the trouble of learning to write German.

Yours,
A. HT.

I hope also to procure for you the vehement “opus” of the Strelitz Minister, which is by far more spirited than might be expected.

Varnhagen remarks in his Diary, under May 3d: In the evening, at the Princess of Pueckler’s, the long-promised lecture by Herr von Humboldt. The lecture was very fine, and made an excellent impression. I had a conversation with General von Ruble on Humboldt’s genius. He totally agreed with me, saying, “When he shall have died, then only shall we understand well what we have possessed in him.”

Herr von Humboldt was with me yesterday, and brought me the little note of Minister Kamptz, of which twenty-five copies only were printed, “Casus in terminus,” in which he puts the best face on the French change of rulers, and in which he justifies the Mecklenburg marriage. So much in contrast with his old principles, that I could exclaim: “If he could only cut himself in two, he certainly would put one half in prison.” There is still no opposition wanting against the marriage. Duke Charles of Mecklenburg-Strelitz has formally intrigued against it, and tried to form in the Mecklenburg and Prussian dynasty an alliance, a covenant and obligation, against all marriages with the house of Orleans. There was even talk of a formal protest. All this is the most vehement opposition to the expressed views of the King. Duke Charles is now really sick from annoyance and trouble, not only in this but also in other things.

27.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

BERLIN, _May 10th, 1837_.

At last, my dear friend, I can send you the volume of the Academical Proceedings, which contains the important treatise on history. I shall soon exchange this borrowed volume for another, which you may keep. It seems that there never were separate copies made of this essay. You disappeared so quickly after the last performance, that I fear very much your appearance on that fated day was only a sacrifice to me. I move eternally like a pendulum between Potsdam and Berlin. To-morrow again to Potsdam, where we expect, on the 16th, the amiable Princess,[15] who has set at variance the whole hellenic camp, and whom they will now be happy to find “by far not beautiful enough.”

Most gratefully yours,
M. HUMBOLDT.

WEDNESDAY.

I knew long ago that General Bugeaud did not speak French. I now see that his real language is Mongol. What a Timurid proclamation of the “armée civilisatrice.”

The essay of thy brother is one of his most perfect works as to style. “God governs the world (p. 317); the task of history is to trace these eternal mysterious destinies.” This is the essence of his production. I have sometimes discussed with my brother, not to say quarrelled about that. This result certainly is analogous to the oldest ideas of mankind, expressed in every language. My brother’s treatise is a commentary developing, explaining, praising, this dim perception. In the same manner the physiologist creates so-called vital powers, in order to explain organic phenomena, because his knowledge of physical powers, which act in what they call lifeless nature, does not suffice to explain the play of living organisms. Are vital powers demonstrated by this? I know that you will be angry with me, because you divine that the fundamental idea of this wonderful treatise is not entirely satisfactory to me.

28.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

WEDNESDAY, _May 17th, 1837_.

You have prepared for me, my highly esteemed friend, a delightful pleasure. I hope that these remarks upon the composition of history will hereafter form a part of your miscellaneous writings! The mind certainly becomes dizzy in contemplating the abundance of material which springs copiously from every fresh source. You point out how this material may be moulded by a man of genius. In the approaching millennium everything will be simplified—the individual life of nations is preserved, in spite of warlike expeditions over continents. Since the great epoch of Columbus and Gama, who made one part, one side of this planet known to the other, that fluctuating element, the ocean, has established the omnipresence of one kind of civilization (that of Western Europe). Its influence breaks through the rigid barriers of continents, and establishes new customs, new faith, new wants of life even in the most unorganised parts of the earth. The South Sea Islands are already Protestant parishes;—a floating battery, a single vessel of war, changes the fate of Chili....

Princess Helene, by her charming grace and intellectual superiority, also yesterday made many conquests over the raw and obstinate material which had opposed her. It was ludicrous to see how some persons tried to appear serious, dignified, and—silly. That she leaves in good spirits for her new country, I am much rejoiced. Would that she passed the Rhine with less retinue! Her mother is good and refined, but of retired habits; but some other members of her suite had better remain on this side of the river. Fortunately, people in the great French world are entirely free from the paltry gossip and fault-finding that rule in Berlin and Potsdam, where they subsist for months, in thoughtlessness, upon the self-created phantasy of a weak imagination.

I made Privy Councillor Mueller, who knows how to estimate you and your genius, participate in my joy. But he also, as a jurist, strayed away to the first sheet, No. 63 (Criticisms on the Provincial Law, by Goetze). Will you not, dear friend, send me, for Mueller, the commencement of that criticism?

Most gratefully yours,
A. V. HUMBOLDT.

29.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

MONDAY, _May 30th, 1837_.

You can, my revered friend, dispose entirely of the volume of the Academy until I shall procure you a copy for yourself. I am particularly pleased with the communication to the ingenious Gans. The historical studies of Hegel will interest me particularly, because, until now I nourished a wild prejudice against the idea that each nation individually is bound to represent an idea. In order that the prediction of the philosopher may be fulfilled I shall nevertheless read it attentively, and gladly abandon my prejudice.

Yours,
A. V. HUMBOLDT.

30.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

SATURDAY, _July 1st, 1837_.

To-morrow to Tegel,[16] and on Monday I depart for the eternal spring,[17] at which the sight of the Prince of Warsaw will not lessen my sadness; I cannot, therefore, thank you personally. Sophie Charlotte[18] and Hegel’s Philosophy of History will accompany me, and both will delight me greatly. My soul rather turns to you. I shall certainly find a torrent of ideas in that Hegel, whom his editor, Gans, in so masterly a manner has not deprived of his great individuality; but a man who is as I am, like an insect, inseparable from the earth and its natural variations, feels himself uneasy and constrained at an abstract assertion of totally unfounded facts and views on America and the Indian world. At the same time I appreciate what is grand in the conception of Hegel.

With you all is profound and subdued, and you possess what is wanting in the other, unceasing grace and freshness of language.

A. HUMBOLDT.

I have badly arranged my life; I do every thing for becoming prematurely stupid. I would gladly abandon “the European beef,” which Hegel’s phantasy presents as so much better than the American, and I could almost wish to live near the weak inanimate crocodiles (which, alas! measure 25 feet). Pp. 442–444, are certainly made more palatable to me by our noble friend.

31.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

BERLIN, _October 4th, 1837_.

You delight sometimes in arresting fleeting events, and in preserving what the winds usually carry away. I therefore send you, dear friend, the little speech, which the papers have published in such a mutilated form. The sense of it will please you, although its neglected style might be better. _Political_ Hanover I found, as you supposed; and private conversations with King Ernest, which at the same time express wrath and fear, confirm the view. Leist of Stade with his report, which lasted five hours, has lately done harm by his flattery.

Yours,
A. HT.

Stieglitz, Wilhelm’s oldest friend, and who once saved his life in the Leine river (my brother cried out to him, with unexampled stoicism; “I die, but it does not matter,”) was to me a serious apparition of a ghost. The effect of his spirit upon me is uncomfortable.

32.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

SUNDAY, _October 22d, 1837_.
_Six o’clock_, A. M.

I find after a week’s residence in Potsdam, which has very much discouraged me, your amiable souvenir. Receive, revered friend, this very evening, my warmest thanks; you have praised me for my most cherished aim, which is, that I may not become a fossil, as long as I move, and cling to the belief, “that nature has put her curse upon stagnancy and inertia.” Youth is the symbol of progress, and those, who rule now (the Berlin world’s elephants) sont des momies en service extraordinaire.

Good night,
A. HUMBOLDT.

33.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

BERLIN, TUESDAY, _November 7th, 1837_.

The commencement of my letter is weak, the end of it more reasonable. But you should not lose the dramatic effect of the whole.

What you ask, my dear friend, is very perilous, for the question is not about my feelings, but about a family who anxiously _interpret_. The more striking and spirited your delineation is, particularly p. 10–15, (“He started from ideas.”... “That which many deny to him entirely.”)... it impresses me uncomfortably, the more because it is in so short an essay, and because it would appear less harsh in the description of a whole life which was, in a literary and political point of view, not unimportant. But this more complete description is impossible now; therefore, my wish is incessantly to secure his renown by the publication of his literary works. To leave out anything, or to alter anything in this fine essay of yours, would rob it both of its charm and vigor. You have written the whole in the noblest mood; but there are points (Reineke Fuchs, the relation to Frau von Humboldt), which it is not pleasant to allude to just now. Since you only demand of me to enumerate individual impressions, I will give you these. Often they are merely doubts. P. 5: “Foreign to abstract thinking.” The term “Conservative philosophy” points, I believe, to Kant, to whom he adhered most. He just believed that metaphysics, ante-Hegelian, had been the chief study of his youth. I only wished a more decided expression. P. 6: “In the proper sense not productive.” Philosophy of language according to entirely new views, genius of antiquity, treating of history, deep understanding of poetry—in all these branches he produced nothing that was not of importance. P. 8: “Style all ice;” make it somewhat milder. You do it yourself (p. 30), where the word “warms.” P. 13: “Thus the call is soon decided, and the name is Mephistopheles or Reineke.” One would wish the two significant names left out, since all is said before in the happiest, liveliest style. “Mephistopheles” reminds one of Duke Charles.

P. 14. The question about tender feeling, and the saying of Talleyrand, which I did not know before, and which can have a sense only by secondary relations of political irresolution, are not agreeable. “C’était un des hommes d’état dont l’Europe, de mon temps n’en a pas compté trois ou quatre,” was an expression heard from Talleyrand.

P. 15. “What many denied to him entirely,” very ingenious and fine. Old Princess Louise said of you: “You are most to fear when defending.”

P. 18. My brother often narrated that Stieglitz saved him; but those words, which would have sounded vain-glorious coming from his lips, I only just now learned from Stieglitz. They are very characteristic and true. Therefore, I wished only an explaining word, to prevent misunderstanding.

P. 23. That he admired Rahel infinitely, is very, very true!

P. 28. “Constitutional principles.” If you ever make use of these sheets, my dear, please add, at any rate: “Although he afterwards, in other essays, pressed in the most distinct manner the necessity of a general representative constitution.” This limitation is necessary. I myself had in my hands his plan for a constitution, and for the mode of election, and he died with these ideas.

P. 31. In place of “avarice,” say too great economy.

I read once more, with more peace of mind. I consider this your best effort.

Pp. 6, 7, 10–12! 13–20, 24–27, 30!! all—almost all; and you have treated with infinite consideration those things which you yourself, here and there, hardly approved of.

“Il n’y a rien de maudit,” said the great painter, Gérard, “que de consulter la famille sur la ressemblance du défunt. Il y a de quoi se prendre, telle est leur exigeance! Ils auraient fait bon marché du parent vivant.” Thus you will speak of me. I now ask myself, at the close, whether I am not depriving the brother whom I loved so tenderly and so _watchfully_, of a great renown, by asking you in the beginning not to print your article?

Certainly _I would deprive him of renown_, for who will ever write of him so very truly and eloquently. Therefore, what I wish to sacrifice, what I dare to beg, is so trifling, so easy to change with, your versatility of style! It refers to the few lines, which I underlined, pp. 13 and 14, Rahel’s opinion, pp. 14 and 15, not included; for she always is mild and just and charming.

Take my warmest, most heartfelt thanks, my revered friend! Do not answer me. I shall call on you to-morrow morning, about twelve o’clock.

Yours,
A. HUMBOLDT.

34.

BERLIN, _June 9th, 1838_.

I am very happy, revered friend, that I can offer to you as a present the only volumes of the great Russian poet hitherto published. Shall I come to you to-morrow, Sunday, at one o’clock, that my eyes may see the beautiful eyes which have enticed you (for our literary benefit) into the Slavonian lingual labyrinth?